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Formerly Principal and Professor of Sanskrit, Morris College, 
Nagpur, and Vidarbha Mahavidyalaya, Amaravati ; formerly 
Head of the Department of Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit in the 
University of Nagpur 





195 5 


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T he work of editing Volume IV of the Corpus Inscriptionum Tndicarum entitled 
Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era was offered to me by the Director General 
of Archaeology in India in his letter of the yth March 1935. As I was already in- 
terested in the study of these records for a long time and had also edited some of them, I 
gladly accepted the offer, though not without some diffidence; for my official duties as 
Professor of Sanskrit at the Morris College, Nagpur, left me little leisure, and I knew 
full well ‘how easy it is to glean a few straws, and how laborious to mow a whole field.’ 
After spending most of my spare time during nine years on this work, I made over the 
typescript of it to the Director General of Archaeology on the 6th March 1944. Its 
printing could not, however, be taken up immediately on account of war conditions then 
prevailing. The delay was not without an advantage ; for it enabled me to include in 
the present Volume some important records which were discovered subsequently, and to 
shed some more light on the epoch of the Kalachuri era. At last, the work of printing 
commenced in June 1949. It was again delayed for some time for want of matrices 
with the necessary diacritical marks, but was ultimately completed in December 1954. 

The present Volume has been planned to contain all inscriptions of the Kalachuri- 
Chedi era, by whatever dynasty they may have been issued. It therefore includes, inter 
alia, records of the Abhiras and their feudatories, the Traikutakas, the Early Gurjaras, 
the Sendrakas and the Early Chalukyas of Gujarat, the Haris chand^yas as well as the 
Kalachuris of Mahishmati, Tripuri and Ratanpur, and their feudatorie's. For completing 
the sources of the history of the Kalachuris it was found desirable to include a few more 
records of the rulers of Tripuri, Sarayupara, Ratanpur and Raipur, though they arc dated in 
other eras. The inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Kalyana have, however, been excluded 
as none of them are dated in the Kalachuri era. The records have been arranged dynasty- 
wise in the chronological order, and named uniformly after the reigning kings. Some 
more inscriptions, because of their being spurious, or for not mentioning the name of any 
particular king, or due to some other reasons, have been grouped under the heading 
Miscellaneous Inscriptions and, for convenience of reference, have been inserted in three 
places where they were chronologically and territorially connected. As the Volume was 
going through the press, some more records, either dated in the Kalachuri era or allied to 
those already included, came to light. They have been inserted at the end under the 
heading Additional Inscriptions. All these inscriptions have been edited frmn their 
originals or mechanical ink impressions. In the case of a few other inscriptions, however, 
the original stones or copper-plates have since been lost and their facsimiles have not l:)ecn 
published. Their texts, where possible, have therefore been given from previous editions 
or notices, with translations added, in an Appendix under the heading Supplementary 
Inscriptions. As this matter was being composed, one of these records which had l^een 
very briefly noticed before and had long been given up for lost, vi^., the Gopalpur stone 
insetiption of Vijavasirhha, was rediscovered at Jabalpur. I was consequently able to 
include its text from an excellent inked estampage kindly supplied by Dr. (.hhabra, though 
it was too late to have its plate prepared for the present Volume. 



The Introduction discusses first the important question of the epoch of the Kalachuri- 
Chedi era which has been at issue among scholars for nearly a hundred years. When Dr. 
Kielhorn attempted to fix it in 1888, he had only fourteen dated records with the necessary 
details available to him, on which he based his conclusion. Since then twenty-six more 
dated inscriptions containing details necessary for computation have come to light, which 
have enabled me to fix the epoch of the era more accurately. The Introduction next gives 
the political history of the dynasties that used the era, and an account of the administration 
as well as the religious, social and economic conditions of the times as gleaned from the 
inscriptions. The next two sections deal with the literature of the age and the coins of the 
Traikutakas and the Kalachuris. 

In my editions of inscriptions I usually give their texts in theNagari characters. The 
same method is followed here. As the book is printed in monotype, some of the conjunct 
letters could not be displayed exactly as in the original records. As regards diacritical 
marks, I have used them in all ancient names, whether of persons or of places, and also 
in some modern place-names which were not sulBciently well-known. They were not 
considered necessary in the case of such well-known modern place-names as Nasik, Banaras 
or Allahabad. 

The Volume became too bulky to be issued in one part. It has therefore been divi- 
ded into two parts ; the first part containing the Introduction, early inscriptions of the 
Kalachuri era and inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Tripuri, and the second, the remaining 
records of the era, additional and supplementary inscriptions and the Index to both the 

For some years past I have been suffering from a recurring eye-disease which makes 
reading difficult and painful. At one time it was even apprehended that I might lose my 
eye-sight altogether. Though this has, fortunately, not come to pass, my sight is still far 
from normal. The first 374 pages of the Texts and Translations, which were rushed 
through the press during 1950-5 i,when the disease was very troublesome, contain a 
considerable number of typographical and other errors, for which I crave the indulgence 
of the reader. The Additions and Corrections are inserted at the beginning of both the 
parts, which the reader is requested to notice. 

I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to the distinguished scholars who previously 
edited many of the records included here, though I have had occasion to differ from them 
in some places. For the verification of dates I have used throughout S. K. Pillai’s indispen- 
sable Indian Ephemeris. With the help of the tables given in that work I have myself calcu- 
lated some early dates, the equivalents of which in the Christian era have not been given 
therein. To the late Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, Director General of Archeology, 
who first turned my attention to the edhing of epi graphic records, encouraged and 
helped me in various ways, I owe a deep debt of gratitude which I cannot adequately 
express in words. I am obliged to Mr. Amalanand Ghosh, the present Director General 
of Archeology, for kind consideration and help. My thanks are also due to Dr. N. P. 
Chakra varti and Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, who, as Government Epigraphists, supplied excel- 
lent ink impressions of several records and got illustrative plates prepared for the Volume. 
Dr. Chhabra, Dr. G. S. Gai, Prof. M. N. Mitra, and Prof. N. R. Navalekar went 
through parts of my typescript and made some useful suggestions, for which I feel very 
grateful. I must also thank Mr. G. S. Ramanathan of the Office of the Government 
Epigraphist for India for the help he rendered me in the correction of proofs when my eye- 
sight became very defective. I am obliged to Dr. S. S. Patwardhan, Curator of the 



Central Museum, Nagpur, who supplied casts of the gold coins of the Kalachuris from the 
cabinet of the Museum, and to Pandit L. P. Pandeya, who placed at my disposal the copper 
coins of the Kalachuris from the cabinet of the Mahakoshal Historical Society. Mr. N. H. 
Kulkarni, Artist of the Social Welfare Department, Madhya Pradesh, kindly drew the three 
maps showing places mentioned in the inscriptions, for which my thanks are due to him. I 
am also obliged to Mr. L. R. Kulkarni, Mr. V. P. Rode, Mr. J. K. Abhyankar and several 
other friends for the help they rendered me in various ways. Finally, I thank the Director, 
Eastern Circle, Survey of India, for the excellent plates which illustrate the records, and 
the Manager, Allahabad Law Journal Co., Ltd., for the consideration he showed to me 
while the work was going through the press. 

Nagpur : 

T/)e zznd December, 1954. V. V. MIRASHI. 



List of Plates 


Additions and Corrections 


The Kalachuri-Chedi Era 
Political History 
The Abhiras 

Feudatories of the Abhiras . . 

The Traikutakas 

The Early Kalachuris of Mahishmati 
The Early Gurjaras . . 

The Sendrakas of Gujarat . . 

The Early Chalukyas of Gujarat . . 

The Dynasty of Harischandra 
The Kalachuris of Tripuri . . 

The Kalachuris of Sarayupara 

South Kosala 



The Kalachuris of 
'-Administration . . 

^Economic Condition 
Literature . . 


The Coins of the 
The Coins of the 
^genealogical Tables 











cl XXX 







Inscription of the Abhiras 

Nasik Cave Inscription of Isvarasena: (Kalachuri) Year 9 




Inscriptions of the Maharajas of Valkha 

Indore Plate of Svamidasa ; (Kalachuri ) Year 67 




Indore Plate of Bhulunda : (Kalachuri) Year 107 




Sirpur Plate of Rudradasa: (Kalachuri) Year 117 




Inscriptions of the Kings of Mahishmati 

Kanakhera Stone Inscription of Sridharavarman ; (Kalachuri) 



Year 102 

Barwani Plate of Subandhu : (Kalachuri) Year 167 


T 7 








Bagh Cave Plate of Subandhu 

Inscriptions of the Traikutakas 




Pardi Plates of Dahrasena: (Kalachuri) Year 207 




Surat Plates of Vyaghrasena: (Kalachuri) Year 241 



V A 

Kanheri Plate of the Traikutakas : (Kalachuri) Year 245 

Inscription of Sahgamasiriiha 


1 1 


Sunao Kala Plates of Sahgamasirhha : (Kalachuri) Year 292 . . 

Inscriptions of the Early Kalachuris 




Abhona Plates of Sahkaragana : (Kalachuri) Year 347 




Sahkheda Plate of Sahkaragana 




V^Vadner Plates of Buddharaja : (Kalachuri) Year 360 




Sarsavni Plates of Buddharaja : (Kalachuri) Year 361 

Inscriptions of the Early Gurjaras 




Kaira Plates of Dadda II (Prasantaraga) : (Kalachuri) Year 




Kaira Plates of Dadda II (Prasantaraga) : (Kalachuri) Year 





Sahkheda Plate of Ranagraha : (Kalachuri) Year 391 




Sahkheda Plates (First Set) of Dadda II (Prasantaraga) : (Kala- 
churi) Year 392 




Sahkheda Plates (Second Set) of Dadda II (Prasantaraga): 
(Kalachuri) Year 392 




Navsari Plates of Jayabhata III : (Kalachuri) Year 456 




Anjaneri Plates of Jayabhata III : (Kalachuri) Year 460 




Kavi Plate of Jayabhata IV : (Kalachuri) Year 486 




Prince of Wales hluseum Plates of Jayabhata IV : (Kala- 
churi ) Year 486 

Inscriptions of the Sendrakas 




Kasare Plates of Allas akti : (Kalachuri) Year 404 




Bagumra Plates of Allasakti : (Kalachuri) Y ear 406 . . 

Inscriptions of the Early Chalukyas of Gujarat 




Navsari Plates of Yuvaraja Sryasraya-Siladitya: (Kalachuri) 
Year 421 




Nasik Plates of Dharasraya-Jayasirhha : (Kalachuri ) Year 





Surat Plates of Yuvaraja Sryasraya-Siladitya: (Kalachuri) 
Year 443 




Navsari Plates of Pulakesitaja : (Kalachuri) Year 490 

Inscriptions of the Dynasty of Harischandra 



XXIV & XXV Anjaneri Plates (First Set) of Bhogasakti : (Kalachuri) 
Year 461 




Anjaneri Plates (Second Set ) of Bhogasakti 






Miscellaneous Inscriptions 




Spurious Maiikani Plates of Taralasvamin : (Kalachuri) Year 





Spurious Kaira Plates of Vijayaraja : (Kaldchuri ?) Year 594 

Inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Tripuri 




v/ Saugar Stone Inscription of Saiikaragana I 




Chhotl Deori Stone Pillar Inscription of Sankaragana I 




Karltalai Stone Inscription of Lakshmanaraja I ; (Kalachuri) 
Year 593 




Bandh 5 garh Rock Inscription (No. I) of Yuvarajadcva I 




Bandhogarh Rock Inscription (No. II) of Yuvarajadcva I 




Bandh 5 garh Rock Inscription (No. Ill) of Yuvarajadcva I . . 



(No Plate) 

Gopalpur Rock Inscription of Yuvarajadcva I 




Karitalai Stone Inscription of Lakshmanaraja II 




Bargaon Stone Inscription of Sahara 




Chandrehe Stone Inscription of Prabodhasiva: (Kalachuri) 
Year 724 




\/ Bilhari Stone Inscription of Yuvarajadcva II 




Gurgi Stone Inscription of Kokalladeva II 




Makundpur Stone Inscription of Gahgeyadeva : (Kalachuri) 
Year 772 




Banaras Plates of Karna : (Kalachuri) Year 793 




Paikore Stone Pillar Inscription of Karna 




Goharwa Plates of Karna 




Rewa Stone Inscription of Kama: (Kalachuri) Year 8co 




Sarnath Stone' Inscription of Karna : (Kalachuri) Year 810 




Rewa Storie Inscription of Karna : (Kalachuri) Year 812 . . 




British Museum Plate of Karna 




Simra Stone Inscription of Karna 





Khairha Plates of Yasahkarna : (Kalachuri) Year 823 




Jabalpur Plate of Yasahkarna 




Tewar Stone Inscription of Gayakarna: Chedi Year 902 




Bahuribandh Statue Inscription of Gayakarna 




Bhera-Ghat Stone Inscription ofNarasirhha : (Kalachuri) Year 





Lal-Pahad Rock Inscription of Narasirhha : (Kalachuri) Year 
909 .. V . 




Alha-Ghat Stone Inscription of Narasirhha : (Vikrama) 
Year 1216 




Jabalpur Plates of Jayasithha : (Kalachuri) Year 918 




Jabalpur Stone Inscription of Jayasiriiha : (Kalachuri) Year 

7 T 




Rewa Plate of Jayasirhha : (Kalachuri) Year 926 

* JO 



Tewar Stone Inscription of Jayasiihha : (Kalachuri) Year 




Rewa Stone Inscription of Vijayasiriiha ; (Kalachuri) Year 










Rewa Plate of Vijayasimha : (Vikrama) Year 1253 




Bhera-Ghat Gauri-Saiikara Temple Inscription of Vijaya- 




(No Plate! 

Rewa Stone Inscription of Vijayasirhha : (Kalachuri) Year 

96 .V 


Miscellaneous Inscriptions 



Besani Stone Inscription : (Kalachuri) Year 958 




Dhureti Plates of Trailokyamalla : (Kalachuri) Year 963 



[Par^ II of this Volume contains the Texts and Translations of the Inscriptions of the 
Kalachuris of Sarajupdra^ Katanpur and Kaipur, Additional and Supplementary Inscriptions^ 
and Index to both the Parts.] 


Map showing places mentioned in Early Inscriptions of the 

Kalachuri Era Eacing page xxxii 

Map showing places mentioned in Later Inscriptions of the 

Kalachuri Era „ „ Ixviii 

Map showing places mentioned in Inscriptions of the 

Kalachuri Era from Chhattisgarh . . . . . . ,, ,, cxvi 


A Coins of the Traiku takas and the Kalachuris . . „ „ clxxx 

I Nasik Cave Inscription of Isvarasena : (Kalachuri) 

Year 9 „ „ 4 

II A — Indore Plate of Svamidasa : (Kalachuri) Year 67 

B— Indore Plate of Bhulunda: (Kalachuri) Year 107 
C — 'Sirpur Plate of Rudradasa : (Kalachuri) Year 

117 .. .. .. .. .. .. Between pages 8&9 

III A — -Kanakhera Stone Inscription of Sridhara- 

varman : (Kalachuri) Year 102 
B— Barwani Plate of Subandhu : (Kalachuri) Year 

C — Bagh Cave Plate of Subandhu .. .. „ „ 16 & 17 

IV A— Pardi Plates of Dahrasena : (Kalachuri) Year 207 
B — Surat Plates of Vyaghrasena : (Kalachuri) Year 

241 „ „ 24 & 25 

V A — Kanheri Plate of the Traikutakas : (Kalachuri) 

Year 245 

B — -Sunao Kala Plates of Sahgamasirhha : (Kala- 
churi) Year 292 .. .. .. .. ,, „ 32 & 33 

VI Abhona Plates of Sahkaragana : (Kalachuri) Year 

347 » „ 42 & 43 

VII Saiikheda Plate of Sahkaragana . . . . . . Facing page 46 

VIII Vadner Plates of Buddharaja ; (Kalachuri) Year 360 Between pages 50&51 
IX Sarsavni Plates of Buddharaja : (Kalachuri) Year 361 ,, „ 54&55 

X Kaira Plates (with Seal) of Dadda II (Prasantaraga) : 

(Kalachuri) Year 380 . . . . . . „ „ 60 & 61 

XI Kaira Plates (with Seal) of Dadda II (Prasantaraga) : 

(Kalachuri) Year 385 . . . . . . „ ,, 68 & 69 

XII Saiikheda Plate of Ranagraha : (Kalachuri) Year 391 Facing page 74 

XIII A— Sahkheda Plates (First set) of Dadda II (Pra- 

santaraga) : (Kalachuri) Year 392 
B — Sahkheda Plates (Second Set) of Dadda II 

(Prasantaraga): (Kalachuri) Year 392 .. Between pages 78 & 79 

XIV Navsari Plates of Jayabhata III : (Kalachuri) Year 456 „ „ 86 & 87 

XV Anjaneri Plates (with Seal) of Jayabhata III : 

(Kalachuri) Year 460 

92 & 93 




XVI Kavi Plate of Jayabhata IV : (Kalachuri) Year 486. . Facing page 100 
XVII Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Jayabhata IV : 

(Kalachuri) Year 486 . . . . . , Between pages 106 & 


XVIII Kasare Plates (with Seal) of Allasakti ; (Kalachuri) 

Year 404 .. .. .. .. .. „ „ii4&ii5 

XIX Bagumra Plates of Allasakti : (Kalachuri) Year 406 „ „ 120 & 1 21 

XX Navsari Plates (with Seal) of Yuvaraja Sryasraya- 

Siladitya : (Kalachuri) Year 421 . . . . Facing page 126 

XXI Nasik Plates (with Seal) of Dharasraya-Jayasirhha : 

(Kalachuri) Year 436 . . . . . . „ „ 130 

XXII Surat Plate of Yuvaraja S'ryasraya-Siladitya : (Kala- 
churi) Year 443 „ „ 134 

XXIII Navsari Plates (with Seal) of Pulakesiraja : (Kala- 

churi) Year 490 . . . . . . . . Between pages 140 & 


XXIV Anjandri Plates (First Set) (with Seal) of Bhogasakti : 

(Kalachuri) Year 461 .. .. .. „ „ 150 & 

XXV Inscription of Tejavarman .. .. .. .. Facing page 152 

XXVI Anjaneri Plates (Second Set) (with Seal) of Bh 5 ga- 

sakti : .. .. .. .. .. .. Between pages 1 5 8 & 


XXVII Spurious Mahkaiai Plates of Taralasvamin : (Kala- 
churi) Year 346 . . . . . . . . Facing page 164 

XXVIII Spurious Kaira Plates of Vijayaraja : (Kalachuri ?) 

Year 394 „ „ 170 

XXIX A — Saugor Stone Inscription of Sahkaragana I 

B^ — Chhoti Deori Stone Pillar Inscription of Sah- 
karagana I . . . . . . , . . . Between pages 1 76 & 

/ ... "77 

/ XXX A— Karltalai Stone Inscription of Lakshmanaraja I : 

(Kalachitri) Year 593 

B — Bandhbgarh Rock [Inscription (No. I) of 

Yuvarajadeva I „ „ 182 & 

/ . . 

XXXI A— Bandhogarh Rock Inscription (No. II) of 

Yuvarajadeva I 

B— Bandhogarh Rock Inscription (No. Ill) of 

Yuvarajadeva I „ „ 184& 




Karltalai Stone Inscription of Lakshmanaraja II . . 
Bargaon Temple Inscription of Sahara 
Chandrehe Stone Inscription of Prabodhasiva 

XXXV Bilhari Stone Inscription of Yuvarajadeva II 
XXXVI Gurgi Stone Inscription of Kokalladeva II 


Facing page 190 

53 33 19^ 

Between pages 200 & 

Facing page 








Makundpur Stone Inscription of Gaiigeyadeva : 

(Kalachuri) Year 772 . , 

Facing page 



Banaras Plates of Karna ; (Kalachuri) Year 793 

Between pages 


& 243 


Paikore Stone Pillar Inscription of Karna 

Facing page 



Goharwa Plates of Karna 

Between pages 


& 257 


Rewa Stone Inscription of Karna : (Kalachuri) 

Year 800 

Facing page 



Sarnath Stone Inscription of Karna . . 

"it >5 



A— Rewa Stone Inscription of Karna ; (Kalachuri) 

^ Year 812 


/ — ^British Aluseum Plate of Karna 

Between pages 



Simra Stone Inscription of Karna . . 

Facing page 

& 283 


Khairha Plates (with Seal) of Yasahkarna: (Kalachuri) 

Year 893 


Seal of British Museum Plate of Karna 

Between pages 



Jabalpur Plate of Yasahkarna. . 

Facing page 

& 295 


Tewar Stone Inscription of Gayakarna : Chedi Year 


>5 35 



Bahuribandh Statue Inscription of Gayakarna 

33 35 



Bhera-Ghat Stone Inscription of Narasirhha : (Kala- 

churi) Year 907 

33 35 



Lal-Pahad Rock Inscription of Narasirhha : (Kala- 

churi) Year 909 

33 33 



Alha-Ghat Stone Inscription of Narasirhha : (Vik- 

rama) Year 1216 

33 35 



Jabalpur Plates of Jayasirhha : (Kalachuri) Year 

A Seal of Jayasirhha 

Between pages 


& 329 


Jabalpur Stone Inscription of Jayasirhha : (Kala- 

churi) Year 926 

Facing page 



Rewa Plate of Jayasirhha : (Kalachuri) Year 926 . . 

33 33 



Tewar Stone Inscription of Jayasirhha : (Kalachuri) 

Year 928 

35 35 



Rewa Stone Inscription of Vijayasimha : (Kala- 

churi) Year 944 

33 33 



Rewa Plate of Vi jayasirhha : (Vikrama) Year 1233 

35 53 



Bhera-Ghat Gaurr-Sahkara Temple Inscription 

^ LIX 

of Vijayasirhha 

33 33 


Besani Stone Inscription: (Kalachuri) Year 938 .. 

53 33 



Dhureti Plates (with Seal) of Traildkyamalla ; 

(Kalachuri) Year 963 

Between pages 


& 375 


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A/P. — ^Alarkandeya Purana. 

Af. A. — Marshall, Foucher and Alajumdar, Alonuments of Sahclii. 

A/. lU.— Alonier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary. 

N. H. I. P. — A New History of the Indian People. 

N. I. A. — New Indian Antiquary. 

NSCH. — -Navasahasaiikacharita (Bombay Sanskrit Series). 
iVUM.— SomadWa, Nitivakyamrita ed. by Nathuram Premi. 

O. Y. C. — Watters, On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India. 

PCH . — -Merutunga, Prabandhachintamani, ed. by Jinavijaya Aluni. 

PCHU. — -Krishnamisra, Prabodhachandrodaya (Nirnayasagar Press edition). 

P. H. A. I. — -Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India. 

P. /. H. C. — Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 

P. R. A. A. lU. /. — Progress Report of the Archasological Survey, Western India. 



P. T. A. I. 0. C . — Proceedings and Transactions of the All-India Oriental Conference. 

P. V. 0. C . — Proceedings of the Vienna Oriental Congress, Arian Sccfi(->n. 

B. I. S. Af.— Quarterly of the Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka Afand.ila. 

RCH.— SandhyaJraranandin, Ramacharita (published by the Varendra Research 

RM . — Rasamala ed. by H. G. Rawlinson. 

SA. — -Vallabhadeva, Subhashitavali (Bombay Sanskrit Series). 

SHC. — Siddhahemachandra. 

S. I. — ^Sircar, Select Inscriptions, Vol. I. 

V. /. I . — South Indian Inscriptions. 

S. I. M. H. — Hodivala, Studies in Indo-Muslim History. 

SKAI. — Vallabhadeva, Saduktikarnamrita ed. by H. D. Sharma. 

SKAI. — -Jalhana, Suktimuktavali (Gaekwad’s Oriental Series). 

S. AL H. D.— Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Daccan (Marathi). 

SNS . — Sukranitisara edited by Jivananda Vidyasagar. 

VDCH. — Bilhana, Vikramahkadevacliarita edited by Biihler (Bombay Sanskrit Scries). 
HT.— Vayu Purana. 

FTHP.— Vishnu Puraiia. 

W. C. V .- — -Woolner Commemoration Volume. 

Y. S . — -Yajnavalkya Smriti. 



j ii, para, z, line 5 — For thesame read the same, 
iii, para. 2, line 11 — ■ For 423 read 443. 

V, para, i, last line — For ptirnimdnta read pur ni manta, 
xxvii, para, i, line i — For 709-10 A. C. r'ead 710-11 A. C. 

xxxiv, para. 3, line 5 — Mr, G. H. Khare takes Gopaka-pdJnka^ mentioned in the Tasgaon plates, over 
whom Kesava obtained a victory, in the sense of 'the king of Goa’, 
xxxvii, line 2 — Recently silver coins of Kalachuri Krishnaraja (circa 550-575 A. C.) have been found 
at Nandurbar in Khandesh. 
xli, para, i, last line — For rules read rule. 

xlvi and xlvii — For Krishnaraja wherever it occurs read Krishnaraja. 

xlvi, para. 2, line 12 — Recently a silver coin of Kalachuri Krishnaraja has been found at Bhcra-Gbat 
near Tewar in the Jabalpur District. /. Ah S. 7 ., Vol. XVI, pp. 107 ff. 
xlvii, para. 5, line 2 from the bottom — For Sahkaragana read Sahkaragana. 

Ivi, para. 2, line 4 — For 740 A. C. read the 21st October 739 A. C. 

Iviii, f. n. 2 — The Nagad and Kasare plates have since been edited by Mr. G. H. Khare in Fp, Ind,, 
Vol. XXVIII, pp. 195 ff. He takes Nikumbhallasakti to mean Allasakti of Nikumbha, and 
apparently understands Nikumbha as a family name. The Kasare plates show, however, that 
Nikumbha was another name of Bhanusakti, the founder of the family. It was used by his 
descendants as a biruda. Their family name was Sendraka. 
lix, f. n. 2 — The facsimile of the Mundakhede plates has since been noticed in a subsequent issue of 
the same Marathi journal Prabhdta (Vol. II). I have edited the plates in Ep, Ind., Vol. XXIX 
from that facsimile. 

Ixiv, line 10 — For 740 A. C. read 739 A. C. 

Ixv, para. 2, line 5 — For A.nivarfakdnivartayitri read Anivarfakanivartayitri, 

Ixxi, para. 2, line i — One more record of the reign of this Sahkaragana has recently been discovered 
at Aluria, 3J miles from Boria on the Jabaipur-Saugor road. It is fragmentary and records the 
construction of some meritorious work (kirti) by one Bhattikaradeva during the reign of the 
illustrious Sahkaragana. I have edited the record with a facsimile in B. O. R. 7 ., Vol. XXXV, 
pp. 20 ff. 

Ixxii, para. 4, line 5 — For Vallabhardia read Vallahhaj'Jja, 

Ixxxv, para, 2, lines 9 and 13 — For Kaliya read Kaliya. 

Ixxxvi, para. 4, line 5 — For SomeA^ara read Soniasvamin. 

Ixxxvi, para. 5, line i — Recently a fragmentary stone inscription of Sahkaragana III has come to notice 
at Jabalpur. It opens with a verse in praise of Chakrapani (Vishnu). Line 8 of the inscrip- 
tion states that Sahkaragana defeated with ease a Gurjara king. The latter was probably the 
Pratihara king Vijayapala whose Rajorgadh inscription is dated V. 1016 (959 A. C.). The ins- 
cription has been edited by me with a facsimile in B. 0 . R. 7 ., Vol. XXXV, pp. 23 ff. 
Ixxxvii, line 6 — Mr. AI. Venkataramayya has recently discussed the identification of Vachaspati, the 
minister of Krishna, mentioned in the Bhilsa inscription. J. O. R., Vol. XXII, pp. 56 ff. Fie 
identifies this Krishna with the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III and thinks that his minister Vachas- 
pati defeated the Chedi king Lakshmanaraja II, as the latter had set at nought the authority of 
the Rashtrakutas over Malwa and Lata in marching across those territories as far as Somanath 
Patan. He further says that these raids of Lakshmanaraja were undertaken at the instigation 
of the Gurjara-Prati haras. This view does not appear to be correct. There is no basis for the 
supposition that the Rashtrakutas and the Kalachuris, who had been matrimonially connected 
for several generations, became hostile to each other during the reign of Lakshmanaraja li. 
Far from assisting the Gurjara-Pratiharas by his raids in Gujarat and Saurashtra, Lakshmanaraja II 
is known to have fought with them. His son Sahkaragana III continued the hostilities as 
stated in the preceding note. 



Page Ixxxvii, line 8— The Alaser inscription has since been edited by Mr. M. Venkataramayya inE^. hd,, 
Vol. XXIX, pp. i8 ff. He thinks that Narasimha of the Sulki family, who fought with the 
Kaiachuris, held sway over the Bilhari region. He identifies the territory Vida-dvadasa (Vida- 
12) which he held with the village Vida donated by the Kalachuri queen Nohalfi to the g^d Siva. 
Krlshnaraja at whose command Narasirhha fought against tne Ivalachuris was, according to Air, 
Venkataramayya, the Rashtrakuta king Krishna HI. It is difRcult to accept these identifica- 
tions. Vida- 1 2 was probably a fairly large territory. It must have been situated somewhere 
outside the Kalachuri dominion, and cannot therefore be identified with the small village Vida 
near Bilhari. Again, the Alaser inscription shows that Narasimha not only fought with the 
Kaiachuris but killed a Kalachuri king; for he is said to have initiated the wives of a Kala- 
churi king into widowhood. Krishnaraja at whose command he did this is not likely to have 
been the Rashtrakuta Krishna III, who is known to have married a Kalachuri princess. 

„ xci, para, i, line 7 — For Alahipala read Alahipala. 

„ xcv, f. n. 10, line 3 — For the conqueror read to the conqueror. 

„ xcvii, para, i, line 14 — For Karna read Karna. 

„ xcvii, para. 2, line 2 — Two earlier dates of the reign of Kirtivarman are also known, ^/^., V, 1132 
(1075 A. C.) of the Darbat image inscription (hd. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXX, pp. 183 ff.) and V. 
1147 (1090 A. C.) of the Kalanjar stone inscription {H. R. S. I. for i93^"37> PP* 9^ ^•)* 

„ ci, lines 5 -6 — In the Kudlur plates of Alarasimha II the Rashtrakuta liing Krishna III is called Nara- 
pati (lord of men). So the reference to Narapati in Karna’s title may signify his victory over 
the Later Chalukya king Somesvara I — Ahavamalla. As stated before (p. xcvi), an Apabhramsa 
verse mentions Karna’s defeat of Somiesvara I’s son Vikramaditya VI. 

,3 cviii, para, i, line 2 — For Makarajakumdra read Mahaktifudra. 

„ cxiii, line 6 — For reign read reigns. 

,, cxxiii, last line — For Samantas read Savantas. 

„ cxxvi, f. n. 8 — For read 

„ civ, line 10 from the bottom — For the Alaser inscription, see Fp. Ind., Vol. XXIX, pp. 18 ff. For an 
examination of the identification of Krishnaraja mentioned in this inscription wdth the Rashtra- 
kuta Krishna III proposed by the editor, see above, add. to page Ixxxvii, line 8. 
clix, para. 2, line 2 — For bigotted read bigoted. 

„ clxi, para, i, line 3 — The complete name of the w^ork is Ashtasdhasrikaprajmparamiid. 

„ clxxi, para, i, line 19 — absoutely read absolutely. 

„ clxxiii, para, i, line 4 — Since these remarks were drafted, Dr. Raghavan of the Aladras L’niversity has 
kindly informed me that he has discovered a MS. of the IJddtfardghava. From the extracts of 
its Frastdvand and Fharatavdkja, which Dr, Raghavan has favoured me with, it appears that its 
author was identical with that of the Sanskrit play Tdpasavatsardja. Like the latter work, this 
AIS. gives his name as Alatraraja alias Anangaharsha, the son of Narendravardhana. How 
Alatraraja came to be known as Mayuraja is not known. If Rajasekhara’s statement that he 
belonged to the Kalachuri family is correct, we have tw-o more names in the Kalachuri genea- 
logy, Narendravardhana and his son Alatraraja alias Anangaharsha. 

,, clxxiii, f. n. 3 — For read 

„ clxxi V, line i —Another work of Bhimata named Manoramd-V at sardj a is cited in the Hdtyadarpana, p. 14. 
„ clxxx, line 16 from the bottom- — Some Traikutaka coins have also been found in the excavations at 
Maski in the Hyderabad State. See J. N. L. I., Vol. XVI, pp. 107 ff. 

,, clxxxii, line 2 — Coins of Krishnaraja have recently been found also at Nandurbarin Khandesh and 
Bhera-Ghat near Tewar. See J, N. S. J., Vol. XVI, pp. 107 ff. 

„ dxxxv, f. n. 2 — For a detailed examination of Air. Nath’s view about the attribution of these coins, 
see my article in J. N. S. Vol. XV, pp. 208 ff. 


„ 17, para. 4, line 7 — For Bharadvaja read Bharadvaja. 

„ 17, para. 6, lines 6 and 9 — For Dasarna read Dasapura. 

,, 18, paia. 2, line j—For Sejwanik Sejwani. 

„ 18, Text-line 2, — For read -q- ( q ) 

„ 20, Text-line i — For (i*) substitute [i*]. 

„ 20, Text-line 2 — For ?]. 


20, Text-line 12 — For (i*) substitute [i*], and for 3i'|V^^vi| read 

21, Translation, para, i, line i — For Mahushmati read MahishmatL 

21, Translation, para. 2, line 4 — After offerings insert for ( the worship of) the divine Buddha. 

21, Translation, para. 2, line 8 — For constructed read made. 

21, f. n, 2 line 2 — For Guriaras read Gurjaras. 

21, f. n. 6, line i — For udranga read ndranga, 

21, f. n. 6, line 4 — For s-odranga read s-ddranga, 

22, Title of the record — For PLATE read PLATES. 

22, para. 6, line 5 — The word Vakataka should be in the Roman type. 

24, f. n. 2 — Insert Vol. XVI after J. B. B. R. A, S. 

25, f. n. I, line 2 — For n. 12 read n. 9, 

27, f. n. 1 1— For rea^/ 

31, Page- title — For 246 read 245. 

31, f. n. 7, lines 2-3 — For ^uprahhdyah read Suprabhaydh. 

31, f. n. 10, line 2 — For diety read deity. 

32, Translation, line 6 — Enclose and in round brackets. 

34, line 2 — Delete the comma after dtltaka, and for Revadhyaka read Revadhyaka. 

35, f. n. 9 — For read 

36, f. n. 2, lines 4-5 — For Yasovarman read Yasodharman. 

36, f. n. 4, line i — For councillor read minister. 

36, f. n. 6, line i — For Ndgarika read Ndgaraka. 

37, line 2, from bottom — For 30 read 90. 

38, para. 3, line 3 — For au read 0. 

39, para, i, line 4 — Insert a cotnma after was. 

39, f. n. 2, line 2 — For rup- read riipa-, 

39, f. n. 3, line 2 — For sali-Iasvddita- read salil-dsvddita-. 

39, f. n. 3, line 7 — Insert pillar after stone. 

39, f. n. 4, line 6 — For pratibhedika read pratibhedika, 

40, para. 3, line 8 — For A. D. A. C. 

40, f. n. 3, line 4 — A. D. 247-48 247-48 A. C. 

41, f. n. 12— For -r^=4Rr>T- 

43, f. n. 9, line 5 — For varjjaipri) read -varjja\?}i\, 

43, f. n. 10, line i — For proprietory read proprietary. 

44, line 3 — For sdkhd read sdkhd* 

44, line 16 — Delete the comma after lunar. 

44, line 17 — For MahdpllupatJ read Makdpllnpati. 

45, para, i, line 8, and para. 4, line 7 — It seems better to take the name ot the \ iilage as Sriparnaka 

in stead of §rI-Parnaka, as suggested by Dr. Chhabra. ]. 0 . R., VcjI. XIX, pp. 39 f. 

46, Text-line 4 — For read 

46, Text-line ^^For read 

46, Translation, line 14 — For §ri-Parnaka read Sriparnaka. 

46, f. n. 15 , — Insert Read before 

47, line 12 from the bottom — For z read /. 

48, f. n. I, line 2 — For Pillay read Piilai. 

48, f. n. I, line 5 — For Epoch des read Epoche der. 

49, Line 2 — For {vdtdka ?) read {id. taka 1 ), 

49, Text-line 14 — Put a hyphen after 

50, Text-line 30 — For read, 

50, f. n. 6 — For read 

51, line II — Delete the note-reference i. 

51, line 21 — Insert agnihotra after vaisvadh'd. 

51, line 2 from the bottom — For well-done read well done. 

53, line S— Close the bracket after District. 

54, Text-line 6 — For — 

55, line 6 from the bottom — For Brihannarika read Brihannarika. 

55, f. n. 6 , — For 

56, line 2 — Insert agnihotra after vaisvadeva. 



59> ^ — E^?r 248-49, A. C. read 248-49 A. C.,. 

„ 59, f. n. 5 — Delete the comma after lines. 

„ 61, Text-line 25 — Foj- 5nT^(^). 

„ 62, Text-line 47 — For ;?f^ read 

„ 64, f. n. 2, — For {kald) read kald^ 

„ 65, para. 2, line 3, and f. n. 6, lines 3-4 — Dor Chatun^edins read Chaturvedins. 

66 , 

66 , 

66 , 

66 , 

66 , 


^ 7 , 

^ 7 , 



f. n. 
f. n, 
f. n. 
f. n. 

I, line 5 — Dor lovely a read lovely as. 

I, line I — For char anas read char anus. 

I, line 2 — For gorra read gotra. 

I, line 3 — Dor Kauthum read Kauthufna. 
line i — Dor Is vara read Is vara. 

f. n. 10 — Dor 
Text-line 49— 
line 12 from 

2, line I — Insert a comma after plates. 

3, line 7 — For rup-dnurupam read rup-dnurFipam. 

3, line 14 — For jihvdmFdiya read jihvamFdtya. 


-Delete the visarga after m- 
the bottom — For udranga read udratiga. 

71, f. n. I read 

72, line 19 — Insert a comma after District. 

73, para. 3, line 14 — Dor Matribhata Matribhata. 

75, line 3 — Insert {and) i after 90. 

75, line 14 — Insert a comma after District. 

76, para. 4, line i — Insert a comma after Nandipura. 

76, para. 4, line 3 — Dor Malwa read Mahva. 

77, f. n. 8 — Dor Read. read Read 

78, Translation, line 9 — Af/er Suvainarapalli insert and the junction with {the boundary of) the village 


78, Translation, line 16 — Dor Dasapura Dasapura. 

80, f. n. 10, line i — Insert a ccf?ima after which. 

80, i. n. 12 — Dor read 

81, Translation, para, i, line 6 ~Dor Saka read iak2L. 

81, Translation, para, i, line 7 — Dor Salmali read 

82, para, 2, line i — Insert a comma after copper-plates. 

82, para. 2, line Delete the comma after seal. 

82, para. 3, line ^—Insert a befo/e curve. 

82, para. 3, lines 13 — 14— Nagari NagarL 

83, para. 4, line 2 — Dor great-grand-father read great-grandfather. 

84 f, n. 2, lines 4 and 6 — Dor A. D. read A. C. 

84, f. n. 8, line 2 — Dor in 'Karwan read '‘in Karwan. 

8 s, Text-line j—Dor read — 4 ^ 1 1 ^ 6 cl— ^dd a hyphen after 

87, f. n. 2 — Dor square read rectangular. 

88, para. 3, line 4 — Dor full-moon read full m.oon. 

88, para. 3, line w—Dor the Islahattaras and read and the Alahattaras of. 

89, line 14 — Enclose now in round brackets. 

89, line 15 — Dor Chaturvedins read Chaturvedins. 
para. 2, line i — Insert a com?na after copper-plates, 
line I — Insert a comma after 460. 
para, i, line 7 — Insert the before Karjan. 

Text-line 23 — Delete the visarga after 



9 ^ 





97 , 
99 . 



Text-line 3 1— Insert a visarga after 

line 7 from the bottom — Dor defind read detined. 
line I — Dor Brahamana read Brahmana. 
para. 2, line 6 — For hishna- read krishna-. 
Text-line 7 -~Dor _ir|w(?T)- read 
f. n. 7 — Aidd a hyphen after 
Text-line 17 — Dor read oznTT(^)?4. 

100, Text-line 24 — Dor read 



: loi. Translation, para, i, line 8 — Close the bracket after night, 
loi. Translation, para. 4, line 5 — For king read kings. 

1 01, f. n. I — For tjthi read tithi, 

106, Text-line 26 — For 

107, Text-line 41 — For read 

107, Text-line 50 — For read 

no, f. n. I — For Mediaval read Media vaL 

III, para, i, line 9 — For new moon read new-moon. 

Ill, f. n. 2 — For chakshii-hhntah read chakshu-hhutah, 

III, f. n. 6, line 4 — For No. 19 read No. 29. 

Ill, f. n. 6, line ii — For n. 41 read n. 4. 

111, f. n. 7 — I have recently noticed that a facsimile of the record was published in Vol. II of the same 

monthly Vrahkata, I have' edited the record in the Fp. Ind.^ Vol. XXIX from that facsimile. 

1 1 2, para. 2, line ii — For Vikarma Vikrama, and for as with often as read as often as. 

1 1 3, Text-line 18— For read 

1 14, Text-line 21 — For read [q']Wf«Fff^(^)-. 

11 5, Page-title — For YEAR 204 read YEAR 404, 

115, f. n. 6, line i — For Sota’s read Sita^s. 

1 1 6, line 4 — Delete the bracket after worshipped and insert it after gods. 

1 1 6, para, i, line 2 — Enclose his in round brackets. 

1 1 7, para. 3, line 19 — For -dkikarik- read -dhikdrik-, 

1 1 7, para. 5, line 20 — For -karik-adin read ’karik-adm, 

119, f. n. 7— For lead 

120, Text-line 15 — For ipiff read 

120, Text-line 18 — For read 

122, line 2 — Substitute a semicolon for the comma after intellect. 

122, para, i, line 2 — For full moon read full-moon. 

124, para. 2, line 6 — For 429 read 421. 

127, line 17 — Insert a comma after Nasik. 

1 29, f. n. 3 — For occurirng read occurring. 

131, f. n. I, line i — For Allasakti read Alla^akti. 

133, para. 4, Line i — For 11. 36-3 r^^^ll. 36-37. 

133, Text-line 28 — For read . 

136, line 8 — Insert Satyasraya before Pulakesivallabha (II). 

137, Translation of Hne 36 — For forty three read forty-three. 

138, line 14 — Delete the semicolon after in. 

138, hne 16 — For PrtthivI TC2Ld Vrithivi. 

139, para, i, line 7 — For 737 A. C. read 739 A. C. 

139, para. 2, Une 4 — For the Brahmana Govindali .... Kahchale read the Dviveda Brahmana 
Kahchala, the son of the Brahmana Govindali. 

1 4 1, Text-line 35 — Adda hyphen after f%q-, 

143, para. 5, line 6 — For whole-world read whole world. 

144, hne 5 — Delete the note reference 2. 

144, line 20 — For the note reference i read 2. 

144, para. 2, line 3 — For Mahdkdrttiki read Mahdkdrttiki. After MahakUrttikl, insert for the per- 
formance of ball, charu^ vaisvadeva, agnihotra and other rites. 

144, f. n. 2 — For p. 143 r^j^line i. 

147, para. 2, lines 6-7 — For Simhavarmaraja read Sirhhavarmaraja. 

147, f. n. 2 — For are read is. 

148, para, i, line 3 — For Vikaramaditya Vikramaditya, and for grand-father read grandfather. 

148, f. n. 2, hne 3 — Insert ) after pp. 304 ff. 

148, f. n. 2, hne 5 — For Durgadevi rf^^ Durgadevi. 

149, hne 2 — Insert a comma after Trikuta and the Traikutakas. 

149, line 8 — Insert a comma after Mairika. 

1 5 1, Text-hne 59 — Insert [i»] after ^ ^00, and delete that after — , 

151, Text-hne 59 — For read 

152, f. n. 2, — Insert a comma after at first. 

(xxvi) . 


Page 155, line 17 — Delete the comma after {and), 

5, 153, f, n. 4 — Kovera may be the fee of registration. See Introduction, p. cxlii. 

„ 154, Translation of line 54 — After sixty-one insert 400 {and) 60 (and) i. 

„ 154, Translation of lines 56 ff., line 6 — For rupees read rupakas, 

„ 155, para. 3, line 6 — For Siihharaja read Sirhhavarmaraja. 

„ 156, f. n. 3, line i — For kumdri- read kumarz-. 

„ 157, Text-line ^—For read 

„ 158, Text-line ^^—For read 

,, 158, Translation of line 28, line i — For Bhogasakti read Bhogasakti. 

5, 158, Translation of line 29, line 3 — For Ambeyapallika read Ambayapallika. 

,, 158, f. n. II — Umura-bkeda in Text-line 33 is probably identical with unmara-hheda which occurs in the 

expression T the grant of Vishnushena, dated V. 649. See 

P. T. A, 1 . O. C,, Vol. XV, p. 272, It probably means the forcible breaking of a house-door. 
Umura is probably the same as Marathi iimbara meaning a threshold. The intended meaning 
seems to be that the royal officers were forbidden to break open the doors of houses for the 
recovery of stolen property in the resettled village. 

„ 162, para, i, line 7 — For Kalpazma/n read Kalpalnmafn, 

„ 163, line I — For G. 405 (724-25 A. C.) read G. 403 (723-24 A. C.). 

„ 163, line 7 — For Mahkani plates read Mahkanika grant. 

„ 163, Text-line i — For read - fH 'q' td- . 

„ 164, f. n. 14— For read 

167, para, i, line 12 — Insert a comma after issued. 

,, 168, para, i, line 17 — Insert a comfna after is. 

„ 168, f. n. I — For Ibid, read Bom. Gas^. 

„ 169, Text-line 9— Fot rectd 

„ 172, para, i, line 12 — For Isvara w^Isvara. 

„ 172, para, i, line 25 — For Narman read Narman. 




174, para 3, line 4 — For stone inscription read stone pillar inscription. 

174, f. n. 6, line 2 — For l^amorajadeva read 1 dmarajadera, 

175, line 8 — Insert a comma after Deuka and delete that after king. 

175, Translation, para. 2, line i — Insert a cofnzzia after Deuka. 

176, Title of the Inscription— PILLAR after STONE. 

176, para, i, line 8 — Insert a comma after remarked and for what read \Xffiat. 
176, f. n. 4 — For pp. 17 ffi read pp. 170 ffi 

177, Page-title— SANKARGANA read SAXKARAGANA I. 

178, line 6 from the hoMiom— Delete the comma after Lakshmanaj fija IL 

179, line 4 — For right hand-side read right-hand side. 

179, para. 3, line 10 — For someone read some one. 

180^ line z^—For grand-father rW grandfather. 

181, f. n. 4 — For Archask'gical read Archaeological. 

182, Translation of lines 11-12— For Sm/ris read Srari. 

184, Translation, line 3 — For was read is. 

185, Translation, line 6— For (Lines 6—7) /W (Lines 7—8). 

185, line 18 — After No. 41 add (No Plate). 








^ 93 , 



^ 95 , 


para. 2 trom the bottom, line i-^Insert a comma after alphabet and delete that afhr closely, 
para, i, line 6 — For jihvdmullya read jihvamtHlya. 

Text-hne 8 — For read 

Text-line ii— F^?r read 

f« n* 2 — Delete the comma after admitted. 

Translation of v. 19, line 4 — For straight-forward read straiLditforward . 

Translation of v, 20, line 2 — Insert a comma after front. 

Translation of v. 20, line 3 — For gods read demons. 

*'■ “ general, //w.v/ including yV/fe made of nalas?., i-h^bhrit isvaidia 

and of vikankata. ‘ > i - 

Translation of v. 39, line 2 — For karsha read karshas. 

line 2 from the bottom— consits read consists. 

line 4 from the bottom — For Kesari read Kesarin. 


Page 196, line ii — For vrahnia-stamha read vrahma-stamva, 

„ 196, line 8 from the bottom—The Maser inscription has since been edited by Mr. Venkataramayya in 

E/. JW., VoLXXIX, pp. i8ff. For an examination of the identification of Krishna mentioned 
in that record with Rashtrakuta Krishna III proposed by him, see above, tuid. to p. Ixxxvii. 

„ 196, line 5 from the bottom— F^?r Kalachuri kings read a Kalachuri king. 

,, 196, f. n. I, line i — For simhahvayam read Simhahvayam . 

„ 198, line 2 — Tor Siva read $iva, 

” i99> P^ta. 4, line 5 — Insert a co?}:ma after ruins. 

5, 201, Text-line 25 Tor read 

,, 202, f. n. line 3 — For diko-hhasu read dik-sdhhasn. 

,, 204, line 14 — Tor (V. 19) read (V. 20). 

,, 204, line 15 — Delete the mark of interjection after letters. 

„ 206, para. 2, line 5 — For Vikaramnika- read Vlkra’.'/dnk..-. 

„ 206, para. 2, line 1 3 — Tor Simhavarrhan read Simhiavarman. 

„ 206, para. 4, line 7 — Tor king of Avanti read king Avaariti. 

„ 206, para. 4, line 8 — Tor Sabdasiva in two places read Sadasiva. 

„ 208, f. n. I, line 2 — Tor Lak^hmanasena read Lakshmanasena. 

209, Text-line i — Tor read 

„ 209, Text-line 4 — Tor fd sert a hyphen after 

„ 210, Text-line 7 — Insert a hyphen after and after ). 

„ 21 1, Text-line 13 — Delete the visarga after 

„ 21 1, Text-line 14 — read 

„ 212, Text-line 15 — Tor read 

,, 212, Text-line 16 — Tor ’vnj: [^\3ll*] read [^\3||*] ’JTtT:, and for read 

„ 212, Text-line 18 — Tor read 

„ 213, f. n. 3 — Tor ^4 read 

„ 216, f. n. 2, line i — For avyahat-echcham read avjdhat-cchcbha/a 

,, 217, Translation of v. 18, line 2 — Insert more before exalted. 

„ 217, f. n. I, line 3 — Tor killed read conquered. 

„ 218, Translation of v. 24 — Tor polity read policy. 

„ 218, Translation of v. 28, line 2 — Insert a connna after rage. 

„ 218, f. n. 3, line i — Tor good conduct read prudent behaviour. 

„ 220, Translation of v. 46, line 2 — Tor Lakshmnaraja read Lakshmanaraja, 

„ 223, Translation of v. 80, line 2 — Tor by every measurer read on every measure. 

,, 223, f. n. 2, line 2 — Tor pavillion read pavilion. 

„ 223, f. n. 7, line 3 — For Yajnavalkyasmritl^ II, 221 read Ydjna. aiffiumriti^ II, 121. 

„ 223, f. n. 9, line 2 — For Filtaka read I^fdaka, 

„ 224, Translation of v. 85 — Puna in this verse may have the sense of prasasti as suggested by Dr. Chha- 

bra. Sarupa-PhdratJ, p. 22. He translates the second half of this verse as follows: — “May this 
composition — this fame, this eulog}" — endure as long as the creation.” I do not agree with 
Dr. Chhabra that all the three words kriti, kJrti 2indpurvc in this verse refer to the eulogy. Kriti 
probably refers to the composition of Siruka, kJfti to the temple of Xoha’esvara, and purvd to 
the eulogy of the Kalachuri princes. 

„ 225, para, i, line 9 — For samadhayo read samddhayd. 

„ 225, f. n. 4, line 2 — Tor from read form. 

„ 226, para. 2, line 10 — Tor Pondik read Pondika. 

,, 226, para. 2, line 20 — Insert a comma after mentioned and Prabodhasiva. 

„ 227, f. n. 9 — Tor tw overses read two verses. 

„ 228, Text-line 15 — For read 

,, 229, Text-line 38 — For 

233, Translation of w. 36-37 — Insert a comma after Sarasadoilaka. 

233, Translation of vv. 38 — 40, line 3 — For ^iddhantas read Siddbaatus. 

233, Translation of v. 42 — Tor the Siva read {the god) Siva . 

233, Translation of v. 44, line i — Tor Madu read Madhu. 

23 3, Translation of v. 46 — Tor artist read artisan. 

256, para. 3, line i — Insert a comma after Wilford. 



Page 237, para. 2, line 12 — For / read /. 

^ 37 ? para. 2, line 21 — For fdm-Vzxipar^a read kh/j-v.dparem, 

,, 258, line 10 — On further consideration I think it more likely that this Sri-Harsha is the Guhila 

prince of that name who was a contemporary of the Pratihara Bh5ja I. See Introduction, 
p. Ixxv. 

,, 241, line 2 — In serf a comma ajt-er Banaras. 

„ 242, Text-line 14 — -Delete the visarga after (^:). 

„ 242, f. n. 9 — Vor are read is. 

„ 242, Text-line 19 — For read 

>5 243 j Text-line 23 — Inserf a hyphen after , 

„ 245, Text-line 24 — For ^ read 

243, f. n, 9 — For danda read danda. 

^ 44 ? Text-line 39 — read 5r^T(^)^. 

„ 245, Text-Hne 41 — For read 

„ 245, Text-line 47 — For ^ 

„ 245, f. n. contd. from last page— For read 

„ 248, Translation of v. 25, line i — For Gangeyadeva read Gahgeyadeva. 

„ 248, Translation of v. 25, line 2 — Substitute a semicolon for the comma after Kdkalladeva (II). 

„ 248, f. n. I, line i — Insert a semicolon after here. 

5> ^ 49 ? 3 > 3 — Substitute a comma for the full point after place. 

» 249? Audala read Audala. 

„ 251, Page-title— PILLAR after STONE. 

>5 Text-line 5 — For read 

„ 251, f. n. 8, line i — tor ^4,^4 14- read 

„ 251, f. n. 16, line 2 — For fa read td and for i^cad 

„ 253, line 4— For chh read chha. 

» ^5 35 para, i, line 12 — Vot grdmani Tt2id grdmani, 

„ 253, para, i, line 18— For putkara read piitkdra. 

» 254? para. 3, line 8 — For full moon tithi read full-moon tithi. 

2 54 > 5 — Insert a comma after 1030 A. C. 

„ 256, Text-line 16 — For read 

„ 256, Text-line 17 — read 

j5 257, Text-line zi — For read 1 4 rj; 

„ 258, Text-line 31 — For ;pp <4lqu [f: read 

„ 258, Text-line 34 — Delete qfq after < . 

„ 260, Translation of v. 14, line 4 — For of Indra read to Indra. 

„ 261, Translation of v. 17, line 2 — Insert a comma after Ahga. 

5, 262, Translation of v. 27, line 3 — For enmy’s read enemy’s. 

„ 262, Translation of Line 33, line i \~Insert in before the village. 

,, 264, f. n. 3, line 2 For Kdcharasya read —kimharasya, 

,, 268, f. n. I, line 3 — For note worthy read noteworthy". 

„ 268, f, n. 2, line i — For ^ravasti read Sravasti. 

„ 269, Text-line 9— For read 

„ 270, f. n. II, line i For read 

„ 274, Translation of v. 38, line 2— For Keyastha read Kayastha. 

„ 277, f. n. 12— For 

,, 280, para. 3, line 6 — For Gujoerat read Gujarat. 

5, 280, f. n. 3 — For also read above. 

„ 282, Text-line 16— For (qpq): read 

5, 282, f. n. 3 — Omit Read 

5, 283, f. n. 2 — For Upajdtl read Upajdti. 

,, 284, Translation of v. 8, line z— Insert a comma afttr father. 

„ 286, Text-line 5— For (yff) read (^). 

„ 287, Text-line ii— -For qqrpjqrf^- read qqr[q]qTlT-. 

,, 287, Text-line 19 — For pyqqj read ^4 * 44 ^ 

>> 288, line 18 Insert a comma after inscriptuni, 

„ 289, 291, 293, 295, and 297, Page-title— For PLATE read PLATES. 
























289, last para., line 5 — For /; read /n. 

289, last para., line 6 — For kJipta read klripta, 

290, f. n. 5 — ¥or Kasi read Kasi. 

291, para. 2, line i — ¥or Yasahkarana read Yasahkarni. 

292, f. n. 3, line 2 — Insert a comma after however. 

292, f. n. 3, line 3 — Insert a comma after Gahga. 

295, f. n. 6, line ^—For read 

298, Translation of v, 15, line i — Insert the before Kalachuris. 

298, f. n. 9, line 2 — For Kasyapa read Kasyapa. 

301, para. 3, line 4 — Insert to before 1078-79 A. C. 

302, para. 2, line 3 from the bottom — Delete the note reference 5. 

302, f. n. 5, line i— For read |Trrf?-. 

304, f. n. 6 — For danda read danda, 

304, f. n. 15, line 3 — For p. 19 readl. 19. 

307, f. n. 10 — For Sdlini read Salim. 

308, f. n. 5, line i — For matrt read maitri. 

310, line 7 — For the Chandrakara Acharya read the Achdrja Chandrakara. 

3 11, Translation of C, para. 4, line 3 — For the holy Chandrakara Acharya read the holy Acharya 


3 1 1, Text-line 5 — For ^*^4, read 

31 1, Translation of C, para. 3, line i — For Sreshthi read Sreshthi, and for thim r^’^^him. 

31 1, f, n. 4 — Insert a comma after aksharas. 

3 1 1, f. n, 8 — For n. 3 read n. 2. 

31 1, f, n, 9 — Add n. 3 after Loc. cit. 

312, para. 2, Line 3 from the bottom — For satala read satala. 

313, para. 2, line 3 — For Gangeyadeva read Gatigeyadeva. 

313, f. n. 2 — For Mahidhara read Dharanidhara. 

314, para, i, line 4 — For Godavari read Godavari. 

315, Text-line 5 — For cf^ read 

316, Text-line 21 — For read . 

518, f. n. 5 — For Brahmdnda read Brahmanda. 

Text-line 8~For read 

323, para. 4, line 4 — For 28 miles read 36 miles. 

323, f. n. 2 — For Bhdgrathi read BhdgirathJ. 

324, f. n. 3— For d<ilR'f«r+|- read ddirH+l- 
326, line 3 from the bottom — For date read day. 

326, f. n. 3 — For des read der. 

326, f. n. 4 — For Frith vide va Prithvideva II. 

327, Text-line 6 — For read 

330, Translation of L. 25, hne 3 — Insert at Tripuri after in the Reva. 

333, para, i, line 6 — Insert a comma after Jayasiihha. 

333, para. 2, line 4 — For Nannadeva read Namadeva. 

334, Text-line 8 — For — -FiW. 

336, Text-line 24— For read g 1^4, 

341, line 2 — For sons’ read son’s. 

343, Text-line 12 — F(?r . 

343 — For the text-line number 81 read 18. 

345, para. 5, hne i — For Sikha read Sukha. 

346, Translation, hne 2 from the bottom — For Kesava read Kesava. 

346, hne 3 from the bottom — For // read Iri and for praklipta read praklripta. 

346, f. n, 4, line 2 — Delete p. 295. 

347, hne 14 — For darJandnt read darlandn. 

347, hne 19 — Vot gir dm giram^ 

347, hne 20 — For Vijayasimhadeva Vijayasimhadeva. 

347, f. n. 3, hne 3 — For Chandrasimhd read Chandrasimho. 

348, para, i, line 6 — For tankahas ttA tankakas. 

348, para. 3, hnes 6 — 7 — For councillor read counsellor. 



Page 348, line 2 from the bottom — For inscriptions inscription. 

„ 349, line I — For numerical symbius rtad numerical figures. 

„ 349, para. 2, line 8 — For Vikarma m/J Vikrama. 

5, 350, f. n. 2, line 2 — For Yajnavalkya-smrttii read Ydjnavalkya-smriti, 

„ 350, f. n. 14 — For read 

„ 351, Text-line ii — For read 

„ 353, Text-line 25 — For 

,, 355, Translation of verse 20 , line 4 — Delete the comma after confidence and insert it after prowess. 

„ 356, Translation of v. 29, line i — For Ramasimha Ranasirhha. 

„ 359, line ly — Delete the comma after consonants. 

„ 360, para, i, line 4 — For pararams read pravaras, 

,, 360, para. 2, line i — Insert of afttr the date. 

,, 362, Translation of L. 2^ line ^—For Vamadeva Vamadeva. 

„ 362, f. n. 13 — For also occurs read occurs also. 

„ 362, f. n. 15, line — Insert a comma after Bharati. 

„ 363, Translation, para 2, line 2 — For mahasabda read m aha s ah da. 

„ 364, f. n. 9 — For or one of her sons read her son or grandson. 

„ 365, line 5 from the bottom — For the semicolon after predecessors stibstitute a comma. 

j5 3^^? ti* u Por read 

»> 367, Text-line 17 — Insert the note reference 2 after [^*][^][x] ^tid delete that after 

,, 368, para. 3, line 5 — Insert a comma after Cunningham. 

,, 369, line 1 1 from the bottom — Insert a comma after Rewa. 

„ 370, para. 2, line %~-For Alaura read Alaura. 

„ 371, Text-line 5 — Insert a hyphen after 

37^3 10— For 

„ 374, f. n. 2 — For Alaura read Alaura. 


Plate XXVIII, Title — For Spurious Plates read Spurious Kaira Plates. 

,, XXIX B, Title — For Stone Inscription read Stone Pillar Inscription. 

For Bargaon Temple Inscription of Sahara, Plate XXXII, read Bargaon Stone Inscription of Sahara 
Plate XXXIII. 



A lthough some of the inscriptions dated in the Kalachuri-Chedi era were discovered 
in the early decades of the nineteenth century, it was not suspected till about half a 
century later that their dates must be referred to an era different from the Vikrama and 
Saka eras which were then current in different parts of India, or from the Gupta era which 
had become known from inscriptions. For instance, the date of the Banaras plates of 
Karna discovered in i8oi, which was evidently misread by Captain Wilford, was taken 
by him to correspond to 192 A. CT The date Samvat 932 of the Kumbhi plates published 
in 18392 was referred by the editors of the grant to the Vikrama Sarhvat and taken to be 
equivalent to 876 A. C.^ The Kanheri plate was discovered by Dr. Bird in 1839, but 
the earliest attempt to date it approximately was that of Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, who, 
on considerations of palaeography, referred the inscription to about the sixth century A. C.^ 
But he then made no conjecture about the era to which its date 245 should be referred, 
beyond stating that it could not be the same as that employed by the Kshatrapas, as the 
characters on their coins are of a much earlier type, and that it could not be the Gupta era 
in the absence of such expressions as Gupta-kdla, Guptasja kiila, Gupta-tiripa-rajja-hhukti or 
Sam. Dr. Burgess, however, in a note on Bhagvanlal’s article observed as follows: “From 
the form of the characters, I incline to think that this inscription may be dated in the Gupta 
era; the Trikutakas, like the Valabhi Senapatis, may have continued to use the Gupta era on 
assuming independence; or it may have been adopted from Gujarat.”^ The first and appro- 
ximately correct conjecture about the epoch of the era was made in 1 8 5 9 by Prof. Fitz-Edward 
Hall in his article on the Bhera-Ghat inscription of Alhanadevi, dated Sathvat 907, and the 
Tewar inscription of Jayasirhhadeva, dated Samvat 928.® Finding that Alhanadevi was 
mentioned in the former inscription as the grand-daughter of Udayaditya, Dr. Hall conjec- 
tured that she might have been born about 1100 A. C., as her grandfather Udayaditya, who 
reigned between Bhoja {circa 1050 A. C.) and Naravarman (1104 A. C.), might have 
flourished about 1075 A. C. Now, Alhanadevi’s sons, Narasirhha and Jayasirhha, were 
reigning in the years 907 and 928 respectively, and her great-grandson was a minor'^ 
in the year 932 of an unspecified era. Dr. Hall, therefore, thought that her birth might 
have taken place about the year 850 of the era to which the aforementioned dates 

^ A. R., Vol. IX, p. 108. On this General Cunningham remarked, suspect that the date was read 
by Wilford as 193; and that he afterwards forgot that he had obtained it from the plate, as he states, ‘the 
grant is dated in the second year of his new era, and also of his reign, answering to the Christian year 192’.” 
C A. S, 1 . R. Vol. IX, p. 82. 

2 J. A. S. B., Vol VIII, pp. 481 ff. 

2 Ibid,y p. 482. 

^ L C T. W. L (A. S. W. L, No. 10), p. 59. 

® Ibidy p. 59, n. 2, 

® J, A. 0 . S,, Vol. VI (i860), p. 501. The article was presented to the Society on October 26, 1859. 
The Kumbhi plates, dated K. 932 (Appendix, No. 4), record a grant made by G 5 saladevi, mother of 
Vijayasimha, not his wife as Hall wrongly stated. Again, the grant was made by Gosaladevi during the 
reign of her son Vijayasirhha and with his consent as explicitly stated therein. It was not made by her for 
her minor son Ajayasimha as Hall thought. Among the persons to whom the royal order is addressed is 
mentioned Mahakumdra Ajayasimha. He had not ascended the throne then, but there is nothing to show 
that he was a minor at the time. 



refer. He thus suggested that the unspecified era used in the Kalachuri records might 
have commenced about 250 A. C. He had no doubt that the numbers did not refer either 
to the era of Salivahana or to that of Vikramaditya. But he left it an open question whether 
the era was that of Valabhi with some epoch other than 319 A. C., or some other era till 
then unknown. 

In 1878, Cunningham announced in the Introduction (p. vi) to. his Reports of the 
ArchcBological Survey of India, Vol. VII, that he had found, among the inscriptions collected 
by his assistant Beglar in the eastern part of the Central Provinces in 1873-74, two^ which 
were actually dated in the Chedi Samatsara, and two others ^ in the Kalachuri Samvat. 
He identified the two eras, as ‘the princes of Chedi were of the Kalachuri branch of the 
Haihaya tribe.’ He further stated that he had examined some eight verifiable dates of the 
era and had found by calculation that the era began in 249 A. C., the year 250 A. C. being 
the year i of the Chedi Samvat. 

In his Reports of the Archaological Survey of India, Vol. IX (A tour in the Central Pro- 
vinces in 1873-74 and 1874-75), pp. iii ff., Cunningham reiterated his conclusion that 249 
A. C. was the initial point of the Chedi or Kalachuri Sarhvat, the year 250 being the year i 
of the era, ‘the Hindu reckoning being invariably recorded in complete or expired years, 
in thesame way as a person’s age is reckoned.’ He then gave details of the aforementioned 
eight dates together with the corresponding week-days obtained by calculation in the 
following form® : — 



A. C. 

Month and day 





Phalguna vadi 9, Monday 

. . Sunday 



Magha sudi 8, Wednesday 




Asvina sudi 7, Monday 




Ashadha sudi i, Sunday 




Margasiras sudi ii, Sunday 




Sravana sudi 5, Wednesday 




Sravana sudi 6, Sunday 




Magha vadi 10, Monday 


Cunningham s calculations did not yield quite satisfactory results, as only in four 
out of the above eight cases^ the dates were found to be regular. In three other cases, 
the dates agreed within one day — an amount of deviation which, he thought, was not un- 
common in Hindu dates. Cunningham’s calculations are not, however, found to be correct 
in all cases®. Even with his epoch, the first date regularly corresponds to Monday, the 
18 th January , 1042 A. C., and the sixth, for intercalary Sravana, to Wednesday, the 2nd July, 
1158 A. C.® Secondly, in order to get the corresponding year of the Christian era, he added 

1 These were Nos. 98 and 100. 

- See Nos. 87 and 88. 

I give the names of months etc, in this table as we should spell them now. 

They are starred in the table given above. 

On p. 86 of the same Volume (IX) Cunningham, says, “By calculation, also, I find that in the year 
1041 A.D. or 793 of the Chedi Samvat, according to this reckoning, the 9th day of was a 


^Cunningham seems to have taken the month to be Sravana; for, the 5 th ////&/ of the bright 
fortnight of tiiju Sravana cowf^iencsd 5 h. 20 m. on Thursday, 



249 to the Chedi date in all cases, whether the latter fell in Ashadha or in Phalguna, 
as if the Chedi year completely coincided with the Christian year. Thirdly, he took all 
dates without exception to be in expired years. As regards the general correctness of 
Cunningham’s epoch, however, there was no doubt; for, the dates he assigned to the Kala- 
churi kings on its basis were generally corroborated by the synchronisms known from the 
inscriptions of the Kalachuri, Rashttakuta, Chalukya, Paramara and Pratihara dynasties. ^ 
In the Introduction (pp. vii-viii) to the same volume, Cunningham adduced 
further evidence to support his conclusion about the epoch of the era. He pointed out 
that Abu Rihan,^ writing about 1030-31 A. C., referred to Gahgeya as a contemporary 
king of Dahala and that from his Vikramankacharita Bilhana seemed to have resided at 
the court of Karna of Dahala from 1070 A. C. to 1075 A. C. These dates, he showed, 
agreed with the approximate periods which he had assigned to the Kalachuri kings by 
the genealogical reckoning of his chronology. 

In the meanwhile, some inscriptions of tbe Gurjara dynasty were discovered in 
Western India. The dates Samvat 380 and 385 of two of them, the two sets of Kaira 
plates of Dadda II,^ were at first referred to the Vikrama era; but after the discovery of 
a third grant, the Ilao plates of Dadda-Prasantaraga^, which was explicitly dated in 
the year 417 of the Saka era, the dates of the aforementioned two Kaira grants and also the 
date 486 of the odd Kavi plate® of Jayabhata subsequently discovered, in all of which the 
era was unspecified, were referred to the Saka era. 

In 1884, Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji published the Navsari grant of Jayabhata (UI),® 
dated Monday or Tuesday, the full-moon day of Magha, Samvat 456, on the occasion of an 
eclipse of the moon. This grant mentions in connection with Dadda, the great-grand- 
father of the donor Jayabhata, that he protected a prince of Valabhi against the Emperor 
(Paramesvara) Sri-Harshadeva. Dr. Bhagvanlal naturally identified the latter with 
Harshavardhana of Thanesvar and Kanauj, who ruled from 606 A. C. to 648 A. C. As 
Dadda, the first prince mentioned in the Navsari grant, was thus proved to have 
flourished in the first half of the seventh century A. C., it was clear that the date 456 
of the Navsari grant of that Dadda’s great-grandson Jayabhata could not be referred to 
the Saka era. Dr. Bhagvanlal had again obtained four other grants of the Chalukya dynasty 
discovered in Gujarat, two of which, made by Sryasraya-Siladitya, were found to be dated 
in Samvat 421 and 423, the third, made by Mahgalaraja, in Saka 653, and the fourth, by 
Pulakesivallabha Janasraya, in Samvat 490. From the genealogical portions of these 
grants it was clear that all these princes were sons of Jayasirhhavarman, who was himself 
a son of Pulakesin II, the famous king of the Early Chalukya Dynasty. From these 
data Dr. Bhagvanlal concluded that the dates 436 and 486 of the Gurjara grants and 421, 
443 and 490 of the Chalukya grants referred to an era, difierent from the Saka era, which 
was used in Gujarat in the seventh and eighth centuries A. C. He conjecturally fixed 
244-45 A.C. as the initial year and 245-46 A.C. as the year i of that era, and identified it with 

1 C. A. S. I. R., Vol. IX, pp. 84-87; loo-ii. 

^ He is more widely known by his name Alberunl. 

® These were discovered about 1827 A.C. They were first published by J. Prinsep in /. A. S. B., 
Vol. VII, pp. 908 ff. and subsequently by Dowson in /. R. A. S., (N. S.), Vol. I, pp. 247 ff. and by Fleet in 
Iffd. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 8 1 ff. 

« Ed. by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. X, pp. 19 ff. and, with facsimiles, by Fleet 
in Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 116 ff. 

® Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 109 ff. 

« Ibid., Vol. Xin, pp. 70 ff. 



‘the era of the Triku takas, of which the two hundred and forty- fifth year is mentioned in 
Dr. Bird’s Kanheri plate.’^ 

The nearness of the epoch 244-45 -A. C. suggested by Bhagvanlal to the epoch of the 
Chedi era (249 A. C.) led General Cunningham to suspect that the two eras might be iden- 
tical. Calculating on this supposition, he found that the date of the Navsari grant, ‘Mon- 
day or Tuesday, the 15 th day of the bright fortnight of Magha of Samvat 45 6, on the occa- 
sion of an eclipse of the moon,’ corresponded to the and February 706 A. C., which was a 
Tuesday and on which occurred an eclipse of the moon. He also found that the date 
of the Kavi plate ‘Sunday, the loth day of the bright fortnight of the month Ashadha of 
Samvat regularly corresponded to Sunday, the 24th June 736 A. C.^ In both these 
cases the corresponding Christian year was obtained by adding 250 to the (Chedi) year 
showing clearly that the epoch of the Chedi era was not 249 A. C., but 249-50 A. C. 

In 1884, in his article on the Pardi plates of Dahrasena, published in the Journal of 
the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Vol. XVI, p. 346), Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji 
accepted the view that the era used by the Gurjaras and the Chalukyas of Gujarat commenced 
in 249 A. C., but he pointed out that it was distinctly called the era of the Traikutakas in 
Dr. Bird’s Kanheri plate. He referred the date 207 of the Pardi plates of the Traikutaka 
king Dahrasena to the same era and observed that the grant afforded indisputable corrobora- 
tion of the existence of the Traikutaka dynasty which he had deduced from Dr. Bird’s 

In the same year, Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar published his Early History of the Deccan 
(first ed.), in which he questioned the correctness of Dr. Bhagvanlal’s view that the date 
421 of Sryasraya Siladitya’s grant is in an era with 250 A. C. as its initial date, on the ground 
that the interval between the two brothers— Mahgalaraja and Sryasraya — becomes 60 
years, which unquestionably is too long.^ He further suggested that the date was in the 
Gupta era ‘which was one of those in ordinary use in Gujarat.’ 

In 1886, Dr. Bhagvanlal contributed a paper entitled ‘Two New Grants of the Chalukya 
Dynasty’ to the International Oriental Congress, Vienna, in which he pointed out that Dr. 
Bhandarkar ’s view — that the grants of the Gujarat Chalukyas are dated in the Gupta era — 
would lead to the conclusion that Sryasraya reigned as Euvaraja from 10 to 32 years later 
than his younger brother Mahgalaraja who was a ‘king’— which was clearly impossible. 
He further made some ingenious conjectures about the circumstances which led to the 
foundation of the era. The founder of the era, according to him, was kin g Isvaradatta 
who interrupted the rule of the Western Kshatrapas and whose coins, dated in the first 
and second years of his reign, show that he assumed the titles Rajan and Kshatrapa. “Other 
kings”, he proceeded to state, “bearing names which end in datta, have left their records in 
the caves of Nasik, and state that they are Abhiras by caste. This circumstance permits 
us to infer that they belong to the Abhira dynasty which, probably coming by sea from 
Sindh, conquered the western coast and made Trikuta its capital. Isvaradatta whom I 
consider to belong to it probably attacked and obtained a victory over the Kshatrapas. 
After he had consolidated his power, he issued his own coins, copying the Kshatrapa 
currency of the district. His coins particularly resemble those of the Kshatrapa Viradaman 
and his brother Vijayasena. The end of the reign of the latter falls, as the coins show, 
in the year 1 70 of the Kshatrapa era. If we take this to be the Saka era, the time of 

1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 76. 

2 See Fleet’s note on Pandit Bhagvanlal’s article on the Navsari plates of Jayabhata III. Ind Ant 

Vol. XIII, pp. 76-77. t . 

® £. H. D., (first ed.), p. 102. 



Isvaradatta’s conquest will fall just about the same time as the foundation of the Traikutaka 
or Kalachuri era. This agreement induces me to consider Isvardatta as its founder. It 
seems further that the reign of the Traiku takas did not last long, as Viradaman’s son Rudra- 
sena appears to have regained power and to have driven his foe out of the country. The 
Traikutakas then probably retired to the Central Provinces and there assumed the name 
Haihaya and Kalachuri. Afterwards the kings of this dynasty appear to have taken posses- 
sion of their former capital Trikuta at the time of the final destruction of the Kshatrapa 
power. Dahrasena must have ascended the throne just about this time which was the 
year 2074-170 or 377 of the Saka era.”^ 

Till 1887, scholars were engaged in pointing out in a general way the epoch of the 
Chedi or Traikutaka era. A definite suggestion about the month and the tithi of its actual 
commencement ^ras first made by Prof. Kielhorn,^ who, in his letters published in the 
Academy of December 10 and 24, 1887, and January 14, 1888,^ announced that his calcula- 
tions of numerous week-days of later Chedi inscriptions showed that the Chedi era began 
not in 249, but in 248 A. C. Later on, in an article published in the Nachrichten der Ges. d. 
Wissenschaften, Gottingen (1888), pp. 31-41 and another in the Indian Antiquary (Vol. XVII, 
pp. 215 ff.) of August 1888, Dr. Kielhorn showed, from an examination of twelve dates of 
the Kalachuris and their feudatories and two of the Gurjaras, that the only equation which 
yields correct week-days for those Chedi inscriptions in which the week-day is mentioned 
is Chedi Sarhvat 0=248-49 A. C. and Chedi Sarhvat 1=249-50 A. C., and that, if we w 4 sh 
to work out thfe dates by a uniform process, we must take the Chedi year to commence 
with the month Bhadrapada, and must, accordingly, start from July 28, 249 A. C.=Bhadra- 
pada su. di. i of the northern Vikrama year 307 current, as the first day of the first current 
year of the Chedi era. In a note Kielhorn remarked that a year beginning with the month 
Asvina would suit the dates examined by him as well as one beginning with Bliadrapada, 
and if the dates were to be worked out by a uniform process, the former would appear 
to be even more suitable than the latter. He preferred, however, the Bhadrapadadi year 
because ‘Alberuni does mention a year beginning with Bhadrapada’ As regards the 
arrangement of the fortnights, Kielhorn showed from three dates that it was the 
purnimdnta one in which the dark half of a month precedes the bright half. 

Kielhorn’s calculations, made on the basis of the epoch of 248-49 A. C., showed that 
of the fourteen dates examined by him, in none of which the year is specified either as 
current or as expired, eleven were found recorded in current years, two in expired years 
and one in a year which may be taken as current if the Chedi year was An’inadi , and 
expired if it was Bhadrapadadi. 

This proportion of the current and expired years of the Chedi era was, however, 
the reverse of what Kielhorn himself found in the case of other eras such as the Vikrama, 
Saka and Newar eras. It was pointed out by Dr. Bhandarkar^ and others in connection 

1 See P. V. O. C. (1886), p. 221-22. 

2 Sh. B. Dikshit had earlier come to the conclusion that nearly all of the ten Kalachuri or Chedi 
dates, given by General Cunningham, would work out correctly with the epoch of 248-49 A.C., but his 
results were not published for the reasons stated by Fleet in the Introduction to C 1 . 1 ., Vol. Ill, p. 9 
(pubhshed in 1888). The dates of the grants of the Uchchakalpa kings, which Fleet referred to the Kala- 
churi era (ibid., introduction, pp. 8 ff.), are probably recorded in the Gupta era. See my article on the subject 
in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIII, pp. 171 ff- 

3 See Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 187, n. 14. 

4 Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 215, n. 5. 

® See his article ‘The Epoch of the Gupta Era’ (1889), pub. in the J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVll, Part II 
(1887-1889), pp. 80 ff. 



with the question of the epoch of the Gupta-Valabhi eta that the Hindu’s usual, though 
not invariable, way of expressing a date was not ‘in the year so and so’, but ‘after so many 
years had elapsed since such and such an event had taken place’. The case of the Chedi 
era, which seemed to be an exception to the general rule, was cited by Dr. Fleet^ in support 
of his view that the years of the Gupta era which are not qualified either as current or as 
expired should be taken as current. This controversy about the general custom of the 
Hindus in dating their records during the middle ages led Kielhorn to revise his conclusions 
about the epoch of the Chedi era. In his article ‘Die Epoche der Cedi Aera’ in the Fest~ 
gruss an Roth and in another on the Bhera-Ghat inscription of Alhanadevi in the Epigraphia 
Indica, Vol. II, both of which were published in 1893,2 Kielhorn expressed his opinion that 
in conformity with the common usage observed in the case of other eras, the epoch of the 
Chedi era should be fixed in such a way that all or at least a great majority of the available 
verifiable dates would be in expired years. He, therefore, proposed 247-48 A. C. as the 
epoch of the era. As regards the beginning of the year, he drew attention to the 
following remark in Colebrooke’s letter written at Nagpur on the 30th October, 1799 — 
“The new year begins here with the light fortnight of Asvina, but opening in the midst of 
Durga’s festival, New Year’s Day is celebrated on the lothlunar day.” Kielhorn thought that 
the Asvina di year which was current down to Colebrooke’s time in a part of the country 
previously included in the Chedi kingdom might be reminiscent of the Chedi year, and as 
such a year suited all the twelve Chedi dates known till then, he fixed the 5 th September 
(Asvina su. di. i) 248 A. C. as the first day of the first current year, and the 26th August 
(Asvina su. di. i) 249 A. C. as the first day of the first expired year of the Chedi era. He next 
showed that all the twelve verifiable dates of the Later Kalachuris which were known till 
then were, without exception, in expired years.^ The two dates of the Navsari and Kavi 
plates of Jayabhatalll, however, presented difficulties which Kielhorn acknowledged in the 
foot-notes to his Fist of Northern Inscriptions, published in 1 898-99 as an Appendix to the 
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. V.^ 

* Three more Chedi dates containing sufficient data for verification, which were 
discovered subsequently, were calculated by Kielhorn before his death, vis^., (i) the Sarnath 
fragmentary Buddhist stone inscription of the time of Karna, dated ‘ samva[tsar n]io Asvina 
{Asvina) sudi 13 Kavau (corresponding, for the expired Kalachuri year 810, to Sunday the 
4th October 1058 A. C.^), (2) Tahankapar (first plate) of Pamparaja, dated Samvata{t) 965, 
Bhadrapade vadi lo Mriga-ri{p)kshe So[md\-dine (corresponding, for the current year 965, to 
Monday, the 12th August 1213 A. C.®) and (3) Tahankapar (second plate) of Pamparaja dated 
Samvat 966 .... lsva{svd)ra-samvatsare Kdrti{tti)ka-mdse Chitrd-ri{n)kshe Ravi-dine Surj-opa- 
rdge (corresponding, for the expired Chedi year 966, to Sunday, the 5th October 1214 A.CJ). 
Besides, he found it necessary to change his reading and the corresponding Christian date 
in the case of one of the previously known twelve Chedi dates, (4) that of the Sheori- 
narayan image inscription, which he now read as Kalachuri-samvatsare 1189811 Asvina-sudi 
7 Soma-dine from a photograph supplied by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, and which he found by 
calculation to correspond, for the current Chedi year 898, to Monday, the 24th September 
1143 A. C.® 

1 See his article ‘The Gupta-Valabhi Era’ in Ind. Ant., Vol. XX (1891), p. 387. 

^ Kielhorn first expressed his view briefly in an article published in the Transactions of the Ninth 
International Congress of Orientalists, Vol. I (1893), p. 428. The Congress was held in London from the 5th 
to the 1 2th September 1892. 

^ Festgruss an Roth, pp. 53-56. 

^ See p. 57, nn. 6 and 7. 

^ A. R. A. S, I, (1906-1907), p. 100. 

« Ep. Ind., VoL IX, p. 129. 7 Ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 129-30. » Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 130. 



Kielhorn’s final view that the epoch of the Chedi era is 247-48 A. C. was confirmed by 
these new dates; for, while two of them (w^., i and 3) might have been taken as current 
years with the epoch of 248-49 A. C., the other two (w^., 2 and 4) would have appeared 
irregular according to that epoch. The latter dates again showed that ‘Kalachuri years, 
occasionally and exceptionally, are quoted as current years’. 

Since 1893, scholars have generally accepted Kielhorn’s conclusion that the Chedi era 
commenced on Asvina su. di. i (corresponding to the 5 th September) in 248 A. C. Mr. 
Sh. B. Dikshit alone, differing from Kielhorn, suggested that the Chedi year might 
have commenced on the first ti/bi of the dark fortnight of the pinnimanta Asvina.^ 

Pandit Bhagvanlal’s theory — that the Chedi era owed its origin to the dynasty of 
the Traikutakas and was actually founded by a king named Isvaradatta whom the Pandit 
considered to be an Abhira, and who, as shown by his coins, reigned sometime about 248- 
49 A. C. in Saurashtra — held the field for a long time. But in 1905, in his article ‘Trikuta 
and the so-called Kalachuri or Chedi era’,^ Dr. Fleet pointed out that all the early dates 
of the era came from Gujarat and the Thana District in Bombay and none from Saurashtra 
and that there was nothing to stamp the era as the Traikutaka era; for, the expression 
in Dr. Bird’s Kanheri plate on which Pandit Bhagvanlal relied might, in accordance with 
the early Hindu method of expressing dates, just as well mean ‘during the augmenting 
sovereignty of the Traikutakas and in the year 245 of (an unspecified era).’ Dr. Fleet 
proposed to identify the founder of the era with the Abhira Isvarasena (not to be confused 
with, or identified with, the Evaradatta mentioned above) or with his father, the Abhira 
Sivadatta, if he did reign. 

In 1 908, in his Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, the Western Kshatrapas, theTrai- 
kiitaka Dynasty, etc.. Prof. Rapson considered the question of the Traikutaka era in connec- 
tion with the coins of the Western Kshatrapas and the Traikutakas. He pointed out that 
the dates assigned by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji to the coins of Isvaradatta rested on a mis- 
taken observation, that the dates from 171 to 176 were quite continuous on the coins of the 
Western Kshatrapas, and that the evidence of coins and coin-legends showed that the only 
interval to which the coins of Isvaradatta could be assigned was that between 158, the last 
recorded date oi MahdkshatrapaDlmzscm, and 161, the year in which his son Yasodaman I 
appears as Mahdkshatrapa, i.e., between 236 and 239 A.C.^ He further drew attention 
to the fact that the Abhira Sivadatta bears no royal title in the Nasik inscription of his 
son Isvarasena, which seems to indicate that the latter was the founder of the dynasty 
and presumably preceded Isvaradatta. He thus placed both Isvrasena and Isvaradatta 
before 249 A. C. As regards the circumstances which led to the foundation of the era, 
he observed, “It is of course quite possible that the establishment of the era may mark the 
consolidation of the Abhira kingdom during the reign of one of their successors. There 
can be no doubt that the political conditions which admitted of the growth of a strong 
power in this part of India were due to the decline and fall of the Andhra Empire; but 
the foundation of an era must be held to denote the successful establishment of the new 
power rather than its first beginnings or the downfall of the Andhras.”* 

In 1911, a large hoard ofKshatrapa coins was discovered at Sarvania in the former 

Banswara State of Rajputana. In his detailed account of it pubhshed in the Annual Report 
of the Archaeological Survey of India for 1913-14J pp- ^27 ff.. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar examined 

1 See his HisCoty of Indian Astronomy (in Marathi) (first published in 1896), second edition, p. 375. 

2 /, R. A. S. (1905), pp. 566 ff. 

^ C. A. D., pp, cxxxv-vi. 

^ Ibid.:, p. clxii. 



Prof. Rapson’s view that Isvaradatta flourished in the gap between the years 158 and 161. 
He pointed out that the Sarvania hoard contained a coin of Yasodaman dated in the year 
1 60. This date lessens the gap between Yasodaman and his predecessor by one year. “It is 
still not impossible”, wrote Dr. Bhandarkar, “to adjust the two years of Isvaradatta’s reign 
even in this lessened gap, between 158 and 160, but just as the gap between 171 and 
176, which was imagined by Bhagvanlal, no longer exists, a day will, no doubt, come when 
wdth the further find of coins the gap between 158 and 160, now existing, will also be comple- 
tely filled.”^ Dr. Bhandarkar placed the rise of Isvaradatta in the period 110-112 (188-190 
A. C.) when the Mahdkshatrapa Rudrasirhha suffered a diminution of power and was re- 
duced to the rank of Kshatrapa. He pointed out that the Abhiras had acquired great 
predominance about this time; for, the Nasik inscription of the Abhira Isvarasena can, 
on the evidence of paleography, be referred to about the year 100 and the Gunda inscription 2 
shows that in the year 103 and during the regime as Kshatrapa of Rudrasirhha himself the 
post of Smdpati or Commander-in-Chief was held by an Abhira called Rudrabhuti. 

In 1920, in an article entitled ‘the Kushana Chronology’ published in the Journal oj 
the Department of Letters (Calcutta University), Vol. I, pp. 65 ff.. Dr. R. C.Majumdar, after 
detailed examination of the evidence afforded by the Chinese works Heou Han Chou of Fan- 
Ye and Wei-lio of Yu Houan, came to the conclusion that the dates ranging from 72 to 136, 
found in the inscriptions of the Northern Satraps, Gondophares, Kujula Kadpliises and 
Wema Kadphises, must be referred to the Saka era beginning in 78 A, C. Kanishka who 
flourished after Wema Kadphises must, therefore, be placed after 214 A. C. Following the 
principle that we should, whenever practicable, avoid the assumption of a brand-new era 
for the existence of which there is no evidence at all’. Dr. Majumdar put forward the view 
that Kanishka founded the so-called Kalachuri era of 248-49 A. C. He referred to Prof. 
Rapson’s conclusion based on a critical examination of Kshatrapa coinage that from the 
year 167 or 168 (245-46 A. C.) the Western Kshatrapas had to face troublous times and 
that their dominions were probably subject to some foreign invasion. Dr. Alajumdar 
attributed this to the establishment, by the Kushana Emperor, of a rival dynasty in the south 
to hold in check the power of the Western Kshatrapas, and suggested that this ultimately 
became instrumental in preserving the era of the Kushanas long after it had become extinct 
in the province of its origin. 

The main objection to Dr. Majumdar ’s theory is that there is no evidence of the 
establishment, by the Kushanas, of such a rival dynasty in the south, which curtailed the 
power of the Western Kshatrapas. Again, Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuii has pointed out that 
of Vasudeva, the last of the Kushanas, came to an end 100 years after the beginning 
of the reign of Kanishka. Numerous inscriptions prove that Vasudeva reigned at 
IMathura. It is certain that this country, over which extended the empire of Vasudeva, 
was occupied about 3 50 A. C. by the Yaudheyas and the Nagas, and it is probable that they 
reigned in this place nearly one century before they were subjugated by Samudragupta. 
The capitals of the Nagas were Mathura, Kantipura and Padmavati (or Pawaya, at the con- 
fluence of the Sindhu and the Para).^ The finds of Naga coins as well as scattered references 
in Sanskrit literature indicate that the Nagas, not the Kushanas, were powerful in Central 
India before the rise of the Guptas.^ 

In 1928, in his article entitled ‘The Kalachuris of Tripuri’, published in the Annals 
of the Bhandarkar O riental Research Institute, Vol. IX, pp. 281 ff., Rai Bahadur Dr. Hiralal 

^ A. R. A. S. I. for 1 91 3-14, p. 229. 

2 Ind. Ant, Vol. X, p. 157. See also J. R. A. S., 1840, p. 650. 

^A.H.D., p. 51. 

* For other objections, see P. H. A. L, pp. 468-69. 



tried to revive Pandit Bhagvanlal’s theory that the era owed its origin to the dynasty 
of the Traikutakas, by identifying the Traikutakas with the Kalachuris. He suggested that 
Trikuta from which the dynasty derived its name was the Vindhya mountain which was 
so called because of its three peaks — Amrakuta or Amarakantak, the Salakuta or Saletekri 
in the Balaghat District and the Madhukuta or Mohtur in the Chhindwara district. But 
the fact that all the early dates of the era are found in Western India — in Southern Gujarat 
and Western Maharashtra — is fatal to Dr. Hiralal’s theory. Besides, there is no evidence 
to show that the Vindhya mountain was called Trikuta in ancient times. On the other 
hand, Kalidasa clearly indicates in the Kaghuvamsa that the mountain is situated in the 
Aparanta or North Konkan,^ and this is corroborated by the discovery of the Anjaneri 
plates of Prithivichandra Bhogasakti of the (Chedi) year 461, in which a Trikuta vishaja 
is mentioned as situated in the kingdom of Puri-Kohkana (/. e.. North Konkan).2 

In 1933, in his Historj of India, 1 50 M. D. /o 3 50 M. D., Dr. K. P. Jayaswal attempted to 
prove that the Chedi era was started by the Vakatakas. “The Puranas,” he observed, “after 
the fall of the Satavahanas register the rise of Vindhyasakti as the next great power or 
as the imperial power succeeding the Satavahanas. An era will be naturally counted from 

the rise of a new power, whether at once or subsequently Then the second fact to 

take note of in this connection is that Pravarasena I became an Emperor and the previous 
Emperors, i. e., the Kushanas, had in fact an imperial era. To start an era had become a 
chief symbol of imperial position. Jayaswal, therefore, concluded that Pravarasena I of 
the Vakataka dynasty, who became Emperor, must have started the era, dating it from the 
coronation of his father. He read the dates on two coins which he ascribed to Pravarasena I 
and Rudrasena I as 76 and 100 respectively, and referred these dates together with the 
date 5 2 of the Ginja inscription of Maharaja Sri-Bhimasena to the Chedi era dating from the 
rise of the Vakataka power. But Jayaswal’s readings of the legends and figures on these 
coins are extremely doubtful.^ Besides, his theory that the Chedi era was really founded 
by the Vakatakas is disproved by the fact that the Vakatakas themselves never used it, but 
dated all their records in regnal years.® 

In 1936, while editing the Kosam stone inscription of Maharaja Bhimavarman, dated 
in the year 130, in the Indian Culture, Vol. Ill, pp. 177 ff., Mr. A. Ghosh drew attention 
to certain palasograpliical peculiarities noticed in the record, such as the round and narrow- 
headed s, the unlooped sh and r, and the undeveloped curves representing medial i — peculia- 
rities which are known to be characteristic of Kushana rather than Gupta inscriptions. 
He, therefore, referred the date 130 of that inscription to the Chedi era. Subsequently, 
some more inscriptions of Praushthasriya, Bhadramagha, Vaisravana and Bhimavarman 
were found at Kosam and Bandhogarh, and some of them were published in the Epigraphia 
Indica and elsewhere.® These records exhibited the same palaeographic peculiarities 
which indicated that they belonged to the period of transition between the Kushana and 
the Gupta age. The system of dating and the mixed nature of the language used in them 
were also believed to point to the same conclusion. Their dates also were, therefore, re- 
ferred by some scholars to the Chedi era. The fact that some of these records came from 
that part of the country which in ancient times was known as Chedi lent colour to this view. 

^ Canto IV, w. 58-59. 

- No. 31, 1 . 38. 

^ History of India^ 1^0 A. D, to A. D., p. m. 

4 See /. N, S, L, Vol. V, pp. 130 ff. 

^ Mirashi, Nagpur University Journal^ No. 3, p. 26. 

« See, e.g.. Bp. Ind., Vol. XXIII, pp. 245 ff; Vol. XXIV, pp. 146 ff. and pp. 253 ff. eU. Also Jba Com- 
memoration Volume^ pp. loi ff. 



It was, therefore, believed that these records of the Magha kings found at Ginja, Kosam 
and B^dhogarh supplied the early dates of the Chedi era which had been missing till then. 

This view was criticised by the present writer in an article entitled ‘Dates of some 
Early Kings of Kausambi’ which, though written as early as i94t> was, on account of the 
Second Great War and other reasons, not published till 1952.^ In this article it was pointed 
out that if the dates of the Magha records are referred to the Chedi era, Bhadramagha, Vais- 
ravana and Bhimavarman become contemporaries of the Gupta Emperors Chandragupta 
I, Samudragupta and Chandragupta II. If these rulers were ruling at Kausambi, they must 
have acknowledged the suzerainty of the Guptas. But, strange as it may seem, none 
of them mentions any Gupta overlord. Besides, they issued coins in their own names, 
indicating their independence.^ They must, therefore, have flourished before the rise of 
the Guptas. The dates of their records have consequently to be referred to the era of 
Kanishka. A.s for the palasographic peculiarities noticed in these records, it was pointed 
out that all of them can be traced in several records of the Kushana age. 

Till 1957, Dr. Kielhorn’s view that the Chedi year commenced on Asvina su. di. i 
was generally accepted. In an article entitled ‘The Epoch of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era’, 
which the present writer read at the ninth session of the AU-India Oriental Conference 
held at Trivandrum in 1937, he examined thirteen later dates of the era discovered since 
Kielhorn’s time and showed that, though they verified the epoch of 247-48 A. C. fixed by 
Kielhorn, they clearly showed that the Chedi year could not have commenced in Asvina. It 
must have begun on some day between Asvina su. di. 1 5 and Phalguna va. di. 7. And since 
we do not know of any Hindu year beginning in any of the months from Margasirsha to 
Phalguna, it appeared probable that, like the Southern Vikrama year, the Chedi year also 
commenced on Karttika su. di. i. As regards Colebrooke’s statement on which Kielhorn 
relied for his view that the Chedi year commenced on Asvina su. di. i, it was pointed 
out that the statement in question referred to the festival of Durga which is, to this 
day, celebrated with great ec/af not only in Madhya Pradesh but in other parts of India 
also. Colebrooke was clearly mistaken when he thought that the festival marked the 
beginning of the new year. Besides, the Chedi year could not have been current in Nagpur 
as that part of the country was, except in very early times, not included in the kingdom of 
the Kalachuris.^ 

In 1944, the present writer showed from an examination of the so-called Indore 
plates of the Maharajas Svamidasa and Bhulunda that they originally belonged to 
Khandesh and that their dates and also the date 117 of the Sirpur plate of Maharaja 
Rudradasa should be referred to the era founded by the Abhiraking Isvarasena. These 
princes of Khandesh explicitly mention their own feudatory status in their grants. 
They must, therefore, have owned the suzerainty of the contemporary Abhira kings ruling 
over Northern Maharashtra.^ 

In 1945, the present writer further showed that the date 167 of the Barwani plate 
of Maharaja Subandhu also must be referred to the same reckoning.^ 

In 1946, the present writer, again, showed that the date of theKanakhera stone 
inscription of the Saka Sridharavarman, which he read as 102, also refers to the so-called 
Kalachuri-Chedi era.® 

1 Bp. Ind., Vol. XXVI, pp. 297 f. 

2 /. JV. I, Vol. II, pp. 95 ff. 

2 For a full discussion of this matter, see Bp. Ind., Vol. XXIV, pp. 116 ff. 
« A. B. O. R. I., Vol. XXV, pp. 159 ff. 

® Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXI, pp. 79 ff. 

6 Ibid., Vol. XXII, pp. 34 ff. 



In 1949, in an article entitled ‘New Light on the Epoch of the Kalachuri Era’ pub- 
lished in the Indian Historical Quarterly , Vol. XXV, pp. 81 ff., the present writer showed 
that the date 322 of the Nagardhan plates of Svamiraja, which had been discovered in the 
preceding year, probably referred to the Kalachuri era, and that the details of the date 
recorded in the grant indicated a new epoch of the era, 250-5 1 A. Cd 

We have so far seen how our knowledge about the epoch of the Kalachuri-Chedi 
era has advanced step by step since 1859 when Dr. Fitz-Edward Hall first made his 
ingenious conjecture on the subject. We shall next examine such dates of the era as 
furnish details for computation in order to determine the exact epoch of the era. 

Leaving aside the date of the Nagardhan plates which appears exceptional, 
we find that the dates of the Kalachuri era fall into two groups, — (i) the earlier 
ones down to the year 490 which come from Gujarat and Maharashtra where, as shown 
below, the era had its origin, and (2) the later ones from the year 722 to the year 
969 which come from Vindhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh including 
Chhattisgarh, where the era was introduced with the extension of the Kalachuri power. 
It has already been pointed out by Kielhorn^ that the same epoch does not suit these two 
groups of dates. In regard to the first, the only equation which yields satisfactory results is 
Kalachuri-Samvat 0=248-49 A. C., while in regard to the second, the equation is Kala- 
churi-Samvat 0=247-48 A. C. In both the periods the Kalachuri year commenced on 
Karttika su. di. i, but in the earlier period the months were generally amdnta, while in the 
later one they were generally purnimdnta. 


As the epoch for these dates is 248-49 A. C., the first day of the first current year of 
that era is the amdnta Karttika su. di. i (25 th September) in 249 A. C. (corresponding to the 
expired Saka year 171). Therefore, to convert a Kalachuri year into an expired Saka 

year we have to add 170 when the date falls in any of the months from Karttika to 
Phalguna, and 171 in all other cases. Similarly to convert an expired Kalachuri year into an 
expired Saka year we have to add 171 and 172 respectively in the same circumstances. 

Among early dates of the era, there are only five which contain the details necessary 
for computation. Three of these are in expired years, and the remaining two, in current 
ones, as shown below : — 

Dates in Expired Years 

I. Navsari plates of Jayabhata III (No. 21, p. 82) — Lines 30-31 — Magha-suddha- 
panchadasyam chandr-dpardgey'ontht 15 th tithi of the bright fortnight of Magha, on the 
occasion of a lunar eclipse.’ Lines 41-42 give the year 456 (expressed in both words 
and numerical symbols). The plates mentioned also in 1 . 43 the tithi (now completely 
lost) and the week-day (which, judging from the traces left, was either Monday or Tues- 
day) on which the grant was recorded. Assuming that the grant was recorded on the 
same day on which it was made, i. e., Magha su. di. 15, Monday or Tuesday, we find 
that according to the epoch of 248-49 A. C., the corresponding Christian date for the 
expired 436 (/. ^., for the expired Saka year 45 6-f 171=627) is Tuesday, the 2nd 
February 706 A. C. On that day, the aforementioned tithi ended 16 h. 30 m. after 
mean sunrise, and there was a lunar eclipse as stated in the grant. 

If the year 456 is applied as current, the tithi falls on the 14th January 705 A. C., which 
was a ^Vednesday (not Monday or Tuesday as required). Besides, there was no lunar 

1 Tlie same epoch appears to be applicable in the case of the date of the Ellora plates of Dantidurga, 
■which should be read as Sam. 463, not as Sam. 663. ]. B. B. R. A. S. (N. S.), Vol. XXVI, pp. 163 ff. 

2 Ep. Ind., Vol. V, Appendix, p. 57, notes 6 and 7. 



eclipse on that day. In 704 A. C. also there was no lunar eclipse on the stated tithi. This 
shows that the epoch 247-48 A. C. which suits later dates of the era is wholly inappli- 
cable in this case.^ 

2. Anjancri plates of Jayabhatalll (No. 22, p.90) — Line 30 — ■Asvaynja-hahid-aikddasjam 
Tttld-samkrdnte ravait, ‘on the eleventh titJoi of the dark fortnight of Asvina, on the occasion 
of the sun’s entering into the Tula-wrV (the zodiacal sign of Libra).’ Line 39 gives the same 
tithi together with the year 460 (expressed in numerical symbols). The occurrence of the 
Tula-sahkranti in the dark fortnight of Asvina shows that the month was amenta. Accord- 
ing to the epoch of 248-49 A. C. with the year commencing on \htamdnta Karttika su. di. 
I, the date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 460 (/. e., for the expired Saka year 
460-1-172=632), to Tuesday, the 23rd September 710 A. C. On that day the nth tithi of the 
dark fortnight of Asvina commenced 45 m. after mean sunrise, and ended 22h. 45.m. 
after mean sunrise on the same day. Like the tithi of the Kavi plate of K. 486 (No. 
23) this was, therefore, a kshaya-tithv, but as the Tula-sahkr^ti occurred 13 h. 20 m. after 
mean sunrise on that day while the nth tithi of the dark fortnight of Asvina was 
current, it is coupled with the latter. 

If the year is applied as current, the Tula-sarikr^ti fails on Asvina purnima (the 23rd 
September 709 A. C.), not on Asvina va. di. n as required. In 708 A. C. also, the 
Tula-sarikranti did not occur on the stated tithi. This shows that the other epoch of 

247- 48 A. C. is wholly inapplicable in this case also. 

3. Kavi plate of JayabhatalV (No. 23, p. 96)— Lines lyxG—Ashadha-siiddha-dasamydm 
Karkkataka-rdsau samkrdnte ravan, ‘on the tenth tithi of the bright half of Ashadha on the 
occasion of the sun’s entering into the zodiacal sign of Karkkataka.’ Lines 24 and 25 give 
the year 486, Ashadha su. 1 2,2 Sunday, as the date of the recording of the grant. According 
to the epoch of 248-49 A.C., the Karkata-sarikranti in the expired year 486 {i.e., in the expired 
Saka year 486^-172=658) occurred about 8 h. after mean sunrise on the 22nd June 736 
A. C. The tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Ashadha commenced 21 m. after mean 
sunrise of the 22nd June and ended i h. 21 m. before mean sunrise of the following day. 
It was, therefore, a kshaya-tithi ; but as the Karkata-sahkranti took place during the 
tenth tithi, it is coupled with it. Again the 12th tithi of the bright fortnight of the same 
lunar month fell on Sunday (the 24th June 736 A. C.) as required. The date is thus per- 
fectly regular. 

In the current year 486, on the other hand, the sahkranti occurred on Thursday, the 
23rd June 735 A. C., which was the 13th of the dark fortnight of Ashadha (not the loth 
of the bright fortnight of that month as required). 

I^ 734 A. C. also, the sahkranti did not occur on Ashadha su. di. 10. This shows 
that the other epoch of 247-48 A. C. is wholly inapplicable in this case too. 

Dates in Current Years 

4. Kasare plates of Allasakti (No. 25, p. no)— Lines 31-33—5^//} 404, Ashadha ba 
A{A)mdvasyd[m*]sfirya-grah-dpardge, ‘in the year 404, on the new-moon day of the dark 
fortnight of Ashadha, on the occasion of a solar eclipse’. According to the epoch of 

248- 49 A. C., the amdvdsyd of the pilrnimdnta Ashadha in the current year 404 {i, e., in the 
expired Saka year 404+171 = 375) fell on the ist June 653 A. C., on which day there was 
a solar eclipse as stated in the plates. There was no solar eclipse on the amenta Ashadha 
of this year. 

1 According to this epoch of 247-48 A.C., the date should faU in 704 A.C. if the vear 436 was a 
current year, and in 705 A.C. if it was an expired one. 

2 As regards the reading of the number of the tithi, see below, p. 98. 



If the year is applied as expired, the date would fall in 654 A. C., but there was no 
solar eclipse on the purnimdnta or amdnta Ashadha of that year. 

According to the other epoch of 247-48 A. C., the tithi should fall in 652 A. C. or 65 3 
A. C., according as the year 404 was current or expired. In 652 A. C. there was no solar 
ecUpse at all. In 653 A. C., of course, the eclipse did occur on the stated tithi as shown 
above and so the date may be said to be in an expired year according to that epoch. But 
if we have to explain all early dates according to a miiform process, this date will have to 
be regarded as recorded in a current year according to the epoch of 248-49 A. C. rather 
than in an expired year according to the epoch of 247-48 A. C. 

5. Nasik plates of Dharasraya-Jayasirnha (No. 28, p. 127) — ^L. 19 — Chaitra-mdsa- 
suddha-dasamyam Vishue {Vishuve), ‘on the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Chaitra, on 
the occasion of the vernal equinox.’ Line 28 gives the date 436 Chat su 10, /. e., the 10th 
tithi of the bright fortnight of Chaitra in the year 436. According to the epoch of 248-49 
A.C., the corresponding Christian date for the current year 436 (/. e., the expired Saka year 
4364-171=607) is the 2ist March 685 A. C. On that day the tenth tithi of the bright 
fortnight of Chaitra ended 12 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise. The Vishuva or Mesha- 
sahkranti had occurred 5 h. 1 5 m. after mean sunrise on the previous day. The sahkranti 
did not thus take place during the loth tithi, but as the punya-kdla of the Mesha-sankranti 
extends to as many as 1 5 ghatikds before and after the sahkranti, the tithi seems to be coupled 
with the sahkranti. 

If the year is applied as expired, the tithi would fall on the loth March 686 A. C., but 
the Mesha-sahkranti took place 10 days later, on the 20th March 686 A. C. 

According to the other epoch of 247-48 A.C., the date would be expected to fall in 
684 A. C. if the year 436 was current, and in 685 A. C. if it was expired. But in 684 A. C. 
the tithi fell on the 3rd March, while the Mesha-sahkranti occurred 16 days later on the 
19th March. In 685 A.C. the sahkranti occurred on the same day as the mentioned tithi, 
but in view of the other early dates for which the epoch of 247-48 A. C. appears wholly 
inapplicable, it seems better to take this date as recorded in a current year according to the 
epoch of 248-49 A. C. 

A careful examination of these five early dates of the Kalachuri era will show that — 

(1) All these dates can be shown to be regular according to the epoch of 248-49 A. C.; 

for, though the dates 4 and 3 can also be explained as dates in expired years according 
to the epoch of 247-48 A. C., that epoch will not at all suit the first three dates. 

(2) Date 2 shows that the month of Asvina stood at the close of the Kalachuri year; 
i. e., the Kalachuri year commenced in some month later than Asvina, probably 
in Karttika. 

(3) Among the five dates there are only two (2 and 4) which fell in the dark fortnight. 

As shown above, one of them (2) shows that the month cited in it was amdnta, and 
the other date (4) indicates that it was purnimdnta. From this, one cannot, of course, 
draw any definite conclusion. But it is noteworthy that the months of the Saka era, 
which was current in Maharashtra both before the rise and after the disappearance 
of the Kalachuri era, were almost invariably amdiitay Besides, the date 4 comes 
from Khandesh and belongs to the reign of the Sendraka prince Allasakti. 
Another date from Khandesh which occurs in a record of this same Allasakti s son 
Jayasakti mentions that the Mina-sahkranti in the Saka year 602 (680-81 A. C.) 

1 Among the 400 dates of the Saka era which Prof. Kielhorn collected, there was only a single one 
which could confidently be said to be according to the purnimanta scheme. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 272. 



occurred on the loth tithi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna.^ This clearly shows 
that the month Phalguna was amdnta. We may, therefore, conclude that the months 
of the Kalachuri year as current in Maharashtra and Gujarat were generally amanta 
and only exceptionally piirnimdnta. 

(4) The proportion of expired years to current ones is 3 : 2. This is in keeping with 
that observed in the case of other eras. Most of the early dates of the Kalachuri 
era are not verifiable for want of the necessary details. Otherwise, the proportion 
of expired years would have been still higher. 

According to the testimony of these five dates, therefore, the Kalachuri era com- 
menced on the am^ta Karttika su. di. i (the 25th September) in 249 A. C. 

We shall next take the later dates of the Kalachuri era. As stated before, these dates 
come from North India and Chhattisgarh where the era was introduced by the Kalachuris. 
The epoch which suits these dates is that of 247-48 A. C., the year commencing on the 
purnimanta Karttika su. di. i. The first day of the first current year of the Kalachuri era, 
according to this epoch, was purnimanta Karttika su. di. i (the 6th October) in 248 A. C. 
Therefore, to convert a current Kalachuri year into an expired Saka year we have to add 
169 when the date falls in the bright fortnight of Karttika or in any of the months from 
Margasirsha to Phalguna and 170 in other cases. Similarly, to convert an expired Kala- 
churi year into an expired Saka year we have to add 170 and 171 respectively in the 
same circumstances. 

Dates in 'Expired Years 

1. Banaras plates of Karna (No. 4^9 P* 236) — Lines 39 ' 4 o — Srlmad-Gangejadevasya sam- 
vatsare{a)-srd{sra)ddhe Ehdlguna-va{pd)hula-paksha-dvitlydydm Sa{sa)naischa{scha)ra-vdsare, 
‘On the occasion of the first annual srdddha of the illustrious Gangeyadeva, on Saturday, 
the second tithi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna.’ Line i!^%—SaTnvat 793 Phdlguna va 
di 9 Some, ‘on Monday, the 9th tithi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna in the year 793.’ 

Of the two dates mentioned in this record, the second regularly corresponds, for 
the expired year 793 {i.e., Saka 793+170=963), to Monday, the i8th January 1042 A.C., 
on which day the 9th tithi of the dark fortnight of the piirnimdnta Phalguna ended 18 h. 
after mean sunrise. In 1041 A. C. the tithi fell on a Thursday. So the year cannot 
be apphed as current. 

The first date is irregular; for, the second tithi of the dark fortnight of the 
Phalguna fell on Monday (the nth January 1042 A.C.), noton Saturday, 
but the apparent irregularity can be satisfactorily explained as shown elsewhere.^ 

2. Goharwa plates of Karna (No. 50, p. 252) — Line 4^-42 — SrImat-Karnna-prakdse vyava- 
harane saptama-samvatsare Kdrttike mdsi su{hi)kla-paksha~Kdrttikt-paurnnamdsydm tithau 
Guru-dine, ‘During the seventh year of administration rendered glorious by the illus- 
trious Karna, on Thursday, the full-moon day of Karttika.’ As shown elsewhere, 
Karna came to the throne some time after Phalguna va. di. 2 in the expired Kalachuri 
year 792. If the Kalachuri year was Kdrttikddi, the month Karttika in the first year 
of Karna’s reign would fall in the expired year 793, The same month in the seventh 
regnal year would fall in the expired year 799 (/. e., in the expired Saka year 799 
+ 170=969). The full-moon tithi in this year ended 13 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise on 
Thursday, the 5th November 1047 A. C. The date is thus quite regular. It shows 
that the Kalac huri year commenced on some tithi before Karttika paurnimd. 

^ R. B, I, S. M, (Saka 1834), pp, 169 ff, 

^ See below, pp. 239-40. 



If the Kalachuri year commenced in some month later than Karttika, the date 
would fall in 1046 A. C. But in that year the full-moon day of Karttika fell on a 
Friday (the 17th October), not on a Thursday as required. 

3. Rewa stone inscription of Karna (No. 51, p. 263)— Line ix—\P}a^\ra-\ndmna{mni) 

mahd-mangala-samvatsare\ 1180011 ‘In the very auspicious year 800, named Khara.’ The 
date does not give any details for verification except the name of the Jovian year Khara. 
Now, the expired year 800 corresponded to 1048-49 A.C. The corresponding 

Jovian year was Khara according to the northern luni-solar system. The date is thus re- 
gular. If the year 800 had been a current year, the Jovian year would have been Vikrita. 

4. Rewa stone inscription of Karna (No. 33, p. 278) — ^Line 20 — Samvatsata{rd) 812 srlmat- 
Karnm-prakdsa{sd)-vjavaharanajd navama-sam{m)vatsare Mdgha-sudi 10 Gurau, ‘In the year 
812, the ninth year of administration rendered glorious by Karna, on the tenth 
tithi of the bright fortnight of Magha, on Thursday.’ The corresponding Christian 
dzXdoitht expired jfax ill (/. ^., for the expired Sakayear 812-1-170=982) is Thursday, 
the 4th January 1061 A. C., when the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Magha ended 
3 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise. The date is thus regular. 

In the current year 812, the tithi fell on Saturday, the 13 th January 1060 A. C. 

3 . Ratanpur stone inscription of Jajalladeva I (No. 77, p. 409) — Line 3 1 — Samvat 866 
Mdrgga sudi 9 Kavau, ‘In the year 866, on Sunday, the 9th tithi of the bright fortnight 
of Mdrgasirsha.’ The date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 866 (/. e., for 
the expired Saka year 8664-170=1036), to Sunday, the 8th November 1114 A. C. 
On that day the 9th tithi of the bright fortnight of Margasirsha ended 20 h. after mean 
sunrise. In the current year 866, the tithi fell on Wednesday, the 19th November 
1 1 13 A. C. 

6. Sheorinarayan plates ofRatnadeva II (No. 82, p. 419) — Line 26 — Samvata{t) 878, Bhddra 
sudi 3 Kavau, ‘In the year 878, on Sunday, the 3 th tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhadra- 
pada.’ The date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 878 (/'. e., the expired Saka 
year 8784-171=1049), to Sunday, the 14th August 1127 A. C. On that day, the 
fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada ended 8 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise. 

In the current year 878, the tithi fell on Tuesday, the 24th August 1126 A. C. 

7. Sarkho plates of Ratnadeva (No. 83, p. 423) — Lines 23-24 — Ten-dsi{st)ty-adhik-dshta- 
vatsara-sate jd{yd)te dine GihpatehKdrttikydfn=atha Kohin-ibha-samaye rdtres-cha ydma-traye 
SrJmad-Katna-naresvarasya sadasi jyotir-vviddm-agratah sarvvagrdsam-anushnagoh pravadatd 
tirnnd pratijnu-nadi 11 ‘The expired year 880, the fifteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of 
Karttika, Thursday, with a total eclipse of the moon when she was in the constella- 
tion of Rohini.’ The date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 880 (/. e., the 
expired Saka year 8804-170=1030), to Thursday, the 8th November 1128 A. C., when 
the moon was totally eclipsed in the third quarter of the night. The nakshatra R 5 hini 
commenced i3h. 30 m. after mean sunrise on that day. The date is thus perfectly 

The explicit statement that the year 880 was expired is important. It shows that, 
with the epoch of 247-48 A. C. which suits all later dates, the Kalachuri year must 
have commenced before Karttika purnimd. 

8. Paragaon plates of Ratnadeva II (No. 122, p. 622)— Lines iz-ii—Kdhu-graste Kdrttike 
mdsi bhdnau, ‘When the sun was devoured by Rahu in the month of Karttika’; 1 . 30— 
Kalachuri samvat sure 885 Asvi{svt)na sudi i Vu{Bu)dhe, ‘In the Kalachuri year 885, on 
the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Asvina, on Wednesday.’ This date corres- 



ponds, for expired year 885 {i.e., for the expired Sakayear 885 + 171=1056), to 
Wednesday, the 19th September 1134 A. C. On that day the tithi Asvina su, di. i 
commenced 19 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise. 

This date shows that the Kalachuri year commenced on some day after Asvina 

su. di. I. 

There was, however, no solar eclipse in the month of Karttika {amdnta or purni- 
mdnta) in K. 885 or even in K. 884. Perhaps Kdrttike mdsi in 11 . 22-23 is a mistake 
iotSrdvane mdsi', for, there was a solar eclipse in the month of purnimdnta Sravana in 
K. 885, on the 23rd July 1134 A. C. 

In the current Kalachuri year 885, on the other hand, the tithi fell on Friday (the 
ist September 1133 A. C.), not on Wednesday as required. As stated before, there 
was no solar eclipse in the month of Karttika, amdnta or purnimdnta in that year. 

9. Daikoni plates of Prithvideva II (No. 86, p. 443) — Line 23 — Kdhu-graste rajani-tilake 
Kdrttike pamchadasyd{syd)ni, ‘When the ornament of the night (/. e., the moon) was 
devoured by Rahu on the fifteenth tithi of Karttika; 11 . 26-27 — Satiivat 890, Mdrgga vadi 
II Kavau, ‘In the year 890, on Sunday, the iith tithi of the dark fortnight of Mdrga- 
slrshad This date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 890 (z. e., for the expired 
Saka year 890+170=1060), to Sunday, the 30th October 1138 A. C. On that 
day the eleventh tithi in the dark fortnight of the purnimdnta Margasirsha commenced 
9 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise. There was a lunar eclipse on the preceding Karttika 
purnimd (the 19th October 1138 A. C.). 

In the current Kalachuri year 890, on the other hand, the tithi in the purnimdnta 
Margasirsha fell on Thursday (theiith November 1137 A. C.). Besides, there was 
no lunar eclipse in the preceding Karttika. 

10. Rajim stone inscription of Prithvideva II (No. 88, p. 45o)-Lines \%-\e)-Kalachuri-samvat- 
sara{re) 896 Mdghe mdsi su{su)kJa-pakshe rath-dshtamydm Vu{Bu)dha-dine, ‘In the Kala- 
churi year 896, on Wednesday, the eighth tithi (called Kathdshiami) of the bright fort- 
night of the month Magha.’ This date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 
896 (/. e., the expired Saka year 896+170=1066), to Wednesday, the 3rd January 
1145 A. C. On that day the eighth tithi of the bright fortnight of Magha ended 10 
h. 45 m. after mean sunrise. 

In the rarw// year 896, on the other hand, the fell on Saturday, the 15 th 
January 1144 A. C. 

11. Bilaigarh Plates of Prithvideva II (No. 89, p. 458)— Line z-j—Surya-grahana-parvvani, 
‘On the occasion of a solar eclipse’; 1 . ^(t—Samvat 896 Amine 5 {Asvine ' \‘)) ‘In the 
year 896, on the 15 th tithi of Asvina’. The date does not admit of verification, but 
it may be noted that in the expired year 896 {i.e., in the expired Saka year 896+170= 
1066) there were two solar eclipses, one in the purnimdnta Magha (on the 26th Decem- 
ber 1144 A. C.), and the other in the purnimdnta Ashadha (on the 22nd June 1 145 A. C.). 
The latter is probably intended here. 

In the current year 896, there was no solar eclipse. 

12. Paragaon plates of Prithvideva U (No. 123, p. 626)— Line ii—Samvat^^i Phdlguna 
su di 15 Vu{Bu)dhavdre, ‘In the year 897, on the fifteenth tithi of the bright fortnight 
of Phalguna, on Wednesday.’ This date corresponds, for the expired 897 {i. e., for 
the expired Saka year 897+170=1067), to Wednesday, the 27th February 1146 A. C. 
On that day the tithi Phalguna su. di. 15 commenced 8 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise. 

current Kalachuri year 897, on the other hand, the tithi feU on Friday (the 
9th February 1145 A. C.), not on Wednesday as required. 



15. Amoda plates (first set) of Prithvideva II (No. 91, p. 474) — Line 24 — Chaitre soma- 
grahesatv, 1 . 32 — Samvat 900, ‘The year 900, with a lunar eclipse in the month of Chaitra.’ 
The corresponding Christian date for the expired year 900 (/. e., the expired Saka year 
900-1-171=1071) is Friday, the 25th March 1149 A. C. On that day there was a 
lunar eclipse visible at Ratanpur. 

In the current year 900 (1148 A. C.), on the other hand, there was no lunar 

eclipse in Chaitra. 

14. Tewar stone inscription of Gayakarnadeva (No. 58, p. 305) — Lines 20-22 — Navasa- 
{sd)ta-yugal-dhd-ddhikja-ge Chedi-dishta(te) \ ja\na*\padam-avat-lmam srI-Gajdkarnnadeve 1 
Pratipadi suchi-mdsa-sv eta-pakshe-rkka-vdre . . ll, ‘In the year 902 of the Chedi era, on 
Sunday, the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Ashadha, during the reign of the 
illustrious Gayakarna.’ The date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 902 
(/. e., the expired Saka year 902-1-171 = 1073), to Sunday, the 17th June 1151 A. C., 
on which day the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Ashadha ended 2 h. after mean 


In the current year 902, on the other hand, there were two Ashadhas. In the adhika 
Ashadha, the tithi fell on iSIonday, the 29th May 1 1 50 A. C., and in the nija Ashadha, 
on Tuesday, the 27th June 1150 A. C. 

15. Amoda plates (second set) of Prithvideva II (No. 94, p. 491) — Line 35 — Mam(Sani)- 
vataif) 905 Asvi(Jvt)na su di 6 Bhau/ne, ‘In the year 905, on Tuesday, the 6th tithi of the 
bright fortnight of Asvina.’ The date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 
905 {i. e., Saka year 905-1-171 = 1076), to Tuesday, the 14th September 1154 A. C. 
On that day the sixth tithi of the bright fortnight of Asvina commejiced i h. 15 m. 
after mean sunrise. If the Kalachuri era commenced on Asvina su. di. i in 248 
A. C., this date should fall in 1152 A. C. if the Kalachuri year 905 is taken as current, 
and in 1 1 5 3 A. C. if it is taken as expired. But in 1 1 5 2 A. C. the tithi ended 7 h. 30 m. 
after mean sunrise on Saturday (the 6th September), and in 1 1 5 3 A. C. it ended 7 h. 
after mean sunrise on Friday (the 25th September). In either case it would have to 
be regarded as irregular. 

16. Bhera-Ghat stone inscription of Narasimha (No. 60, p. 312) — Line 29 — Samvat po-] 

Mdrgga sudi ii Pavau, ‘(in) the year 907, on Sunday, the nth tithi of the bright 
fortnight of Margasirsha.’ This date corresponds, for the expired year 907 (/. f., 
the expired Saka year to Sunday, the 6 th November 1155 A. C., 

on which day the tithi commenced 2 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise. It ended 45 tn. after 
mean sunrise on the next day. Though not current at sunrise, the tithi must have been 
joined to the week-day ‘which was almost entirely filled by it.’ In the current year 
907, on the other hand, the tithi fell on Wednesday, the 17th November 1154 A. C. 

17. L^-Pahad rock inscription of Narasimha (No. 61, p. 321)— Line -j—lSam^vat 909 
Srd(Srd)vana sudi 5 Vuddhe {Budhe) /In 909, on Wednesday, the 5th tifhio£ the 
bright fortnight of Sravana.’ In the expired Kalachuri year 909 (corresponding to 
the expired Saka year 909-1-171 = 1080) there were two Sravanas. The first or 
adhika Sravana is evidently meant here;i for, the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of it 
ended 16 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise on Wednesday, the 2nd July 1 1 5 8 A. C. 

In the current 909, on the other hand, the tithi fell on Saturday, the 13 th July 


1157 A. C. 

Jabalpur plates of Jayasiihha (No. 63, p. 324)-Lines zyiG-Samvat 91 
paurnnamdsjdm tithau sa(Ja)ni-dine oma-grahane. In the year 918, 

8 Asvina su di 
on Saturday, 

1 For another instance of an intercalary month not so specified, see date 20, below, 




the full-moon tithi of Alvina, on the occasion of a lunat eclipse.’ The date regularly 
corresponds, for the expired year 918 (/. e., the expired Saka year 9184-171=1089), 
to Saturday, the 30th September 1167 A. C. On that day the full-moon tithi ended 
1 3 h. after mean sunrise and there was a lunar eclipse. If the Kalachuri era commenc- 
ed on Asvina su. di. i in 248 A. C., this date should fall in 1165 A. C. if the year 
was current, and in 1166 A. C. if it was expired. But in 1165 A. C. the tithi fell on 
Tuesday (the list September), and in 1166 A. C. it fell on Monday (the loth October). 
Again, in neither year was there a lunar eclipse on the given tithi. 

If the year 918 is applied as current, the tithi should fall in 1166 A. C., but as shown 
above, it would not be regular. 

19. Rewa plate of Jayasirhha (No. 65, p, 340) — Line 14 — Samvat Bhadrapada-mase 

Jukla-pakshe \Chd\turthydm tithau Guru-din e BMnaka-srI-Vatsarajasja{syd) nimitte pimd- 
drchana-sthdne, Tn the year 926, on Thursday, the fourth ///>&/ of the bright for tni ght of 
Bhadrapada at the place of worshipping the balls {pj rice) offered in honour of the Kdna- 
ka, the illustrious Vatsaraja’. The date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 926 
(/. e., the expired Saka year 926-1-171=1097), to Thursday, the 21st August 1175 
A. C. On that day, the tithi commenced 9 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise. Though not 
current at sunrise, it is coupled with the week-day as it was current in the afternoon 
at the time of the performance of the hdddha. 

In the current year 926, on the other hand, the tithi fell on Saturday, the 3rd August 
1174 A. C. 

20. Tewar stone inscription of Jayasimha (No. 66, p. 344)— Line -j—Samvat 928 Srdvana 
su di 6 Kavau Haste, Tn the year 928, on Sunday, the 6th tithi of the bright fortnight 
of Sravana when the moon was in conjunction with the asterism of Hasta.’ There 
were two Sravanas in the expired Kalachuri year 928 {i. e., in the expired Saka year 
9284-171 = 1099). Of these, the first or adhika Sravana is intended here4 for, the 6th 
tithi of the bright fortnight of that month ended 7 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise on Sunday, 
the 3rd July 1177 A. C. and the nakshatra Hasta also ended 16 h. 20 m. after mean 
sunrise on that day. In the nija Sravana of that year, the tithi fell on Monday, the ist 
August, and the nakshatra was Chitra. 

In the current year 928, the tithi fell on Wednesday,' the 14th July 1176 A.C., and the 
nakshatra was Chitra. 

21. Sahaspur statue inscription ofYasoraja (N0.113, p. ^^^)—\:\xst^~Samvat <)^a„Kdrttika 
su di Vu{Bu)dhe, Tn the year 934, on Wednesday, the fifteenth tithi of the bright 
fortnight of Karttika.’ The date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 934 (/. e., 
the expired Saka year 934-1-170=1104), to Wednesday, the 13th October 1182 A. c! 
On that day, the 1 5 th ///Z'Z of the bright fortnight of Karttika ended 14 h. after mean 

In the current year 934, on the other hand, the tithi fell on Saturday, the 24th 
October, 1181 A. C. 

22. Rewa stone inscription of Vijayasimha (No. 68, p. 346)— Line iG—Chatvdrimsatj-adhike-- 
vdeipdf) chaturbhir-nnavatne sate \ Sukre Sdhasamall-dnke Hdhhasje prathame dinH\ Samvat 
^ppBhddrapada sudi \,Sukre, Tn the year 944 called Sdhasamalldnka, on Friday, the first 
tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada.’ This date corresponds, for the expired 
year 944 (/. f., the expired Saka year 944+171=1115), to Friday, the 30th July 1193 

1 For a similar case of an intercalary month, cited without being specified as such, see above,page xvii, 

date 17. 



A.C. On that day, the first tithi of the blight fortnight of Bhadrapada ended 22 h. 
20 m. after mean sunrise. 

In the cmrent year 944, on the other hand, the tithi fell on Monday, the loth 
August 1192 A. C. 

25. Besani stone inscription (No. 71, p. 368) — Line i — Samvataif) [9]5 8 prathama-Asha{sha)- 
dha sudi 3 — The expired YA\‘ 3 ich.VLti year 958 corresponds to 1206-07 A. C. In 1207 
A. C. there were two Ashadhas, of which the first or intercalary Ashadha lasted from 
the 14th May to the iith June. 

In the current year 957, on the other hand, there was no intercalary Ashadha. 

24. Dhureti plates of Trail5kyamalla (No. 72, p. 369) — Line 7 — Samma{vd)t 963 Jjeshtha 
su di 1 Some dinam{ne), Tn the year 963 on Monday, the 7th tithi of the bright 
fortnight of Jyeshtha.’ The details do not work out satisfactorily; for, according 
to the epoch of 247-48 A. C., the tithi fell on Friday (the 20th May 1211 A. C.), if 
the year 963 was current, and on Wednesday (the 9th May 1212 A. C.) if it was 
expired. In view of the slovenly manner in which the record has been written 
throughout, it is not unlikely that Some (Monday) is a mistake for Saumje (Wednes- 
day), in which case the date would regularly correspond, for the expired year 963, to 
Wednesday, the 9th May 1212 A.C. 

25. Pendrabandha plates of Pratapamalla (No. loi, p. 543) — ^Line 26 — grdmo Siakara-sam- 

krdntau dattah samkalpapurvakaJr, 1 . 35 — Samvataif) 965 Mdgha su di 10 Mamgala- 

The details of the date are ‘Makara-sahkranti; the year 965, Tuesday, the lothofthc 
bright fortnight of Magha.’ As it stands, the date is irregular; for, in none of the years 
1212-1215 was the tcnthtithi of the bright fortnight of ‘Magha connected with aTues- 
day’. If, however, sudi is taken to be a mistake for vadi, the date corresponds, for the 
expired year 965 (/. e., the expired Saka year 9654-170=1135), regularly to Tuesday, 
the 7th January 1214 A. C. On that day, the loth tithi of the dark fortnight of the 
piirnimdnta Magha ended 10 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise. The SlSkzx'x-sahkrdnti had 
taken place about a fortnight earlier on the 25 th December 1213 A. C. 

In the current year 965, the tithi Magha su. di. 10 fell on Saturday, the and 
February 1213 A. C. 

26. Tahankapar plate of Pamparajadeva (No. 117, p. 599) — Lines 7 and 8 — lsvafvd)ra- 
samvatsare Kdrtiitti)ka-mdse Chitrd-riiri)kshe Kavi-dine suisu)rj-opardge-, 1. 10 — Samvat 966, 
‘On the occasion of a solar eclipse on Sunday in the nakshatra Chitra in the month of 
Karttika in the cyclic year Isvara, in the year 966’. The date corresponds, for the 
expired year 966 (/. ^., the expired Saka year 9664-170=1136), to Sunday, the 5th 
October 1214 A. C., when there was a solar eclipse visible at Kariker, the tithi being 
the new-moon day of the piirnimdnta Karttika, and nakshatra Chitra. The cyclic year, 
however, does not agree. According to the southern luni-solar system it was Bhava, 
and according to the northern system it was Bahudhanya. The discrepancy is 
evidently due to the writer’s carelessness. 

In the current year 966, on the other hand, there was no solar eclipse in the purni- 
mdnta or amdnta Karttika. 

27. Bilaigarh plates of Pratapamalla (No. 102, p. 549) — Line 28 — Ashddhjdm Sdma-parvvanr, 
1.38 — Samvat 969, ‘A lunar eclipse on the full-moon day of Ashadha; in the year 969.’ 
This date regularly corresponds, for the expired year 969 (/. e., the expired Saka year 
9694-171=1140), to the 9th July 1218 A. C. On that day the full-moon of 
Ashadha ended 18 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise and there was also a lunar eclipse 
as stated in the grant. 



In the current year 969 (corresponding to 1217 A. C.), there was no lunar eclipse on 
the full-moon tithi of Ashadha. 

Dates in Current Years 

28. Makundpur stone inscription of Gahgeyadeva (No. 47, p. 234) — Line i — Samvat -f-jz, 
Kdrttika su di 12 Vu{Bu)dha-dine, ‘on Wednesday, the 12th tithi of the bright fort- 
night of Karttika in the year 772.’ 

This date, occurring in the month of Karttika, should fall in 1019 A. C. if the year 
772 was current, and in 1020 A. C. if it was expired; but in 1019 A. C., the aforemen- 
tioned Z/VZi/ ended II h. after mean sunrise on Tuesday (the 13th October), and in 
1020 A. C., 5 h. after mean sunrise on Monday (the 31st October). In neither case was it 
connected with a Wednesday. But if the deviation of one day is overlooked, it may 
be taken to correspond to the 13th October 1019 A. C. 

29. Sarnath stone inscription of Karna (No. 52, p. 275) — Line 6 — Samva\tsare*^\%*'\\o Asvina 

{Asvina) [su'idi 15 Kavau ‘In the year 810, on Sunday, the fifteenth tithi of the bright 
fortnight of Asvina.’ The date corresponds, for the year 810 (/.?., the expired 

Saka year 810-1-170=980), to Sunday, the 4th October 1058 A. C. On that day the 
fifteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Asvina ended 1 5 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise. 

In. th.t expired 810, on the other hand, the fell on Friday, the 24th Sep- 
tember 1059 A. C. 

30. Raipur Plate of Prithvideva I (No. 75, p. 398 ) — Line 7 — Uttardjana-sakrau (sankrdn- 
tau), ‘On the Uttarayana-sahkranti’; 1 . 17 — Samvat 821, Magha va di 8 Kavau, ‘In the 
year 821 on Sunday, the 8th tithi of the dark fortnight of Magha.’ This date regularly 
corresponds, for the current year 821, to Sunday, the i8th January 1069 A. C. On 
that day the eighth tithi of the dark fortnight of the amdnta Magha ended at 20 h. 50 
m. after mean sunrise. The Uttarayana- or Alakara-sankranti had occurred more 
than a fortnight before, on the 23rd December 1068 A. C. 

According to the purnimdnta scheme, on the other hand, the tithi fell on Saturday, 
the 20th December 1068 A. C., and the Uttarayana-sahkranti occurred three days after, 
on the 23 rd December. 

If the year is applied as expired, the tithi in the purnimdnta Magha fell on Thursday 
(the 7th January 1070 A. C.) and in the amdnta Magha on Saturday (the 6th Feb- 
ruary 1070 A. C.). In both the cases it would have to be regarded as irregular. 

31. Amoda plates of Prithvideva I (No. 76, p. 401) — Lines 27-28 — Gha{Vhd)lguna-kri- 

shna-saptamjdm Ravi-dine; 1 . 41 — ChU-isa{sd)sya Sam 831, ‘In the year 831, on 

Sunday, the seventh tithi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna.’ This date regularly 
corresponds, for the current year 831 (/. e., the expired Saka year 83i-|-i69=:iooo), to 
Sunday, the 27th January 1079 A. C. On that day, the seventh tithi of the dark fort- 
night of the purnimdnta Phalguna ended 7 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise. 

In the expired year 831, on the other hand, the fell on Thursday, the i6th 
January 1080 A. C. 

32. Sheorinarayan statue inscription (No. no, p. 382)— Line ^-Kalachuri-samvatsarew 89811 
Asvini{Asvind) su di 2 Soma-dinL This date regularly corresponds, for the current 
year 898 {i.e., the expired Saka year 8984-170=1068), to Monday, the 9th September 
1146 A. C. On that day, the second tithi of the bright fortnight of Asvina ended 
21 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise. 

In the expired year 898, on the other hand, the tithi fell on Sunday, the 28th 
September 1147 A. C. 



33. Koni stone inscription of Prithvideva II (No. 90, p. 463) — Line 23 — Kdhu-mukha-sthe 
hhdnau, ‘When the sun was in the mouth of Rahu’; 1 . 28 — Sam{m)vat 900, ‘In the year 
900.’ In the current Yt2cc: 900, there was a solar eclipse in the pilrnimanta Vaisakha (on 
the 20th April 1 148 A. C.), but none at all in the expired year, 

34. Tahankapar plate of Pamparaja (No. 116, p. 396) — Line 9 — Samvataif) 963 Bhadrapade 
va di 10, Mriga-ri{ri)kshe Sddma{md)-dine, ‘In the year 963, on Monday, the loth tithi of 
the dark fortnight of Bhadrapada, the nakshatra being Mriga.’ This date corresponds, 
for the current year 963 (or the expired Saka year 963 + 170=1133), to Monday, the 
i2th August 1213 A.C. On that day, the loth tithi of the dark fortnight of the purni- 
mdnta Bhadrapada commenced 6 h. 43 m. after mean sunrise and the nakshatra Mriga 
ended 14 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise. Though the tithi was not current at sunrise 
on Monday, it is coupled with that week-day probably because it was current at the 
time when the transaction recorded in the plate was made. 

If the year is applied as expired, the tithi would fall on Saturday (the 2nd August 
1214 A. C.). 

A careful examination of these 34 later dates^ of the Kalachuri era will show 
that — 

(1) All of them can be shown to be regular only according to the epoch of 247-48 A. C.; 
for, though the first twenty -seven dates can also be explained as dates in current 
years with the epoch of 248-49 A. C., that epoch will not at all do for the remaining 
seven dates 28-34. 

(2) The dates 6, 19 and 22 clearly show that, with the epoch of 247-48 A. C., the Kalachuri 

year must have begun in some month later than Bhadrapada. Kielhorn’s earlier 
view that the Kalachuri year was Bhadrapadadi is, therefore, wholly untenable. 

(5) The dates 8, 13 and 18 indicate that the month Asvina stood at the close, and not in 
the beginning, of the Kalachuri year. Kielhorn’s final view that the Kalachuri year 
was Asvina di is clearly disproved by these three dates. 

(4) From the date 18 it appears that the Kalachuri year commenced some time after Asvina 
su. di. 13, while the dates 2 and 7 plainly indicate that the year began before Kilrttika 
su. di. 13. Between these two limits the only tithi which suggests itself for the com- 
mencement of the Kalachuri year is Karttika su. di.i. This conjecture may be 
said to be corroborated by the date 28, though its testimony is somewhat weakened 
by a slight error in the specification of the week-day. 

(3) Am ong the later dates examined above, there are only seven, vis^., i, 9, 23, 26, 30, 
31 and 34, which fell in the dark fortnight. Six of these, vis^., 1, 9, 23, 26, 31 
and 34 work out satisfactorily only with the purnimdnta scheme of lunar 
months and only one, 30, with the amdnta scheme. We may, therefore, conclude 
that the months of the Kalachuri year generally ended on the full- moon day. 

1 Am ong these 34 dates there are only three, vi^.. Nos. 24, 25 and 28, which are slightly irregular. The 
others work out quite satisfactorily with the epoch of 247-4^ A.C. The following dates have been omitted 
for the reason stated in each case : — (i) The Khairha plates of Yasahkarna (No. 56), because the year of the 
date is manifestly wrong. See below, pp. 301-02. (2) The Ghotia plates of Prithvideva II (No. 92), because 

the numerals of the date are evidently incorrect. See below, p. 479. (3) The Amoda plates of Jajalladeva 11 
(No. 99), because the last figure of the date is uncertain. See below, p. 3 29. (4) The Jabalpur stone inscription 
of Jayasiihha (No. 64), because its evidence is not conclusive^ the date can be taken as recorded either in a 
current or in an expired year. See below, p. 332) n. 2. All these dates have, however, been fully discussed in 
the introductory articles of these inscriptions. I have omitted one more date, w^., K. 928, Magha-vadi to, 
Monday, though it regularly corresponds, for the expired year 928, to Monday, the 27th December 1176 
A.C.; for, it is known only from 9 - statement o iCunningham. See his A- S. J. R., Vol. IX, p. iii and Indiati 
Bras, p. 61, 



(6) The proportion of expired years to current ones is 27:7, which is in accordance with 

the general usage of quoting expired years, noticed in the case of the other Indian eras. 

The uniform agreement of these 34 later dates of the Kalachuri era clearly establishes 
that the era commenced on the purnimanta Karttika su. di. i (the 6th October) in 
248 A. C. 

Now, this conclusion conflicts with the result already obtained from an examination 
of the available five early dates of the era which contained the necessary details for compu- 
tation, vi^., that the era commenced on the amdnta Karttika su. di.i (the 25th September) 
in 249 A. C. It may be noted in this connection that the two types of dates do not come 
from the same part of the country. The earlier dates come from Gujarat and Mahara- 
shtra, while the later ones are obtained from North India and the Chhattisgarh Division 
of Madhya Pradesh. It seems to me that the only way in which we can reconcile these 
two epochs of the era is to suppose that when the era was introduced by the Kalachuris in 
North India, its current years were erroneously supposed to be expired ones. The commence- 
ment of the era came consequently to be antedated by one year.^ Again, though the year 
continued to be Karttikadi, its months bacame purnimanta in accordance with the general 
usage prevailing in North India. 

The Kalachuri-Chedi era, therefore, originally commenced on Karttika su. di. i 
(the 25 th September) in 249 A. C. 


We shall next turn to the question, ‘What historical event does this era commemorate?’ 
For a correct answer to this question we must take the following points into consideration. 

(i) Though in some later records, the years of the era are specified as Chedi-samvat 
or Ched-Jsasja samvat and Kalachuri-samvat, it by no means follows that the era was known 
by either of these names from early times; for, in the early records of the Maharajas of Khan- 
desh, the Traikutakas, the Kalachuris, the Gurjaras, the Sendrakas and the Chalukyas, the 
years of the era are introduced simply by the word samvat. The name Chedi-sam>at, Chedi- 
dishta (or Chd-isasja samvat) Kalachuri-samvat occat in only nine records,^ eight of which 
come from Chhattisgarh. The earliest of them belongs to the last quarter of the eleventh 
century A. C. The reason why this era came to be known by these names in Chhattisgarh 
is not far to seek. Before the advent of the Kalachuris, the general custom prevailing 
in Chhattisgarh, as in several other parts of India, was to date events in the regnal years 
of the ruling king.3 When the Kalachuris established themselves in Chhattisgarh, they 
introduced there the era wliich they had been using in their home province of Dahala for 
several centuries. It, therefore, came to be designated as Kalachuri-samvat. The other 
name Chedi-samvat or Ched-isasja samvat was also appropriate; for, the Imperial family to 
which the Tummana branch owed allegiance was then ruling over the Chedi country. 

1 A mistake of the opposite type seems to have occurred in recording the date Saka 1322 of No. 107. 
The correct date was expired Saka 1323, but the writer seems to have taken it as current and so put down 
8aka 1322, evidently as an expired year. Three other instances of the same type (vii^., expired 8aka years 
erroneously regarded as current ones) were noticed by Kielhorn during his examination of the dates of the 
8aka era in inscriptions. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 268. 

2 The phrase Ched-is'aya sam occurs in the date 831 of No. 76, Chedi-samvat in the dates 919 and 933 
of Nos. 98 and 100, and Cbedi-dishta in the date 902 of No. 38 (which is in verse). The expression Kalachuri- 
samatsara is noticed in the dates 883, 893, 896, 898 and 910 of Nos. 122, 87, 88, no and 93 respectivelv. 
Of these, only the date 902 comes from the country, north of the Narmada. 

3 See, for instances, the dates of the records of the kings of Sarabhapura and those of the Somavamsi 
dynasty. The only early record from Chhattisgarh which is dated in any era is the Arahg plate of Bhima- 
sena. Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 342 ff. It contains the date 182 of the Gupta era. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 228. 


It is noteworthy in this connection that the contemporary ruler of Tripuri is invariably 
referred to as Ched~isa, Chedi-narendra or Chaidja (the lord of Chedi) in the records from 
Chhattisgarhd These names of the era do not, therefore, indicate that the era was started 
by the Kalachuris or that it originated in the Chedi countr}^ 

The other name Traikiltaka, which is sometimes used to designate the era, is due to 
a wrong interpretation of an expression occurring in the Kanheri plate, dated K. 245, as 
already pointed out by Dr. Fleet.^ 

Like several other eras, the era of 249-50 A. C. also had no special name in the be- 
ginning. Its years were introduced by the simple word sam or samvat. 

(2) The earliest records dated in this era come from Central India, Gujarat, Konkan 
and Maharashtra including the districts of Nagpur, Nasik and Khandesh. No certain 
dates of this era come from North India until the middle of the ninth century A. C., i. e., 
until after its introduction in the Chedi country by the Kalachuris. We have already seen 
that the theories that the records of Kanishka and his successors, the so-called Kushana- 
putras, the Maghas of Kausambi and the Uchchakalpas of Central India are dated 
in the so-called Kalachuri-Chedi era are untenable.® The era must, therefore, have 
originated south of the Narmada. 

These considerations point to Gujarat, Konkan and Maharashtra as the original 
home of the era. Let us next consider the political condition in circa 250 A. C. in this 
part of the country which led to its foundation. 

The Pur^as say that when the kingdom of the Andhras will come to an end, there 
will be kings belonging to the lineage of their servants.* Among these latter are mentioned 
ten Abhira kin gs who are said to have ruled for 67 years. Scholars are not unanimous 
as to when the kingdom of the Andhras came to an end. The duration of the Andhra 
or Satavahana rule is variously given by the Puranas, as 460 years by the Matsja, 41 1 
by the Vaju and 456 by the Brahmanda, the Vishnu and the Bhagavata? The date of the 
commencement of their rule is also uncertain. Inscriptions afford, however, some basis for 
calculation. It is well known that there was an interruption in the Satavahana rule over 
Gujarat and Maharashtra. The Saka Satrap Bhumaka established himself in Gujarat and 
Nahap^a in Maharashtra. The Satavahanas, who were ousted from this part of the 
country, seem to have retired to Vidarbha.® They attempted to reconquer their lost 
territory during the reign of Gautamiputra Satakarni. This Satavahana king is said to have 
exterminated the Kshaharata family to which Nahapana belonged.'^ The decisive battle 
seems to have been fought in the eighteenth year of Gautamiputra’s reign; for, soon after 

1 See line 19 ofNo. 77, I.5 ofNo. 93 andl.18 ofNo. 98. Cunningham’s view that Chhattisgarh was 
Eastern Chedi is erroneous. 

2/. R. A, S. for 1905, p. 567. 

* See above, pp. viii ff.; also Ep. Ind. XXIII, pp. 171 ff. As for the theory that the era was started by 
Vamataksha of the Kushanaputra dynasty {Ind. CuL, Vol. VIII, pp. 191 ff-), it is in the first place not clear 
that there was such a dynasty; for, the expression Kushanaputra occurs only in one record, w^., that of 
Vamataksha him self and may simply mean ‘a scion of the Kushana family . 

* Cf. Andhranam samsthite rajye tesham bhrity-anvaya nripah | sapt=aiv=Andhra bhavishyanti das = 

Abhirasntatha nripah || D. R. p. 45. 
p. 43 and n. 33. 

6 Gautamiputra caUs in his Nasik cave inscription (Liiders' List, No. 1 125). 

That Benakata was a district of ancient Vidarbha is shown by the Tirodi plates of the Vakataka Pravara- 
sena 11. Bp. Ind., Vol. XXII, pp. 167 ff. See also /. N. S.I., Vol. IF, pp. 93 ff. ^ 

7 See the expression KhaJ^arata^vasa-niravasesa-karasa Gautamiputra m 1.6 of the Nasik 

cave inscription. Luders’ List, No. 1123; Bp. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 60. 



the victory he donated a field to the Buddhist monks living in the caves near Nasikd The 
Kshaharata Satrap defeated by Gautamiputra is not named, but he was probably Nahapana 
himself; for we know of no successor of the latter. Besides, Gautamiputra is known to 
have called back and restruck Kshatrapa coins in order to proclaim the establishment of 
his rule. The Jogaltembhi hoard, discovered in 1906, contained hundreds of coins of this 
type. But among them there was not a single coin of any successor of Nahapana, which 
shows that Gautamiputra came immediately after Nahapana.^ 

Now, the last known date of Nahapana is 46, which it seems best to refer 
to the Saka era. It is thus equivalent to circa 124 A. C. Supposing that Nahapana 
suffered a defeat in this very year, 124 A. C. becomes the i8th year of Gautamiputra’s 
reign. Gautamiputra may, therefore, have come to the throne in circa 107 A. C. The 
Puranas name the successors of Gautamiputra and give their reign-periods as follows : — 


21 years. 


107 — 127 

Pulumavi II 

. . 28 „ 




• • 29 „ 

156 — 184 

Sivasri Pulumavi III 

7 » 


185 — 191 


3 „ 

192— 194 


• • 29 „ 




. . 6 „ 


224 — 229 

Chandasri Santikarna 

. . 10 „ 


230 — 239 

Pulumavi IV 

•• 7 » 



The find of potin coins at Tarhala in the Akola District of Berar plainly indicates 
that all these kings^ continued to hold Maharashtra to the end of the Satavahana age. The 
reign-periods mentioned in the Puranas are not, however, absolutely trustworthy. In 
the first place, there are many variants, and even if we take the readings supported by the 
best MSS., their statements are in some cases contradicted by contemporary inscriptions. 
The Puranas, for instance, assign a reign-period of only 21 years to Gautamiputra, but 
from a Nasik cave inscription^ he is known to have reigned for at least 24 years. There 
may, therefore, be similar discrepancies in other reign-periods also. Besides, it is not 
certain that the battle between Gautamiputra and Nahapana was fought in the'Saka year 
46 and not later. Notwithstanding these circumstances which render the accuracy of 
the dates doubtful, we may say that the Satavahanas continued to rule in Maharashtra till 
the middle of the 3rd century A. C. The Puranas say that the successors of the Andhras 
(/. e., the Satavahanas) were the Abhiras. And it is worthy of note that we do find an in- 
scription of the reign of the Abhira king Isvarasena, the son of the Abhira Sivadatta, at 
Nasik .5 Its characters and the predominance of Sanskrit in its language suggest that 
Isvarasena flourished later than the Satavahanas, all of whose records are in Prakrit. Isva- 
rasena’s father Sivadatta bears no princely title. This indicates that Isvarasena was the 

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 71 ff. 

“ See P. H. A. L (fourth ed.), p. 4^0. 

3 /. N. S. L, Vol. II, pp. 83 ff. The hoard contained coins of Sgtakarni (probably identical with 
Gautamiputra), Pu'lumavi, SivasrI-PulumIvi, Skanda (probably identical with 8ivaskanda) Yajnasri 
Vijaya,^ Karna, probably the same as Chandasri-Santikarna, and Puluhamavi (probably identical with 
Pulumavi IV). Some of the coins with legend Sdtakanisa can, on palseographic grounds, be referred to a 
S itakarni later than Gautamiputra. They were probably issued by the (Vasishthiputra) Satakarni who 

according to a MS. of the succeeded Pulumavi and ruled for 20 years D K A r , a -? 

^ Ep. hid., Vol. VIII, p. 73. ■ ■ ■ ., p. 42. 

6 No. I. 



founder of the Abhira dynasty. Perhaps, he was previously a military officer of the 
Satavahanas.i From the Gunda inscription^ we know of another Abhira Smapati named 
Rudrabhuti, the son of the commander Bahaka, who w'as in the service of the Western 
Kshatrapa Rudrasirhha I in i8i A. C. Isvarasena may have held a similar office under 
the last Satavahana king Pulumavi IV. In that case his military power and the influence 
he commanded may have helped him in usurping the throne after Pulumavi IV. 

Several scholars identify this Isvarasena with Isvaradatta whose silver coins dated 
in the first and second regnal years have been discovered at several places in Saurashtra 
and Southern Rajputana. About the exact period in which he flourished, there has, however, 
been a great divergence of opinion.® Pandit Bhagvanlal placed him in the gap of the 
years 171-176, for which no coins of the Western Kshatrapas were available in his time. 
Later on. Prof. Rapson showed that the gap did not exist, as he discovered coins 
of the dates from 171 to 176. Rapson himself assigned him to the gap between 
the years 158 and 161, but Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar pointed out that that gap too was virtually 
non-existent, as he found a coin dated 160 in the Sarvania hoard. Isvaradatta may, of 
course, have been an Abhira, though his coins do not say so explicitly; for, the Nasik in- 
scription shows that the Abhiras bore names ending in datta as well as in shia. But it 
is doubtful if he was identical with Isvarasena, the founder of the Abhira dynasty; for, his 
coins are dated only in the first and second years of his reign^ and are found only in Sau- 
rashtra and Southern Rajputana.® This plainly indicates that he had a meteoric rise in 
that part of the country, but was promptly subdued by the Western Kshatrapas. If he 
later on retired to Maharashtra and established himself there, his coins dated in subsequent 
years should have been found there; for, the Nasik inscription shows that Isvarasena con- 
tinued to hold Maharashtra at least till the ninth regnal year. 

Prof. Rapson, who placed Isvaradatta in the gap of Saka 159-160, suggested 
that the era of 249-50 A. C. might have marked the consolidation of the Abhira 
kingdom during one of the successors of Isvardatta rather than its first begin- 
nings.® But the history of other Indian eras shows that they generally originated 
in an extension of regnal dates. The Kushana era, for instance, owed its use to the conti- 
nuation of Kanishka’s regnal dates by his successors Vasishka, Huvishka, Kanishka II and 
Vasudeva. The same may have happened in the case of the era of 249-50 A. C. It seems 
to have commenced with the reign of the Abhira Isvarasena, and was apparently continued 
by his successors, of whom as many as nine reigned according to the Puranas. The Puranas 
unfortunately do not name these Abhira kings, but they state that their rule lasted for 67 
years. Judging by the extent of the use of their era, their kingdom seems to have comprised 
parts of Central India as well as Gujarat, Konkan and Maharashtra including the districts 
of Nasik and Khandesh. 

been suggested that the Abhiras and the Traikutakas w^ere identical, Abhira 
being a racial name, and Traikutaka, a regional one. The names of the princes belonging to 
these two dynasties end in either duttu or sctict, which lends colour to this identification. 

1 It may be noted that the Puranas call the Abhiras Andhrahhritjas or servants of the Andhras {i.e., 
of the Satavahanas). 

2 Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 157; /• R- P' 

2 See above, pp. vii ff. 

« The legend on his coins is Raj/lo Mahakshalrapasa Isvaradattasa varshe prathame (or dvHlye). 

5 Vol. XVI, p. 624. Sarvania, where also the coins of were found, is in the 

former Banswara State in Rajputana. The Sonpur (Chhindwara District, Madhya Pradesh) hoard apparently 
did not contain any coins of Isvaradatta./. R. .d. V B., Vol. Ill, Num. SuppL, pp. 95 ff. 

6 C. A. D., p. cixii. 



But the ChandravaUi inscription of the Kadamba king Mayufa^arman,^ which may be 
referred to the fourth century A.C., mentions the Abhiras separately from the Traikutakas. 
This suggests that the two dynasties, though contemporary, w'ere not identical. The 
Abhiras, who probably had their stronghold in Khandesh,^ held imperial sway, while the 
Traikutakas, who rose to power in the Nasik District, may have been a feudatory family 
owing allegiance to the Abhiras. As stated before, the Puranas assign a period of only 
67 years to the reign of ten Abhira kings. This is abnormally low. Perhaps the expres- 
sion sapta-shashti satan-ihap stating the period of Abhira rule, which occurs in a 
manuscript of the Vdyupuram, is a mistake for sapta-shashtim satan-ch-eha^ In that 
case the Abhira rule may have lasted for 167 years or till 415 A. C. After the fall of the 
Abhira dynasty the Traikutakas attained imperial position. As shown elsewhere, Maharaja 
Indradatta, the first known Traikutaka king, seems to have flourished in the period circa 
415 — 440 A. C .5 He and his successors continued the era started by the Abhira Isvara- 
sena, as it had by that time become ‘the habitual and well-estabalished reckoning of the 
country.’ The history of other Indian eras shows that once an era becomes current in a 
part of the country and the people become accustomed to it, it continues to be used long 
after the founder or his family has ceased to rule. The era of Harsha, for instance, con- 
tinued to be used long after him though his empire crumbled to pieces almost immediately 
after his death. It is, therefore, not surprising that the era of the Abhiras also remained 
current in Gujarat, Konkan and Maharashtra long after the downfall of the Abhira 


The earliest date of the era is K. 9, which belongs to the reign of the founder, the 
Abhira kingisvarasena. The next three dates, K.67, loyand 117 come from Khandesh 
and are furnished by the grants of a feudatory family which plainly owed allegiance to the 
contemporary Abhira Emperors. We have then the dates K. 102 and 167, the first from 
Kanakhera near Sanchi and the second from the former Barwani State, which belong to 
the reigns of the Saka king Sridharavarman and Subandhu of Mahishmati respectively 
and clearly show that the era had spread beyond the Narmada in the North. The 
three following dates K. 207, 241 and 245 belong to the Traikutakas who succeeded the 
Abhiras in Gujarat, Konkan and the Nasik District. Following upon these is the 
date K. 292 of No. 1 1. It belongs to the reign of Maharaja Sahgamasirhha, who seems to 
have occupied Central Gujarat after the fall of the Traikutakas, The next date K. 322 of 
No. 120 comes from the Nagpur District of Madhya Pradesh, and belongs to the reign of 
Svamiraja, who was probably a feudatory of the Kalachuri Krishnaraja. 

Of the Kalachuris of Mahishmati who succeeded the Traikutakas in Gujarat, Konkan 
and Maharashtra, we have the next three dates, K. 347, 360 and 361 of Nos. 12, 14 and 
1 5 , one of which belong to Gujarat and the other two to the Nasik District of Maharashtra. 
The inscriptions of the Gurjara kings who held Gujarat north of the Kim after the 
fall of the Kalachuris furnish the next eight dates, K. 380, 385, 391 392 (in two grants) 
427, 456, 460 and 486 (in two grants) of Nos. 16-20, 121 and 21-24. Contemporaneously 
with these, we have two dates, r/ij;., K. 404 and 406 of Nos. 25 and 26, belonging to the 

^ A., R. A, S, AL (1929)5 p. 50. 

“ Abhira kings were ruling at Bhambhagiri (Bhamer in the Pimpalner tdlukd of West Khandesh) 
till the time of the Later Yadava king Simhana. Bp. Ind., Vol. XXV p 20? 

^ D. X. p. 46, n. 37. ■ 

For a similar expression, set panda varsha-satdn.lha {ibid., p. 47), which Pargiter takes as ‘probably 
meaning 105 years . lbid.,p. -jz, n . r / 

^ See below, p. xlii. 



Sendrakas, who held Southern Gujarat andKhandesh as feudatories of the Western Cha- 
lukyas, and four more, K. 421, 456, 443 and 490 of Nos. 27-30, furnished by the records 
of a feudatory Chalukya family which was at first ruling over the Nasik District, but 
later on supplanted the Sendrakas in Southern Gujarat. Finally, the Harischandriyas, 
whom the Western Chalukyas placed in charge of Konkan and the Nasik District, furnish 
only one date, r/^., K. 461 of No. 31. 

After K. 461 (709-10 A. C.) we have no dates of this era from Konkan or 
Maharashtra. Even before this date we find that the era was yielding ground to its rival, 
the Saka era. The Western Chalukyas and their feudatories, the Sendrakas, who came 
from the Kanarese country, were using the Saka era in their home province. When they 
conquered and established themselves in Gujarat and Maharashtra, they continued to use 
the Kalachuri era evidently because it had become the habitual reckoning of that part 
of the country, but they gradually introduced there the Saka era which was current in 
their home province. The Sendraka prince Allasakti, for instance, issued two charters 
in 656 A. C. Both of them were granted in Gujarat, but while one of them (No. 26) which 
records the gift of a village in Gujarat is dated in the year 406 of the Kalachuri era, the 
other which registers the donation of another village situated in Khandesh bears the 
date 577 of the Saka era.^ Allasakti’s son Jay asakti also, who was ruling over Khandesh, 
dates his Mundkhede plates in the Saka era.^ The Gujarat branch of the Chalukyas 
generally used the Kalachuri era in dating their land-grants in Gujarat. But Mahgala- 
raja, who succeeded Dharasraya-Jayasimha, is known to have issued a charter, dated in 
the year 653 of the Saka era .3 The charter is not forthcoming now, but in view of 
another record of the same prince from the Thana District* it may be conjectured 
that it registered a grant of land in North Konkan. 

In the Nasik District and Gujarat the Kalachuri era lingered a little longer. The latest 
date of that era from the Nasik District is K. 461 (710-11 A. C.).^ The Saka era, which 
had already penetrated into Southern Maharashtra before 687 A. C., the date of the Jejuri 
plates of Vinayaditya,6 soon ousted the Kalachuri era from Northern Maharashtra also. 
In Gujarat the era was current for at least 30 years more till 740 A. C.; for, the Navsari 
plates of Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin are dated K. 490 (740 A. C.). After Pulakesin’s 
death, the country to the north of the Kim was occupied by the Chahamanas, who, coming 
as they did from the north, had a predilection for the Vikrama era. Their Hansot grant 
found in Gujarat is dated V. 814 (756 A.C.).’ Southern Gujarat was held by a feudatory 
Rashtrakuta family which for the first time introduced the Saka era in that part of the 
country. Their earliest grant from Gujarat is dated Saka 679 (757 A. C.).8 After the 
middle of the 8th century A.C. we have no date of the Kalachuri era from Konkan, 
Gujarat and Maharashtra, the provinces where it had originated five centuries before. 

When the Kalachuris migrated to Central India and shifted their capitals to Kalahjara 
and Tripuri, they took with them the era which they had habitually used in their earlier 

1 See the Nagad plates, dated Saka 577, edited by G. H. Khare in the Samsodhaka (Dhulia), Vol. VIII. 

2 They are dated in Saka 602. See A. R. B. /. d. M. (S. 1834), pp. 169-171. 

3 /. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, p. 3 - 

4 This charter is dated S. 61 3 and records the grant of some villages in the Thana District of the Bombay 
State. E/>. J«^., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 17 ff- 

« If my reading and interpretation of the date of the Ellora plates are correct, that record would 
furnish a later date, viz-, K. 465 from the Aurangabad District of the Hyderabad State. 

6 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX., pp. 63 ff. 

7 Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 197- 

8 See the Antroli-Chharoli plates of Karka II, S. 679. ]. B. B.R. A. S., Vol. XVI, p. 106. 



kingdom and made it current throughout their dominions. ^ Unfortunately, the earliest 
records of this era found at Saugor and Chhoti-Deori are undated. The first date of the 
Kalachuri era obtained from North India is K. 593 (841-42 A. C.) of No. 37, furnished 
by a record from Karitalai in the Jabalpur District. It is followed by twenty dates rang- 
ing from K. 724 to K. 963. Most of them are from the inscriptions of the Imperial 
Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri. Among these, seven dates, vi\., K. 724, 772, 789, 800, 812, 
823 (?) and 961 (or 962) of Nos. 44, 47, i (App.), 51, 53, 56 and 70 respectively, come 
from the former Rewa State in Vindhya Pradesh; two dates, K. 909 of No. 6i and K. 
958 of No. 71, are furnished by the former States of Nagod and Panna; two more dates, 

K- 793 of No. 48 and K. 810 of No. 52, are obtained from Uttar Pradesh and the 
remaining six, 529 (?), 902, 907,918, 926 and 928 of Nos. 2 (App.), 58,60, 63, 64 and 
66 respectively, are supplied by the Jabalpur, Damoh and Saugor Districts of Madhya 
Pradesh. Two dates, vi^., K. 926 of No. 65 and K. 944 of No. 67, belong to the feuda- 
tories of the Kalachuris, w'^., Kirtivarman and Malayasimha, who were holding parts of 
the former Rewa State. The territory round Rewa passed into the possession of the 
Chandella Trailokyamalla (or Trail 5 kyavarman) in cixca K. 962. The Chandellas were 
using the Vikrama era in their own records, but in the Dhureti plates which record a 
transaction made in the beginning of Trailokyamalla’s rule in the Chedi country the 
Kalachuri era, not the Vikrama sarhvat, is used for the purpose of dating. 

K. 963 (1212 A. C.) is the last date of the Kalachuri era which comes from North 
India. With the contraction of Kalachuri power during the reigns of the weak succes- 
sors of Yasahkarna, the era gradually lost ground to its rival, vi^., the Vikrama sarhvat 
which was current in the adjoining provinces ruled by the Paramaras, the Chandellas and 
the Gahadavalas. The gradual encroachment made by the Vikrama era is illustrated by two 
dates, V. 1216 (1159 A. C.) of No. 62 and V. 1253 (1195 A. C.) of No. 68. Both of them 
come from the northern parts of the Rewa Stale, and mention the contemporary Kalachuri 
Suzerains Narasirhha and Vijayasirhha. But instead of being dated in the era of the Im- 
perial family, they refer themselves to the Vikrama sarhvat. With the downfall of the 
Kalachuris of Tripuri, the era vanished from North India. 

As stated above, the earlier North-Indian dates of the era are not forthcoming, 
but speaking generally, in the period 750 to 1215 A. C. the era was current sometime 
or other in that portion of India which would be bounded by straight lines drawn from 
Saugor to Allahabad, then to Banaras, from there through Bandhogarh to the Narmada 
and then along the bank of the river to the western boundary of the Jabalpur District. 

"When a branch of the Kalachuri family established itself at Tummana towards 
the close of the ninth century A. C., it introduced the era in Dakshina Kosala. 
But here too, as in the other parts of India, the earlier dates of the era are 
not available. The first date which comes from Chhattisgarh is K. 821 (1069 
A. C.) of No. 75. This is followed by 24 other dates ranging from K. 831 to 
K. 969. They are furnished by the inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur 
and them feudatories, ruling in Chhattisgarh including the former States of Kawardha 
and Kanker. Down to 1220 A. C. the era was current in that portion of South 
India which stretched from the eastern boundary of the Balaghat, Bhandara and 
Chanda districts in the west to that of the Raigarh District in the east and from the Nar- 
mada in the north to the northern part of the Bastar District in the south.2 After 1220 

1 The branch of the Kalachuris which established itself in the country of Sarayupara does not 
however, appear to have used the Kalachuri era. 

' Two copper-plate inscriptions, dated in the years z6o and aSj of an unspecified era, have been found 
at Soro m the Balasore District and Patiakella in the Cuttack District of Orissa respectively {Bp. Ind., Vol. 



A.C. the era began to lose ground in this part of the country also. The later records of the 
Kalachuris themselves came to be dated in the Vikrama sarhvat. The earliest of such dates 
is V. 1458 (1402 A.C.) of No. 107, which belongs to the reign of the later Kalachuri king 
Brahmadeva, who ruled at Raipur and Khalvatika (modern Khalari) in the Raipur District. 
As the memory of the Kalachuri era soon faded from the public mind, it was found 
necessary to change the Kalachuri date 900 of No. 93 to 1207 of the Vikrama sarhvat. 


Jovian years — Only three Kalachuri dates, vi^., K. 322 of No. 120, K. 800 of No. 
31, and K. 966 of No. 117 cite Jupiter’s years. The first of these is of the twelve-year 
cycle, and the other two, of the sixty-year cycle. The first date is regular, but suggests 
a new epoch of the era, 230-51 A. C. The second date works out regularly accord- 
ing to the northern luni-solar system; for, the cyclic year Khara was current during 
the Kalachuri year 800. The third date has quoted the cyclic year Isvara incorrectly; 
for, according to the northern mean-sign system, the Jovian year had ended more than a 
year before the commencement of the cited Kalachuri year.^ 

Intercalary months — Only one date, K. 958 of No. 71 cites an intercalary month, 
w^., Ashadha which is specified as prathama Ashadha. It works out quite regularly. 
In two other cases also, K. 909 of No. 61 and K. 928 of No. 66, the month Sravana 
was intercalary, though it is not so specified. Prof. Kielhorn has noticed several similar 
cases of the Vikrama and Saka dates in which the months were intercalary, though they 
were not so indicated by the wording of the dates. ^ 

Irregular tithis — The only cases of irregular tithis noticed among the dates of the 
Kalachuri era which contain the necessary details for verification are five, K. 772 
of No. 47, K. 823 of No. 36, K. 883 of No 122, K. 963 of No. 72 and K. 965 of No. loi. 
The first of these shows deviation of only one day in the specification of the week-day, 
which is not rare in inscriptional dates. In the second case the numerals of the date 
have been wrongly written as appears plain from other evidence. The irregularities in 
the remaining three cases can be clearly attributed to the carelessness of the scribes. Be- 
sides these, there is one more date, w^., K. 1000 of No. 92, in which the mistake is of 
the copyist who transcribed the record on the present plates from others which had pro- 
bably suffered damage by corrosion. 

Current tithis— In ten dates (w:^., K. 460 of No. 22, K. 436 of No. 28, K. 486 of 
No. 23, K. 883 of No 122, K. 890 of No. 86, K. 897 of No. 123, K. 905 of No. 94, K. 
907 of No. 60, K. 926 of No. 65 and K. 963 of No. 116) the tithi is joined with the week- 
day on which it cotnf?isnced, and not, as is usual, with the week-day on which it ended. In the 
first and third of these cases the reason is obvious; for, they are cases of sankrantis which 
occurred during the particular tithis, though the latter were not current at sunrise. The 
second case is similar to that of Saka 996 (in the Bijapur stone inscription of the Western 

{Continued from the tast page.") <? , , 

XXIII, pp. 197 ff., and Vol. IX, pp. 287 ff). They refer themselves to the reign of Maharaja Sambhuyasas, 

the ruler of Tosall. These dates have been referred to the Kalachuri era on the evidence of pakography. 
Apart from these doubtful cases, no records of this era have been found in Orissa. On the other hand, the 
Arahg plates of Bhimasena, dated in the year i8z, and the Ganjam plates of Sasarika, dated m the year 300, 
expressly refer themselves to the Gupta era, which clearly shows that the Gupta era was current in Chhattis- 
garh and Ganjam in the sixth and seventh centuries A. C. As for the early forms of the test letters noticed 
in the aforementioned records, they can be satisfactorily accounted for, as these records fall in the period 
580-605 A. C. if their dates are referred to the Gupta era. 

1 In two other records edited here {vi^i.. Nos. 107 and 108) the cyclic years are correctly cited accord- 
ing to the northern luni-solar system, but these records are dated not in the Kalachuri, but in the Vikrama 

and 6 aka eras. - Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 41 1; Vol. XXV, p. 271. 



Chalukya Somesvara II) which Prof. Kielhorn has taken to be regular.^ In the seventh 
and eighth cases the tithis which commenced within about two hours after mean sunrise 
have been cited probably because they were current almost throughout the day. The 
sixth and ninth are srdddha-tithis, and it is well-known that for the performance of a 
haddha the particular tithi is required to be current in the afternoon. In the remaining 
cases the tithi may have been cited, because it was current at the time of the transaction. 

Special names of tithis — The third tithi of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha is called 
akshaja-tritijd in the date K. 905 of No. 94. Several grants dated in this era were made 
on the full-moon tithi of Karttika, but only in two records (w^.. Nos. ii and 30) the tithi 
is called Meihd-Kdrttiki. The eighth tithi of the bright fortnight of Magha is called Kath- 
dshtami 'io. No. 88. This tithi goes now by the name of Bhishm-dshtami, the preceding tithi 
being called Katha-saptami. The latter is correctly named in No. 121. Appendix, No. 4 
mentions a yugddi as a holy tithi on which Gosaladevi, the mother of the king Vijaya- 
sirhha, bathed in the Narmada, but it is not further specified. 

Nakshatras — ^No early record of the era mentions any nakshatra. The first inscription 
in which a nakshatra is referred to is No. 83. It states that the moon was in conjunction 
with the nakshatra Rohini at the time of her echpse on the Karttika paurnimd in K 880. 
Nakshatras are correctly quoted in three other records, vi^., Hasta in K. 928 of No. 66, 
Mriga in the date K. 965 of No. 116 and Chitra in K. 966 of No. 117. There is no 
mention of karanas, yogas or lagnas anywhere in the records of this era. 

Eclipses — Lunar eclipses are quoted in six dates, K. 456 of No 21; K. 880 of 
No. 83; K. 890 of No. 86; K. 900 of No. 91; K. 918 of No. 63 and K. 969 of No. 102. 
Of these, the lunar eclipse of K. 880 is noteworthy; for, it was predicted by an astrologer 
in opposition to others who held a divergent opinion at the court of Ratnadeva II. 
When his prediction came true, he was rewarded with the grant of a village. Solar 
eclipses are cited in seven dates, K. 322 of No. 120; K. 404 of No. 25; K. 883 of No. 
122; K. 896 of No. 89; K. 900 of No. 90; K. 926 of No. 64 and K. 966 of No. 117. All 
these eclipses, except that in K. 883, occurred on the days and in the years mentioned and 
were visible in India. As regards the eclipse in K. 883, there is probably a mistake in 
the specification of the month in which it occurred. 

Sankrantis — Three early dates, K. 436 of No. 28, K. 460 of No. 22 and K. 486 

of No. 24, mention sankrmtis. The first of these — the Vishuva or Mesha-sahkranti — took 
place about seven hours before the commencement of the tithi with which it is coupled.® 
The other two sankrantis, w’^., the Tula and the Karkataka, occurred during the respective 
tithis. Among later dates, only three, K. 821 of No. 73, K. 823 of No. 36, and K. 
963 of No. loi, record grants made on the occasion of sankrantis. In the first of these, 
the sankranti was the Uttarayana or Makara; in the second, it is not specified, but as it is 
said to have occurred on the fourteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Phalguna, it must 
have been Mina. This sankranti does not work out regularly. There is apparently 
some mistake in the numerals of the year which should be 827. The third sankranti was 
again Makara, but it is not coupled with any tithi or week-day and, therefore, does not 
admit of verification.® 

1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 294. 

2 For a similar case, see the date S. 996. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXm, p. 113. 

^ The Jabalpur copper-plate inscription of Ya^ahkarna (No. 57) also recorded a grant made on the 
occasion of the Uttarayana-sankranti, but the details of the date, which occurred on the second plate, now 
lost, are uncertain. For a conjectural restoration of it, see below, p. 302. No. 74 also mentions the Uttarayana- 
sankranti which occurred during the stated tithi, but its date belongs not to the Kalachuri era, but to the 
Vikrama era. 




The Abhiras were an ancient race which, according to the Mahdbhdrata, Harlvamsa 
and the Puranas, had spread in the western provinces of India from the Panjab in the north 
to Maharashtra in the south. They are, in many passages, conjoined with the Sudras, 
with whom they appear to be conterminous in the north-western parts of India.^ They 
spoke a language which, according to Dandin’s Kavyadarsa^, was called Apabhrarhsa. The 
Mahdbhdratc^ and the Vdyupurdnd^ call them Mlechchhas. This term, according to Patanjali, 
signifies those who could not pronounce the Aryan language correctly.^ Like the Sudras, 
therefore, the Abhiras were probably the aboriginal inhabitants of the country who 
were gradually admitted to the Hindu fold. 

The Mahdbhdrata mentions three divisions of the Abhiras dwelling in the north- 
west of India, w'^., those who lived on the bank of the Sarasvatl, fishermen and moun- 
taineers.® In another passage the epic states that the tirtha Vinasana lay in the country 
of the Abhiras as the sacred river Sarasvati disappeared at the place through hatred of 
the Sudras and the Abhiras living there.’ Elsewhere, Panchanada, the land of the five 
rivers, is described as the stronghold of the Abhiras.® We are told that while Arjuna was 
encamped in that fertile country together with the women of the Vrishnis and the 
Andhakas, whom he was escorting from Dvaraka to Hastinapura after the internecine 
fight amongst the Yadavas, he was attacked by the Abhiras. All these references indicate 
the eastern part of the Panjab between the Satlaj and the Yamuna as the original home-land 
of the Abhiras. From there they appear to have spread beyond Mathura in the east and 
to Saurashtra, Gujarat and Maharashtra in the south. Ptolemy mentions Abiria, which 
was evidently the country of the Abhiras. It was situated above Pattalene on the Sindhu 
and probably corresponds to the central portion of Sindh above the delta of that river.® 
According to the Vishnupurdna, the Sudras and the Abhiras inhabited the provinces of 
Saurashtra, Avanti (Western Malwa), Sura (Mathura), Arbuda (Aravali) and 
Marubhumi (Marwad).^® The Brihatsamhitd of Varahamihira mentions the Abhira 
country with Korikana among the janapadas of the south. Parasara, cited in the 
commentary of the Brihatsamhitd, also groups the Sudra- Abhira country with Saurashtra, 
Mahar^htra, Sindhu-Sauvira and other countries of the south-west.i^ The Vdyu and 
Markandeja Puranas mention in one passage that the Abhiras dwelt in the north-west 
region, but in another passage they place them in the south together with the 

See MBH., Sabhaparvan, ad. 32, v. 10; Salyaparvan, ad. 37, v. 1; Parasara cited in BS., Vol.I, p. 288; 
VSHP., arhsa II, ad. 3, v. 16. 

^ Kdvjadarsa, ch. I, v. 36. Namisadhu, a commentator of Rudrata’s Kavjdlankara, also mentions 
Abhira as one of the three varieties of Apabhrarhsa. See Kavjdlankara, II, 12. According to Bharata’s Ndfja- 
Sastra (XVIII, 44), the language of the Abhiras was called Tabari. 

® MBH. Mausalaparvan, ad. 7, v. 63. 

* HP., ad. 37, V. 263. 

® Mahdhhdshja, (ed. by Kielhorn), Vol. I, p. 2. The Mlechchhas were not necessarily foreigners. 
Panini in his Dbdtupdtha gives mlechchh in the sense of ‘indistinct speech’. The word occurs in a 
Brahmana passage cited in the Mahdhhdshja, loc. cit. 

® Sabhaparvan, ad. 32, v. 10. 

’ Salyaparvan, ad. 37, v. i. 

* Mausalaparvan, ad. 7, w. 45 ff. Also VSHP., arhsa V, ad. 38, v. 12. 

3 hd. Ant., Vol. Xin, p. 324. 

VSHP., amsa IV, ad. 24, v. 68. 

BS., Vol. I, p. 288. 

Hoc. cit. 



inhabitants of Maharashtra, Vidarbha, Asmaka, Kuntala and others.^ In a third 
passage the Markandejapurana groups the Abhiras with the people of Bhrigu- 
kachchha, Kohkana, Maharashtra, Karnata, the country on the banks ofthe Veni (Wainga- 
hga), Nasikya and others.^ These passages seem to point to the modern district of 
Khandesh as their stronghold in the south. Even now the Abhiras or Ahirs predominate 
in that district of the Bombay State. 

From ancient times the Abhiras have followed the profession of cowherds. Their 
settlement was called ghoshaP The Harivamsa describes how Krislina, the incarnation 
of Vishnu, was brought up, since his birth, in a ghosha or settlement of cowherds.^ From 
certain similarities between the early lives of Krishna and Christ, such as the worship of 
the boy-god, his reputed father’s knowledge that he was not his son and the massacre 
of innocents. Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar inferred that the Abhiras must have brought these 
stories with them when they migrated to India in the first century of the Christian 
era.® This theory has since been shown to be untenable. The Harivamsa nowhere 
states that the cowherds among whom Krishna was brought up belonged to the 
Abhira race. The main incident of Krishna’s early life, his killing of Karhsa, was 
well-known long before the time of Patanjali {circa 150 B. C.); for, we learn from the 
Mahdhhdshja that it was dramatised and represented on the stage.® Moreover, Patanjali 
specifically mentions the Abhiras. While discussing the nature of the compound 
Sudr-Abhiram, he mentions the prima facie view that Abhira is a sub-caste under Sudra and 
ultimately states his siddhdnta that it is an altogether different caste.'^ The discussion 
makes it plain that if the Abhiras were foreigners, they must have migrated to India long 
before the second century B. C., in which we find them not only admitted to the Hindu 
fold but given a definite place in the caste system. 

The status of the Abhiras seems to have undergone changes in the course of ages. 
We have seen that in the time of Patanjali they were generally associated with the Sudras, 
but were relegated to a different caste. According to th.Q Matmmriti, the son of a Brahmana 
from an Ambashtha woman belongs to the Abhira caste.® Another smriti, cited by Kaiyata, 
states that the woman should be of the Ugra caste.® These are, of course, theories of 
Brahmanical writers. In practical life the Abhiras generally resembled the Sudras. 
The Kdsikd, a well-known commentary on Panini’s Ashiddhyaji, says that the Abhiras 
were Mahasudras, i. e., superior Sudras^® and this view is adopted in the Amarakosa. As 

^ MP., ad. 57, w. 35 and 47; VP., ad. 45, w. 115 and 126. 

^ MP., ad. 58, w. 21 ff. 

® Cf. Ghosha Abhirapalli syat in AK., II, 2, 20. 

■* Cf. HV., Vishnuparvan, ad. 7, w. 28 ff. 

5 Vaishnavism, Saivism, etc. pp. 37 ff. 

* Mahabhashja, Vol. II, p. 36. 

’ Cf. ff fffffflfff 11 fffg 1 Pff ff ffffffkffsfft 

■' >0 

fffflffffhdff ff I ffff I ^ ffTffff STffTffTtffffff 3 iT»h 7 T sncqffnjfff II Mahabhashja. 

I»d. Ant., Vol. XLVII, p. 36. 

® MJ'., ad. X, V. 15. The children of a Brahmana father and a Vaisya mother belong to the 
Ambashtha caste. 

® See Kaiyata on the passage cited in n. 7, above. The children of a ^udra woman from a Kshatriya 
belong to the Ugra caste. 

Tht Maha/f 7 tlras 2Lre mentioned in Katyayana’s Varttika as well as inPatanjali’s Mahahbdshya 
IV, I, 4, but their identification with the Abhiras is for the first time given by the Kdsikd on Panini, IV, i, 4. 
Mahasudra is mentioned in the Kausika-sutra (XVII, 16) also, in connection with the coronation of a king. 
A commentator explains the term as Sudrandm hal-ddhikntaby ‘a commander of the Sddra army*. The 
paddhati of Kesava also explains Mahasudra as ‘a royal officer' {Kdjakdjo mahasfidrah), J. A. O, i’., Vol. XIV, 
pp. 46 and 317. 







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shown below, some Abhiras attained royal position, which seems to have raised the 
status of their caste. Kshirasvamin, a commentator of the Amarakosa, remarks that an 
Abhira belongs to the Vaisya caste.^ This view was probably based on the fact that the 
Abhiras generally followed the profession of cattle-breeding, wliich, from ancient times, 
has been regarded as the privilege of the Vaisyas. 

The Mahdbhdrata states that there were Abhira ganas dwelling in the north-west.^ 
Like the Malavas and the Kshudrakas mentioned by Alexander’s historians, they also had 
probably a republican constitution. In the Allahabad stone pillar inscription of Samudra- 
gupta, the Abhiras are grouped with the Malavas, Arjunayanas, Yaudheyas, Madrakas 
and others who submitted and paid tribute to the great Gupta Emperor.^ These tribes 
are mentioned separately from the kings of Aryavarta (/. e.. North India) whom Samudra- 
gupta forcibly uprooted. It is well-known that the Malavas and the Yaudheyas had 
republican organisations, as coins mentioning their ganas have been discovered.^ The 
inference, therefore, seems justifiable that like them the Abhiras too had a republican 
form of government. When the Bactrian Greeks, Sakas and Kushanas invaded the north- 
western parts of India, the Abhiras, like the Malavas, Yaudheyas, Sibis and others, migra- 
ted to the south and settled in Rajputana, Sindh and Maharashtra.® They seem to 
have continued to hold their own in North India down to the Gupta age. We have, 
however, no further information about them as no inscriptions or coins of this tribe 
have been found in North India. 

The Abhiras did not exclusively follow the profession of cowherds. Some took 
to other callings. Even now in the states of Bombay and Madhya Pradesh there are some 
Abhira Brahmanas. In Khandesh, which is still their stronghold, they have adopted 
various professions such as those of goldsmiths and carpenters. On their migration to 
the south, some Abhiras seem to have occupied high political position under the 
Kshatrapa rulers of Western India. A stone inscription® found at Gunda in Saurashtra 
mentions an Abhira general named Rudrabhuti, who served under the western Kshatrapa 
Rudrasiihha. This inscription is dated Saka 102 (180 A. C.). Isvaradatta, who seems 
to have ousted the Western Kshatrapas, though for a very brief period, may have been an 
Abhira as supposed by some scholars.’ Other Abhiras may have held similar positions of 
power and vantage under the Satavahanas. The Puranas say that the Abhiras who 
succeeded the Andhras (/. ?., the Satavahanas) in the Deccan were Andhrabhrityas, /. e., 
servants of the Andhras.® One of them, Isvarasena, seems to have usurped power after 
Pulumavi, the last king of the Satavahana dynasty. 

From the Nasik cave inscription, which is the only early record of the Abhira dynasty, 
we learn that this Isvarasena was an Abhira and bore the title of Kdjan? As his 
father Sivadatta bears no royal title, Isvarasena was plainly the founder of the Abhira 
dynasty. As shown before,^® he flourished about 2 5 o A. C. and was probably the originator 

1 Cf. Vaisya-bbeda ev-zAbhird gav-ady-upajm in Kshirasvamin’s commentary oa AK., II, 6, 13. 

^ Sadr- Abbtra-ganaszsb- aha va Sabhaparvan, ad. 32, v. 10. 

® C. 1 . 1 , VoL m, p. 8. 

* V. Smith, I. M. C, pp. 173 and 182. 

® MBH. (Vanaparvan, ad. 188, w. 33 ff.) states that the Abhiras will rise to power in the same 

age as the Sakas, Yavanas and Bahlikas. 

» Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 157; Bbavnagar Inscriptions, PI. XVII. 

^ Above, pp. iv. S. 

* D.K.A. p. 43. 

» No. 1, 11 . 1-2. 

Above, p. xxiv. 




of the so-called Kalachuii-Chedi era. Like his predecessors, the Satavahanas, he also used 
a raetronymic and called himself Madhariputra. This clearly indicates that he took pride 
in tracing his descent on the mother’s side from a Vedic sage. Though the Abhiras them- 
selves spoke an Apabhrathsa or corrupt language, they, unlike the Satavahanas, seem 
to have patronised Sanskrit. It is worthy of note that the Nasik cave inscription of Isvara- 
sena’s reign is written in a language which is predominandy Sanskrit. It is, of course, 
not an official document, but it clearly shows that Sanskrit was slowly asserting itself 
under the rule of the Abhiras. 

Judging by the extent of his era, Isvarasena appears to have ruled over a large territory 
comprising Gujarat, Konkan and Maliarashatra. He was followed by nine other kings, 
whose names have, unfortunately, not come down to us.^ The Abhiras seem to have 
ruled for 167 years^ and were supplanted by their feudatories, the Traikutakas, in circa 
415 A.C. 

As stated above, Khandesh was the stronghold of the Abhiras. Petty princes of 
the Abhira dynasty appear to have continued to rule in Khandesh till the 13th century 
A. C. A stone inscription at Ambe in the Hyderabad State records that Kholesvara, 
a general of the Yadava king Sirhhana, exterminated Lakshmideva, the lord of Bhambha- 
giri, who belonged to the Abhira dynasty.® Bhambhagiri is probably identical with 
Bhamer, four miles south of Nizampur in the Pimpalner tdlukd of the West Khandesh 
District. Near Bhamer is a great fortified hill which has many ruined gateways, gates, 
towers and also some old caves locally known as ‘Raja’s houses.’^ This fort was probably 
known as Bhambhagiri. The aforementioned Ambe inscription describes Kholesvara 
as a very wild fire which burned the forest of the family of Lakshmideva, the 
Abhira king of Bhambhagiri, and a similar statement occurs about Simhana in the 
Uddari stone inscription.® This plainly indicates that the whole family of Lakshmideva 
was exterminated, and his kingdom was annexed by the Yadava king Sithhana. 

Another king named Kamapala, who was vanquished by Krishna, the grandson and 
successor of Simhana, probably belonged to the Abhira dynasty; for, his defeat is said to 
have delighted the cowherds, who may have been oppressed by him.® The Tasgaon plates 
of Krishna’s reign intimate that Krishna’s feudatory Kesava obtained a victory over a 
chief of the cowherds, who may have been identical with the aforementioned Kama- 
pala.’ He also may have been ruling in some part of Khandesh. After the thirteenth 
century we do not hear of the Abhira kings. 

Judging by their names, both Isvarasena and his father Sivadatta were followers 
of the Hindu religion and devotees of Siva. But like their predecessors, the Satavahanas, 
the Abhiras seem to have extended their patronage to the followers of other faiths also. 
That Buddhism was flourishing during their rule is clearly indicated by the Nasik cave 
inscription of Isvarasena’s reign. Even foreigners like the Sakas embraced it and made 
munificent donations for the benefit of the Buddhist monks. Several guilds were 

^ Vatsyayana’s Kamasutra mentions the Abhira Kottaraja, who was murdered in another’s house 
by a washerman at the instigation of his brother. The commentator Yasodhara says that he was ruling at 
Kotta in Gujarat. Kottaraja was probably his personal name. He may have been a successor of Isvarasena. 

* See above, p. xxvi. 

® S. M. H. D., Vol. I, p. 64. 

* Bom. Gaz; Vol. XII, pp. 434 ff. 

® A. R. A. S. M. (1929), pp. 142 ff. See also Ep. hd., Vol. XXV, p, 202 n. 6. 

« Ep. Ittd., Vol. XXV, p. 210, 

’ Ibid., Vol. XXV, p. 204, n. 4. An earlier king of the same dynasty was perhaps Krishna mentioned 
in the Balsang stone inscription, dated S, 1106 (1184-85 A.C.). B. I. S. M. Q., Vol. XXII, p. 71. 



flourishing in theit kingdom, in which people invested large amounts for making perma- 
nent endowments. This indicates that peace, order and a general sense of security 
prevailed in the country during their rule. '' 


Mah^ajas of Valkha — Until recently we had no knowledge of any feudatories of 
the Abhiras. This was due to the circumstance that certain grants^ which originally 
belonged to Khandesh and were dated in the Kalachuri era were relegated to North India 
and were supposed to be dated in the Gupta era as they were discovered at Indore. The 
close similarity which these grants bear in respect of characters, phraseology and mode of 
dating to a fragmentary grant found at Sirpur^ in the West Khandesh District leaves no 
doubt that they also originally came from Khandesh.'"* These grants give the following 
genealogy : — 

Maharaja Svamidasa (Year 67) 

Maharaja Bhulunda (Year 107) 

Maharaja Rudradasa (Year 117) 

As these grants do not mention any royal genealogy, the relation of these princes 
inter se is not known. All of them are described as parama-hhattaraka-pad-anudhyata ‘medi- 
tating on the feet of the lord paramount’, which clearly shows that they acknowledged the 
suzerainty of some other power. The dates of their grants must plainly be referred to the 
so-called Kalachuri-Chedi era founded by the Abhira Isvarasena. The years 67, 107 and 
117 mentioned in these records correspond to 316-17, 356-37 and 366-67 A. C. respec- 
tively. These princes were, therefore, probably feudatories of the Abhira Emperors. 

These princes ruled from Valkha which is probably identical with Vaghli, now a 
small village, 6 miles north by east of Chahsgaon in the East Khandesh District.^ Most 
of the places mentioned in their grants can be identified in the vicinity of Vaghli.® 

No copper-plates or stone inscriptions of any successors of Rudradasa have been 
discovered, but in an inscription in Cave XVII at Ajanta® we find similar names en din g 
in dasa which may have belonged to the same dynasty. This inscription gives the following 
genealogy : — 

(Name lost) 



■ . I ■ 






Kacha I 

^ Nos. 2 and 3. 

2 No. 4. 

® The grants were taken to Indore by Pandit Vaman Shastri Islampurkar, who was engaged in 
collecting copper-plates, Sanskrit manuscripts and other antiquities. 

^ Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit has suggested that Valkha may be identical with Bahai in the 
Chalisgaon tdluka of East Khandesh, where a large hoard of punch-marked coins was recently discovered. 
J. N, j'. Vol. VIII, p. 3. 

5 See below, pp. 7 ff 

® For a fuller account of this inscription, see my edition of it in H, A, S, No. ij. 



Kacha I 




Kacha II 


(Name lost) Ravisamba 

The elder son of Krishnadasa, whose name is now illegible, was overwhelmed with 
sorrow at the premature death of his younger brother Ravisamba. He began to lead a 
pious life and caused several stupas and vihdras to be constructed. He also got the Vihara 
Cave XVII and the Chaitya Cave XIX at Ajanta excavated, while Harishena, ‘the moon 
among princes’ {kshitfndra-chandrd), was protecting the earth. 

The foregoing account of the inscription in Ajanta cave XVII shows that the last 
of these princes was a contemporary and probably a feudatory of the Vakataka Emperor 
Harishena, who flourished from circa 47 j A. C. to 500 A. C.i He was preceded by ten 
other princes. The first of these may, therefore, be placed in circa -300 A. C. He seems 
to have been placed in charge of a part of Khandesh by the contemporary Abhira Emperor. 

Some of these princes mentioned in this Ajanta inscription were evidently contem- 
poraries of Svamidasa, Bhulunda and Rudradasa, whose dates range from 316 366 
A. C., but the latter names do not occur anywhere, in the genealogy of the Ajanta inscrip- 
tion. There were, therefore, two separate branches of the same family ruling in different 
parts of Khandesh. One of them was ruling at Valkha as shown above.2 The capital 
of the other is not known. 

After the fall of the Abhiras, these princes of Khandesh seem to have transferred 
their allegiance to the Vakatakas, A fragmentary verse in the inscription in Cave XVI at 
Ajanta states that the Vakataka Emperor Harishena raided or exacted tribute ftomTrikuta* 
which comprised the territory round Nasik. Khandesh, which lay between Vidarbha 
and Trikuta, must have likewise submitted to the Vakatakas. This is also indicated by 
the manner in which the Vakataka Emperor Harishena is mentioned in the inscription 
in Ajanta Cave XVII. Further, the Dasakumdracharita which, in its last uchchhvdsa, gives 
a narrative reflecting the last period of Vakataka rule,^ the reign of Harishena’s son, 
mentions the ruler of Rishika (/. e., modern Khandesh)^ as a feudatory of the kin g of 

^ H. A. S., No. 14, p. 9. 

* D. C. Sircar has recently objected to the view mentioned above on the ground that the 'Parama- 
hhattdraka overlords of feudatory Maharajas are unknown before the age of the Imperial Guptas. He would 
place these Maharajas of Valkha in the Anupa country and refer the dates of their grants, vi^., the years 67, 
107 and 1 17 to the Gupta era. H. C. I. P., Vol. II, p. aaz, n. 3. It is difficult to accept tffis view. We have 
no other grants, made by feudatory princes of the Deccan in the pre-Gupta age, from which we could have 
drawn any conclusion about their titles and the manner in which they described ffipir own feudatory status. 
The suggestion that these dates refer to the Gupta eta is also not free from difficulties. The Guptas do not 
seem to have penetrated to the Anupa country as early as G. 67 (386-87 A. C). The earhest Gupta record 
found even in Eastern Malwa is dated G. 82. Anupa, which lay farther west, could not have been included 
in the Gupta Empire fifteen years before. That these Maharajas belonged to Khandesh is clearly in dica ted 
by the similarity of the names of two of them to those of some rulers of Khandesh, mentioned in the in- 
scription in Ajanta cave XVII which belongs to the Vakataka age, 

® H. A. S.y No. 14 p. II. 

« A. B. O. R. J., Vol, XXVI, pp, 20 ff. 

® For this identification, see Vol. XXV, pp. 167 ff. 


XXXV 11 

Vidarbha. After the fall of the Vakatakas, this feudatory family of Khandesh was over- 
thrown by the Kalachuris who occupied Northern Maharashtra in circa 5 50 A. C. 

Isvaratata — ^Another feudatory who probably owed allegiance to the Abhiras was 
ruling in Central Gujarat. He is known from a fragmentary copper-plate grant discovered 
at Kalachhala near Chhota Udaipur in the Bombay State. Only the first plate of this 
grant, which originally must have consisted of two or three plates, has been found. It 
mentions one Isvararata, who meditated on the feet of a lord paramount {Paramabhattdra- 
kapad-dnndhjatd). Isvararata, though he bears no royal title, was plainly a feudatory of 
some imperial power. He appears to have ruled over a fairly extensive territory; for, among 
the persons to whom he addressed his order are included such high officers of the State 
as Yjimdrdmdtja and Uparika?- The extant portion of the grant contains no date, but 
its palaeography and wording, which closely resemble those of the aforementioned grants 
from Khandesh, indicate that Isvararata flourished in the 4th century A. C. Like the 
rtf/^rofValkha, he was probably a feudatory of the Abhiras. 

Isvararata’s grant was made at Prachakasa. This place may be identical with Pra- 
kasha on the Tapi in North Khandesh. The village Kupika granted by the charter cannot 
now be traced, but Vahkika, the headquarters of the territorial division in which it was 
situated, may be represented by the modern village Vankad, about 20 miles from Chhota 
Udaipur. Isvararata, therefore, appears to have held Central Gujarat and some portion 
of the Khandesh District. 

No successor of Isvararata is known; but his family may have continued to hold 
Central Gujarat until it was ousted by Sarva Bhattaraka who appears to have risen to power 
in circa 400 A. C. As shown elsewhere,^ the latter’s coins, imitated from those of the 
Western Kshatrapas, are found in abundance in Central Gujarat and Saurashtra. 

The Kings of Mahishmati — ^The Abhiras appear to have soon extended their rule to 
Anupa (the covmtry around Mahishmati) and Akaravanti (Malwa) also. It has been noticed 
that the potin coins of the Western Kshatrapas, which were intended for circulation in 
Malwa, suddenly come to an end in 240 A. C.^ The reason for this contraction of 
Kshatrapa power is supposed to be the rise of the Vakataka Vindhyasakti. We have, 
however, no indication of the extension of the Vakataka power north of the Narmada 
in this early period,^ while we have evidence of the spread of the Abhira kingdom in the 
use of the Abhira era in the countries of Anupa and Akaravanti in the fourth and fifth 
centuries A. C. The era must have been introduced there by the Abhiras or their feuda- 

One of these feudatories was Mahadandanajaka Saka Sridharavarman, the son of 
Saka Nanda, whose stone inscription,® recording the excavation of a well, was found at 
Kanakhera near Sanchi in the Bhopal State. Though a Saka by extraction, Sridharavarman 
did not probably belong to the house of Chashtana; for unlike the Western Kshatrapas, 
he dated his record in the era of the Abhiras, not in that of the Sakas. The title Mahadanda- 
ndjaka prefixed to his name in the Kanakhera inscription indicates that he began his 
career as a military officer, probably of the contemporary Abhira king. Later, he may 

1 For Kumar amatya and Uparika, see below, p. 36, notes 4 and 3 respectively. 

^ J. N. S. I., Vol. VI, pp. 14 fif. Dr. Altekar places Sarva Bhattaraka in the period 348-378 A. C. 
Ibid., pp. 18 fl. 

® C. A. D., Introd., p. cxxxiii; N. H. I. P., Vol. IV, p. 54. 

* I have shown elsewhere that the original home of the Vakatakas lay in South India. A. B. 0 , R. I., 
Vol. xxxii, pp. I ff. Prithivishena, whose feudatory Vyaghra’s inscriptions have been found at Nachna and 
Ganj in Vindhya Pradesh, was the second Vakafaka prince of that name who flourished in c. 470-490 A. C. 

® No. 5, pp. 13 flF., below. 



have risen to the status of a feudatoty.^ As the power of the Abhiras declined, he appears 
to have declared his independence and begun to date his records in his regnal years, though 
he did not, for some years, discard his previous military title^ or the Abhira eta which had 
become well established in the country under his rule. 

The Kanakhera inscription is dated in the thirteenth year of Siidharavarman’s reign. 
It contains another date at the end, the reading and interpretation of which are, unfortuna- 
tely, not quite certain. As shown elsewhere,^ the correct reading of the date appears 
to be 102, which, being referred to the Abhira era, becomes equivalent to 351-52 A.C. 
Sridharavarman seems, therefore, to have declared his independence in circa 339 A. C. 

Another inscription^ of Sridharavarman has recently come to light at £ran in the 
Saugor District of Madhya Pradesh. In this record Sridharavarman is seen to have dis- 
carded his previous military, title and assumed instead the titles V>Mjan and Mahdkshatrapa 
which, as in the inscriptions and coins of the Western Kshatrapas, signified complete in- 
dependence. He has also omitted therein all reference to the Abhira era, perhaps because 
it recalled his previous submission to another power. The Eran inscription is dated in 
the 27th regnal year. It seems, therefore, to have been put up in 365 A.C. Sridharavarman 
may have flourished from 339 A. C. to 368 A. C. 

Neither of these two inscriptions mentions any capital of Sridharavarman. That 
he held the Vidisa-Eriki^ territory is certain; for, his records have been found in that 
part of the country. It is, however, not unlikely that his rule extended farther west to 
the Anupa country also, where the Abhira era continued in use for at least 50 years more; 
for, no other ruler of his power and prestige is known to have flourished in Central India 
in that period. If this supposition is correct, M^ishmati may have been his capital.® 

The Eran record is incised on a pfllar, called yashti, erected by Satyanaga, the 
Arakshika Sendpati of Sridharavarman, as a memorial to the Naga soldiers who met 
with a hero’s death in a battle fought at the adhishthdna of Erikina (modem Eran). In that 
record Satyanaga, who hailed from Maharashtra, expressed the hope that t\\t yashti, raised 
by the Nagas themselves, would inspire future generations of warlike people to perform 
similar heroic deeds; for, it was a place where friends and foes met together in a spirit of 
service and reverence. Unfortunately, no particulars of the battle in which these Naga 
soldiers laid down their lives have been preserved in the inscription. Perhaps the enemy 
was the ruler of some neighbouring country like Mekala. 

The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta mentions the Sakas and the 
Murundas as border chiefs who submitted to the mighty Gupta Emperor and solicited his 
charters confirming them in the enjoyment of their own territories.® The Saka chief is 
usually taken to be one of the Western Kshatrapas; but the kingdom of the Kshatrapas 
lay far in the west. Besides, their rule in Malwa seems to have come to an end 
about the middle of the third century A. C. with the rise of the Abhiras. The Saka 
king who submitted to Samudragupta must, therefore, be identified with Sridhara- 
varman. He may have paid homage to the Gupta Emperor some time after 365 A. C., 

1 It is not known whether his father held any oflSce under the Abhiras. No title is prefixed to his 
name, but as in the case- of Isvararata, this negative evidence is not conclusive. 

® Other instances of a similar type are the Senapati Pushyamitra, the founder of the Sunga dynasty, 
who retained his military title even after performing two AsvamMhas (Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 57), and the 
Mahasenapati Saka Mana who issued his coins mentioning the military title {]. N. S. L, Vol. XII, pp. 90 ff). 

® See below, pp. 14 ff. 

* No. 119, pp. 605 ff., below. 

® This is a tentative suggestion which may be corroborated or modified by future discoveries. 

« C. J. I., Vol. m, p. 8. 



when he heaf 4 fepotts of the latter’s brilliant victories in North and South India. Later, 
Samudragupta, on some provocation, appears to have attacked the Saka king’s territory and 
obtained a decisive victory over him in the batde of Erikiaa. He then annexed the terri- 
tory round Erikina^ which had strategic importance, and erected a monument there ‘for 
augmenting his own fame.’ He appears, however, to have allowed the Saka king to 
continue in possession of the rest of his kingdom as he did in the case of some republican 
tribes such as the Sanakanikas and the Kharaparikas.^ It is well known that it was 
Samudragupta’s son Chandragupta II, who first conquered Eastern and Western Malwa in 
the course of his ‘conquest of the whole earth’, some time in the last decade of the 4th 
century A. C. The earliest dated record of the Guptas found in Malwa is the Udayagiri 
cave inscription of Chandragupta II, dated G. 82 (401-2 A. C.) 

Sridharavarman, though he belonged to the Saka race, was a follower of the Hindu 
religion. Both he and his father Nanda bear Hindu names. He was a devout worshipper of 
Karttikeya and, like an orthodox Hindu, believed that he could secure permanent residence 
in heaven by means of charitable works like the excavation of a well. In both the records 
ofhis reign he is described as dharmavijayin or a righteous conqueror, which implies that 
he did not wage any war for self-aggrandizement. His liberal policy attracted able men 
from distant countries like Maharashtra. He trusted them and appointed them to important 
military posts. His inscriptions are written in a good Sanskrit kdvya style. They show 
that the revival of the classical language had already commenced before the age of the 
Guptas. Like the Western Kshatrapas and the Abhiras, the Sakas of Central India also 
appear to have given liberal patronage to Sanskrit poets at their court. 

We do not know how long the Sakas continued to rule in Central India. They 
were probably overthrown when they suffered a defeat at the hands of Chandragupta II 
towards the close of the 4th century A. C. Thereafter, we have two copper-plate grants 
of Maharaja Subandhu, both made at Mahishmatl, one of which was found somewhere 
in the former Barw^i State and the other in one of the famous Bagh caves. 

These grants of Subandhu bear close resemblance in respect of characters, phraseology 
and royal sign-manual to the aforementioned grants of the Maharajas of Khandesh. All 
of them probably belong to the same period. The era in which they are dated must there- 
fore be identical. The date of the Bagh cave plate is lost, but that of the Barwani plate 
which is well preserved is the year 167. If this is referred to the Abhira era, it becomes 
equivalent to 416-17 A. C. Subandhu, therefore, flourished in the first quarter of the fifth 
century A. C. 

Unlike the Maharajas of Valkha, Subandhu does not refer to any suzerain even in a 
general manner, which shows that he was an independent ruler. In 416-17 A. C. the Gupta 
power had, no doubt, reached its peak. Chandragupta II was dead at the time and was suc- 
ceeded by his son Kumaragupta I; but there is no reason to suppose that the Gupta dominion 

1 Cf. sva-hboga-nagar-Airikina-pradese in the Eran inscription of Samudragupta. C. I. I., Vol. Ill, 
p. 20. The battle of Erikina appears to have been fought towards the close of Samudragupta’s reign. The 
inscription at Eran which mentions the monument which he erected there ‘for augmenting his fame’ is 
probably posthumous; for it uses the past tense in describing the Gupta Emperor. Besides, the description 
it gives of him indicates that he had already won all his major victories. He is said to have been of irresis- 
tible valour and to have overthrown the whole tribe of kings upon the earth. His enemies were terrified by 
his prowess even in their dreams. Again, it describes his queen as one who went about in the company of 
sons and grandsons. The description plainly shows that Samudragupta was considerably advanced in age 
when the monument was erected, and may have died before the inscription was put up. 

2 That the Sonakanika.; and the Kharaparikas belonged to Central India is shown by some 
inscriptions. See C, I. /., Vol. Ill, p. 25 and I, C, P, B., p. 58, 



had su£feted any diminution at the beginning of the lattet’s reign. It may, therefore, be 
asked how Kumaragupta allowed Subandhu to enjoy independence just on the border 
of the Avanti province which was undoubtedly vmder Gupta rule at the time. The reason 
is not far to seek. The Anupa country, where Subandhu was ruling, comprised the 
territory along both the banks of the Narmada, now included in the Nemad Districts 
of Madhya Pradesh and Madhya Bharat as well as the adjoining territory. Just about 
this time there was rising the powerful State of the Traikutakas across the Narmada.^ 
According to the Puranas, the Abhira rule lasted for 167 years. The Abhiras were 
succeeded by the Traikutakas, who soon extended their sway to Northern Maharashtra, 
Konkan and Gujarat. The kingdom of Mahishmati may, therefore, have been allowed 
to continue as a iDuflFet state between the dominions of the Traikutakas and the Guptas. 

Subandhu’s descendants may have continued to rule from Mahishmati for some 
years more; but when the Vakataka Narendrasena {circa 450-470 A. C.) extended his suze- 
rainty to Malwa, he must have annexed the intervening kingdom of Anupa. Thereafter, 
the country was governed by a scion of the Vakataka family. The narrative in the eighth 
chapter of the Dasakumdracharitay which appears to have a historical basis,® shows that 
the last Vakataka Emperor (probably Harishma) had placed one of his sons on the throne 
of Mahishmati. Soon thereafter, the country was occupied by the Kalachuris in circa 525 
A. C. 


This royal dynasty derived its name from Trikuta or a three-peaked mountain or 
the district in which it was situated. This was evidently the home of the royal family. 
Several mountains named Trikuta situated in all the four directions of India are known 
from Sanskrit literature and lexicons. According to the Vishnu^ and Mdrkand^a^ Purarias, 
Trikuta was the name of the southern ridge of the mythical Mem mountain. It was, 
therefore, situated in the north. Hemachandra® and Mahesvara,® who in their lexicons 
give Suvela as its synonym, evidently place it in Ceylon. An ancient commentator of 
Bhartrihari’s Vakyapadijd’ states that Trikuta was the name of a mountain in the Trikalinga 
or Andhra country. Finally, Kahdasa places Trikuta in Aparanta® or North Konkan, 
and his view receives confirmation from Kesava’s Kalpadrukosa^ which gives it as a name 
of the Sahyadri range. In recent times, R. B. Hiralal, who identified the Traikutakas 
with the Kalachuris, has expressed the view that Trikuta is identical with-the Satpura 
mountain which was so called on account of its three prominent peaks, the 

^ The earliest known Traikutaka king was Indradatta, who must have flourished about 41 5 A.C. as 
his son Dahrasena’s Pardi grant is dated in K. 207 (456-57 A. C.). Dahrasena is known to have performed 
an Alvamedba sacrifice. See No. 8, 1 . 2. 

2 See my article entitled ‘Historical Data in Danin’s DasakumdracbarM in A, B. O. R. L, Vol. XXVI, 
pp. 20 f. 

5 VSHP.y am^a IE, adhyaya 2, v. 28. 

^ MP.y adhyaya 5 5, v. 6. 

® Suvelah yat TnmuJbi/as:iTrjkii/aszTnkakuch=icba sab in Abbidbanacbintamamy Bhumikan^, v. 96. 

« Visvaprakaia (Qiaukhamba Sanskrit Series), p. 39. According to Valmiki^s Bamayana (Aranya- 
kan^, 2, i) Ravana’s Lanka was situated on Trikuta. 

’ Commenting on the kdrikdy Parvatad^^gamam labdbva, etc., of the Vafyapadla (Kan^ IE, v. 489), 
Punyaraja says, Parvatat TrikHt-aikades'a-varti-Trikaling-aikadesdt, 

® RagbuvamJay Canto IV, w. 58-59. 

® Sahydcbalasztu Murddbadrts 'zTrikdtas 'zTrikakucb~cba sab in Kalpadrukola, Vol. I (Gaekwad’s Oriental 
Series), p. 342, si. 14. Trikakut which is given here as a synonym of Trikuta is mentioned by Pamni (V, 4, 
147), but it cannot evidently be the Trikuta of North Konkan. 



Amrakuta or Amarakantaka in the former Rewa State, Salakuta in the Balaghat District 
and Madhukuta in the Chhindwara District.^ As shown below, the inscriptions and coins 
of the Traikutakas have been foimd only in South Gujarat, North Konkan and Maharashtra. 
Traikuta, from which they derived their name, cannot, therefore, be located in the north, 
east, south or centre of India, but must be looked for in the west. Kalidasa’s description, 
which, as already stated, is supported by a lexicon, clearly indicates that it was situated 
in Aparanta or North Konkan. Bhagvanlal Indraji suggested its identification with 
Junnar, in the Poona District, which is encircled by three ranges of hills. * The matter is 
now placed beyond doubt by the mention of the Purva-Trikuta vishaya (East Trikuta Dis- 
trict) in the Anjaneri plates of Bhbgasakti,® which shows that there was a district named 
after the mountain which divided it into two parts. A tax levied on the inhabitants of 
the eastern sub-division was assigned for the worship of the god Bhogesvara at Jayapura 
near Nasik. This clearly shows that Trikuta was probably the name of the range of hills 
that borders the Nasik District on the west.^ This identification squares with the pro- 
venance of Traikutaka inscriptions and coins. 

The earliest mention of the Traikutakas occurs in the Chandravalli inscription of 
Mayurasarman.® This record includes Trekuta (/. e., the Traikutakas) among the contem- 
poraries of Mayurasarman, the founder of the Kadamba dynasty, which shows that the 
Traikutakas were a power of some importance in the beginning of the fourth century A. C. , 
to which period the Chandravalli inscription can be referred on palaeographic grounds. 
The country of Trikuta had previously been included in the Satavahana kingdom. The 
Traikutakas seem, therefore, to have risen into prominence on the decline of the Satavahana 
power in Konkan and Maharashtra. The coins of the Traikutakas are closely imitated 
from those of the Western Kshatrapas which were current in Maharashtra. On the obverse, 
there is the king’s face to the right as on Kshatrapa coins, but without any date, while on 
the reverse, inside a circle of dots and a circularly written legend, appear the usual 
Kshatrapa symbols, the chaitya, the sun and the moon.® This close resemblance 
suggests, as Rapson has remarked,'^ that the coins were intended for circulation in the 
districts which had previously been under the rules of the Kshatrapas. 

Though the Traikutakas rose into prominence about the middle of the third century 
A. C., we have no Traikutaka records during the first two centuries of their rule. On the 
other hand we find an Abhira record of about the middle of the third century A. C. in the 
Nasik District,® which, as we have seen above, was the home province of the Traikutakas. 
The names of the two Abhiras, Sivadatta and his son Kajan Isvarasena, resemble those of 
the later Traikutaka kings, which end in either datta or shm. Pandit Bhagvanlal, therefore, 
first propounded the theory that the Traikutakas were identical with the Abhiras.® The 
ChandtavaUi inscription, however, mentions the Traikutas separately from the Abhiras, 
thus indicating that the two royal families, though contemporary, were not identical. The 

1 A. B. O. R. Vol. IX, pp. 283-84. 

® GaZ; Vol. I, part i, p. 57. 

® No. 31, 1 . 38. 

* In this connection it may be noted that the Pandu Lena hill near Nasik is called Trirasmi (three- 
rayed) in the cave inscriptions there, and that the range of hills to the south of the Nasik District is still 
called Trimbak hill. 

® A. R. A. S. M. (1929), p. 50. 

* C. A. D., pp. 198-99. 

’ Ihid., Introd., p. ds. 

® No. I. 

» P. V. 0 . C., p. 222. 



similarity of their names suggests some sort of connection between them. The Traikutokas 
were probably at first Ae feudatories of the Abhiras whose era they adopted in their records. 
On the decline of the Abhira power, they seem to have asserted their independence. None 
of the three Traikutaka kings, known from inscriptions and coins, seems to have assumed 
a higher tide than Maharaja. But two of them are known to have issued coins, while one 
of them, Dahrasena, explicitly mentions in his copper-plate inscription that he had 
performed an A.syamedha sacrifice. The later Traiku takas were, therefore, probably 
independent monarchs, though, as we shall see below, the last of them was ultimately 
defeated and forced to pay tribute, by the Vakataka king Hatishena. 

The mention of Trikuta in the description of Raghu’s digvijaya suggests that Kali- 
dasa, who flourished about 400 A. C. during the reign of Chandragupta Il-Vikramaditya, 
knew of a Traikutaka kingdom on the western coast. The three copper-plate inscriptions 
of the dynasty edited here belong to a later date. From them and from coins, we get the 
following genealogy of the Traikutakas: — . 

Maharaja Indradatta 


Maharaja Dahrasena (K. 207=456-57 A. C.) 


Maharaja Vyaghrasena. (K. 241=490-91 A. C.) 

The first of these, Indradatta, is known only from the coins of his son Dahrasena. 
He is therein given the title Maharaja. As his son was ruling in the Kalachuri year 207 
(=456-57 A. C.), he may be assigned to the period 415-440 A. C. 

The , second king Dahrasena is known from his Pardi plates and silver coinst found 
at Daman in South Gujarat,^ Karhad in the Satara District,^ Kazad in the Indapur tdlukd 
of the Poona District^ and some other places.® Like his father, he calls himself Maharaja 
both in the copper-pkte inscription and coin-legends. The former supplies the additional 
information that he performed an As’vamedha sacrifice. On his coins he called himself 
paramavaishnava, ‘a devout worshipper of Vishnu’, and in his copper-plate inscription, 
Bhagavat-pada-karmakara, ‘a servant of the feet of Bhagavat’. The Pardt plates were issued 
from the victorious royal camp at Amraka, and record the donation of a village in the 
Antarmandali vishaja, which, on the analogy of the Antar-Narmada mentioned In 

inscription No. ii, seems to have comprised the territory on both the banks of the 
Mandali or modern Mindhola river. The places mentioned in the grant can be identified 
in the country between the Purna and the Mindhola in South Gujarat. As shown 
elsewhere, the date of the plates, the year 207, refers to the Kalachuri era, and corresponds 
to 456-57 A. C. Dahrasena may, therefore, have reigned from circa 440 A. C. to 465 A. C. 

Vyaghrasena, the son and successor of Dahrasena, is known from his Surat plates 
and silver coins fovmd at Kazad in the Indapur talukd and other places. His coins®, which 

1 The coins have the legend Maharaj-Andradatta-putra-pardmavashnava-sra-Maharaja-Dahrasana 
representing Mabaraj-'Bndradatta-putra-paramavaishnava-srJ-Mahdrya-Dabrasena. 

^ Bomb. Ga^., Vol. I, part i, p. 58. 

^ J.B.B. R. A. S.,iUz,p. II. 

* C. A. D., p. clx, n. 2. 

® ‘The provenance of the coins, considerable numbers of which exist in various collections has not 
been very fhlly recorded’. Introd., C. A. D., p. clx. Some Traikutaka coins have been recently brought 
to light at Kamrej near Surat. A. B. L A. for 1935, p. 34. 

* These coins have the legend Maharaja-Dahrasaitd-putra-parama-vashnava-sra-Maharaja-Vyaghrasana 

representing Maharaja-Dabrasena-putra-paramavaisbnava-sri-Mahdram-Vydghrasena J R A S for toot otJ 
806-7. ■ ■ ’ - ‘J y-), FP. 



resemble those of his father, are, however, rare and of one variety only. Like his 
father, he calls himself Maharaja, and describes himself as paramavaishmva as well as 
Bhagavat-pada-karmakara. His Surat plates were issued from the victorious Aniruddhapura. 
As no affix hke vdsakdt is added to it, the place may have been the royal capital. The 
plates record the grant of a village in the Iksharaki dhdra. Iksharaki maybe identical with 
Achchharan, about 9 m. north of Surat. The date of the plates, the year 241, must 
be referred to the Kalachuri era, and corresponds to 490-91 A. C. Vyaghrasena may, 
therefore, be assigned to the period from circa 465 A. C. to 492 A. C. 

One more inscription, consisting of a single plate, was found inside a Buddhist stiipa 
at Kanheri in North Konkan. It records the construction of a chaitja {i.e., the stdpa in 
which the inscription together with some relics was found) dedicated by a pilgrim from 
Sindh to the venerable Saradvatiputra, the foremost disciple of the Buddha. The inscri- 
ption mentions only the increasingly victorious reign of the Traikutakas, but does not 
name any reigning king. It is dated in the year 245 (494-95 A. C.). As a period of as 
many as 36 years intervenes between the date of the Pardi plates of Dahrasena and 
that of the Surat plates of his son Vyaghrasena, it seems that the latter were probably 
issued towards the close of Vyaghrasena’s reign. The Traikutaka king during whose 
reign the Kanheri plate was issued may, therefore, have been the successor of Vyagh- 
rasena. During his reign the Trikuta country was invaded by Harishena, the last 
known Vakataka king who flourished in 475-500 A. C. In the inscription in the 
Ajanta cave XVI, Harishena is credited with a victory over Trikuta,^ but it is not 
known if he supplanted the ruling dynasty. He was possibly content with exacting a 
tribute from it as he must have done from the other countries mentioned in the same 
inscription, r/^., Kuntala, Avanti, Kalihga, Kosala, Lata and Andhra. 

After the Vakatakas, the Kalachuris became supreme in Gujarat, North Konkan 
and Maharashtra. The coins of Krishnaraja, the earliest known king of the Kalachuri 
dynasty, have been found in the islands of Bombay and Sashti as well as the districts of 
Nasik and Satara.^ Copper-plate inscriptions of the Early Kalachuris recording grants of 
villages in South Gujarat and the Nasik District have also been discovered. In the Kalachuri 
inscriptions Sahkaragana, the son of Krishnaraja, is described as the lord of the countries 
between the eastern and western seas.^ Konkan also must, therefore, have been included 
in the Kalachuri Empire. But no grants of land made by the Kalachuris have yet been 
discovered in Konkan, which seems to have been ruled by a feudatory family. For about 
a century after the date of the Kanheri plate, however, we have no definite information 
about the history of Konkan.^ From the Aihole inscription® of Pulakesin II we learn 
that his father Kirtivarman was ‘the night of destruction to the Mauryas’, and that 
Pulakesin himself stormed their capital Puri and probably annexed their kingdom. As the 
Traikutakas vanish from history in the beginning of the sixth century A. C. and the Mauryas 
come on the scene within about fifty years, it has been conjectured that the Traikutakas 

^ H. A, i*.. No. 14; p. 'II. The passage mentions Trikuta and Lata separately. Does this show 
that the Traikutaka kingdom was at that time divided into two parts ? 

2 Bom, Ga^., Vol. I, part ii, p. 13. The king Krishnaraja is there wrongly said to be of the Rashtra- 
kuta lineage, 

2 No. 12, 1.15. 

* A stone inscription from Vada in the north of the Thana District mentions a Maurya king named 
Suketuvarman ruling in Konkan. Bom. Ga^., Vol. XIV, pp. 372-573. 

5 Ep, Ind.y Vol. VI, pp. 4-5. 



themselves came in coutse of time to be known as the Mauryas.^ But if the Tfaikutakas 
wete descended from the imperial family of Magadha, it looks strange that they make no 
mention of their proud lineage in their records. It would appear, therefore, that when the 
Kalachuris conquered Konkan, they supplanted the Traikutakas by the Mauryas, who 
continued as their feudatories until both the royal families were ousted by Pulakesin II. 
The downfall of the Traikutakas may thus be dated in the first quarter of the sixth century 
A. C. 

The Traikutaka kingdom at its largest extent seems to have extended from the Kim in 
the north to the Krish^ in the south, and to have comprised South Gujarat, North Konkan, 
and the Nasik, Poona and Satara Districts of Maharashtra. It is interesting to note that 
the Traikutakas maintained a fleet for the protection of their maritime provinces. During 
their regime Trikuta seems to have become famous as an emporium of salt. Theit capital has 
not yet been definitely located. As observed already, Aniruddhapura seems to have been 
the capital at least during the reign of Vyaghrasena. Dr. Hultzsch, on the authority of a 
statement of the lexicographer Yadava, identifies Aniruddhapura with Surparaka, modern 
Sopara, in the Thana District. But Yadava merely states that the Aparanta country included 
Surparaka.^ Aniruddhapura, mentioned as the place of issue in the Surat plates, is probably 
identical with the victorious Aniruddhapuri, a Brahmana resident of which received a grant 
of land in the Surat District from the Sendraka prince AUasakti. It would, therefore, 
appear that Aniruddhapura was situated somewhere in the Surat District, but its exact 
location cannot be fixed. 

The Traikutakas were followers of Hinduism and devotees of the god Vishnu. Both 
their copper-plate grants were made to Brahmanas for the increase of religious merit of 
their parents and themselves. That Buddhism also flourished in their kingdom is shown 
by the Kanheri plate which records the erection of a chaitya dedicated to Saradvatiputra. 
The pilgrim who got it built came from the distant province of Sindh. This testifies to 
the peace and order which generally prevailed in the kingdom of the Traikutakas. 


We have no definite information about the capital of the Katachchuris or Early 
Kalachuris. All their known copper-plate grants were issued from their camps fixed at 
difierent places such as Ujjayini and Vidisa in Malwa and Anandapura in Gujarat. It appears 
probable, however, that they ruled from Mahishmati, modern Ohkar Mandhata,® which 
from very early times has been famous as a holy city. Even in later times when it 
had ceased to be their capital, the memory of its past glory was fresh in the mind of the 
people; for Rajasekhara in his Bdlardff^djafia* and Murari in his Anarghardghavifi mention 
it as the common or family capital of the Kalachuri kings. Besides, some later princes 
of the Hafliaya dynasty, who ruled in the south as feudatories of the Chalukyas, mention 
with pride their title Mdhishmati-puravar-esvara ‘the lord of Mahishmati, the best of towns.’® 

^ C* A., D.y p, clx. n, I. ^ See below, p. 27. 

® For the identification, see Fleet’s article ‘Mahishamandala and Mahishmati’ in /. R. A, S, (1910), 
pp, 425 flf. Like K^dasa, Rajasekhara also describes jVIahishxnati as surrounded by the Narmada. Some 
identify the city with Maheshvar in the former Indore State. 

* See ^ I f 

II i>alardmayamt HI, 35. 

® Cf. ^ m I <«l 'mTi \Anargharagbava, Act VH. 

« See e. g. the Kembhavi inscription (dated 1054 A. C.) of Mahdma^lesvara Revarasa. Bomb. Ga^., 
VoL I, part ii, p. 459. 



The mention of the Arjunayanas in the list of frontier tribes who submitted to Samudra- 
gupta^ has been taken by some^ to refer to the Kalachuris who trace their descent from 
Arjuna, the son of Kritavirya. The Arjunayanas were indeed an ancient tribe. Their 
coins bearing the tribal name in Sanskrit are known in several varieties and on the evidence 
of palaeography are ascribed to loo B. C. Prof. Rapson dates their rise as a poUtical commu- 
nity as early as the fourth century B. C.^ They are included in the rajanyddi gana (mentioned 
in Panini, IV, 2, 5 3), which shows that their country was called Arjunayanaka. Varahamihira 
places them in the northern division, and the provenance of their coins indicates that their 
homeland lay within the triangle DeUii-Jaipur-Agra.^ This shows, however, that 
they were distinct from the Kalachuris who dwelt in the valley of the Narmada. Besides, 
according to the Kdsikd^ on Panini, II, 4, 66, the Arjunayanas were the descendants of 
Arjuna who belonged to the Bharata clan, and were, therefore, different from the Kala- 
churis who claimed their descent from Arjuna, the son of Kritavirya. 

Though the Early Kalachuris do not call themselves Haihayas in their grants, 
they soon came to be referred to by that name; for we learn from some inscriptions 
of the Early Chalukyas that Vinayaditya, the son of Vikramaditya I (680-697 A. C.), sub- 
jugated the Haihayas,® and Vikramaditya 11 (73 3-747 A. C. ) married two Haihaya princesses, 
Lokamahadevi and her yoimger sister Trailokyamahadevi.'^ The Eastern Chalukya prince 
Vishnuvardhana IV (764-799 A. C. ) similarly espoused a princess of the Haihaya lineage 
whose son Nriparudra is mentioned as Diitaka in a grant of Vijayaditya II.® These 
Haihayas were evidently identical with the Early Kalachuris. 

It is not known whether the Early Kalachuris were descended from Maharaja Suba- 
ndhu who ruled from Mahishmati in an earher age; for there is a long period of nearly 
150 years which separates them and for which no records have yet been discovered. The 
Early Kalachuris rose into prominence on the downfall of the Traikutaka dynasty. After 
the year 245 of the Kanheri plate® incised during the sovereignty of the Traikutakas, 
the next known date of the Kalachuri era is the year 292 furnished by the Sunao Kala grant 
of Sangamasirhha.^® He seems to have come to power after the Traikutakas; for the 
phraseology of the formal part of his grant beats close resemblance to that of the 
Traikutaka records, especially the Surat plates of Vyaghrasena.^^- Sahgamasirhha issued 
the plates from Bharukachchha. Sonawa, the village granted by him, is only two mUes 
north of the Kim and 18 miles north of Surat. It is, therefore, not unlikely that Sahgama- 
sirhha had under his sway some territory which was previously included in the Traikutaka 
kingdom. But Sahgamasirhha, though he calls himself Maharaja^ was in reality a Mahd- 
sdmanta {i. e., a great feudatory) of some other power. The only powerful contemporary 
dynasty to which he may have owed allegiance was that of the Kalachuris. We have un- 
fortunately no records of the Early Kalachuris who were the real founders of the Kalachuri 
Empire of the sixth century A.C. The earliest dated record of the Kalachuris is Sankara- 

1 C. 1 . L, Vol. Ill, p. 8. 

2 Jhid,^ Introd., p. lo. 

3 C H. L, Vol. I, p. 528. 

^ A, C A. Ly p. Ixxxii fF. 

® Patanjali in his Mahdbhdshya gives a different illustration Auddalakajana) to explain the rule. 

® Ind. Anty VoL VI, pp. 91 ff. and Vol. VII, p. 302. 

’ Bp. Ind.y Vol. m, p. 3. 

8 Ind. Ant.y Vol. XX, p. 413. 

® No. 10. 

No. II. 

See below, p. 34. 



gana’s Abhona girant of K, 347 (596-97 A. C.). As shown, below, Sankaragana’s son 
Buddharaja was defeated by Mangalesa in circa 6oi A. C. Sahkatagana can, therefore, be 
referred to 575-600 A.C., and his father Krishnaraja, to 550-575 A.C. Sangama- 
sirhha, who made his grant in 541 A. C., was, therefore, probably a feudatory of Knshna- 
raja’s father whose name^ unfortunately has not come down to us. 

This Kalachuri prince must have found a favourable opportunity for the extension 
of his power in the political conditions of the second quarter of the sixth century 
A. C. The Vakataka dynasty seems to have come to an end with Harishena’s son. In 
Central India the meteoric rise of Yasodharman was followed by confusion and chaos. 
In the west the Maitrakas, who had founded a kingdom at Valabhi about half a 
century before, were not yet powerful enough to pursue an aggressive policy. In the 
south, though Pulakesin I is said to have performed an Asvamedha, his power was pro- 
bably confined to the northern Kanarese districts. Krishnaraja’s father seems to have 
extended his power in the east, west and south. In the west he supplanted the Traikutakas 
and divided their extensive kingdom among his feudatories. The Mauryas, as we have 
already seen, were placed in charge of Aparanta or North Konkan, while Gujarat or at 
least the central part of it was given in charge of Sahgamasirhha. We do not know whether 
Maharashtra including ancient Vidarbha was annexed to the Kalachuri kingdom during 
his reign or during that of his son Krishnaraja. 

Krishnaraja seems to have still further extended the kingdom inherited from his 
father. His silver coins,^ which are imitated from those of the Traikutakas, were at first 
intended for circulation in Gujarat, North Konkan and Maharashtra. Like the latter 
coins, they have on the obverse the bust of the king facing right, and on the reverse inside 
a circle of dots, runs the legend Varamamdhesvara-mdtd-pitri-pad-anudi^dta-srJ-Krishnarajah. 
In the middle, in place of the chaitya, the sun and the moon which figure on the Kshatrapa 
and Traikutaka coins, the king, who was a devotee of Siva, inserted the figure of the recum- 
bent bull, Nandi, facing right. These coins, which in their weight^ and fabric, approximated 
to the Kshatrapa, Gupta and Traikutaka coins, were in circvJation over a very wide country. 
They have been discovered in such distant parts as Rajputana^ and Malwa® in the north, the 
districts of Satara® and Nasik’ in the south, the islands of Bombay® and SashtJ® in the 
west, and the districts Betuli® and Amaravatin of Madhya Pradesh in the east. As these coins 
were in circulation for at least a hundred and fifty years after the time of Krislujaraja,^ be- 

^ In the place of the patronymic which occurs in the legend on Traikutaka coins, Krishnaraja substi- 
tuted mSta-pitri-pad-anudiySta ‘he who meditates on the feet of his mother and father’. So his father’s nctmf 
docs not appear even on his coins. 

^ The legend on these coins was first correctly read by Fleet. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 68. 

® The weight of these coins is about 30 grains. 

* C. C. M. I., p. 8. Cunningham ascribed these coins to Krishnaraja Rashtrakuta (375-400 A.C), but 
the Rashtrakutas were not then in power. See Rapson, Indian Coins, p. 27. 

® Seven coins were brought to light during excavations at Besnagar. A. R. A. S. I. (1913-14), 

p. 214. 

® They were found neat Karhad. Bomb. Gaz-, Vol. I, part ii, p. 13. 

’ They were discovered at Baglan near Nasik, ioo. cit. p. 13. 

* Ij>c. cit., p. 13. A hoard of 200 coins was discovered in Bombay proper. See J. B. B. R. A. S., 
Vol. XX (Extra Number) (1900), pp. 7 and 9. 

* Two coins were discovered at Mulgaon near Marole in SashtI, loc. cit. p. 9. 

Some coins of this type were discovered in 1937 at Pattan in the BetuI District of Madhya Pradesh. 

“ A hoard of 1600 coins was found at Dhamori in the Amaravati District. 

They are mentioned as Krishnardja-rupakas in the Anjaneri inscription of Bhogasakti dated K 461 

(No. 31 ). 



ing used by several later dynasties, it is not possible to say if the Kalachuri Empire in the 
time of Krishnaraja comprised ail these distant territories. But that Gujarat, Konkan, and 
Maharashtra including Vidarbha were in any case comprised in it, seems beyond all 

Krishnaraja’s suzerainty over Vidarbha is also indicated by the recently discovered 
Nagardhan plates of the reign of Svamiraja.^ They were issued by his brother Nannaraja 
from Nandivardhana, modem Nagardhan near Ramtek in the Nagpur District, which is 
well known in history as one of the early capitals of the Vakataka dynasty. The royal 
family to which Svamiraja and Narmaraja belonged is not mentioned in the grant, but 
as similar names occur in some Rashtrakuta grants found in Vidarbha,^ these princes pro- 
bably belonged to the Rashtrakuta lineage. In the initial portion of this grant, Svamiraja 
is described as ‘meditating on the feet of the lord paramount.’ The plates are dated in the 
year 322, which must be referred to the Kalachuri era and corresponds to 573-74 A. C. 
This is the only record of the Kalachuri era found in Vidarbha.® The use of this era in- 
dicates that the unnamed suzerain of Svamidasa was some Kalachuri king, probably 
Krishnaraja who flourished from circa 550 A. C. to 575 A. C.; for the era evidently spread 
to Vidarbha with the extension of the Kalachuri power. 

The Nagardhan plates record two gifts — (i) one of 1 2 nivartanas of land in the village 
Chinchapattika, made by a Corporation of Mahamatras (Elephant-drivers) and (ii) the 
other of the village Ahkollika made by the ruling king at Prayaga. It is noteworthy that 
the seal of the plates has the figure of a goad as the emblem of the Corporation, with the 
legend gana-dattih, meaning ‘a gift of the Corporation.’ 

The descendants of Svamiraja probably ruled in Vidarbha for a long time. On the 
downfall of the Kalachuris, they transferred their allegiance to the Early Chalukyas, and 
like them, dated their records in the Saka era. 

Krishnaraja’s son Sahkaragana is known from several records. His own Abhona 
plates^ were issued from his camp at Ujjayini, and record the donation of land in a village 
situated in the northern part of the Hyderabad State. It is not known if Western Malwa 
was permanently annexed to the Kalachuri Empire; but that Sahkaragana first conquered 
it and held it for some time is indicated by the fact that the epithets, employed to describe 
him in the Abhona plates and repeated in subsequent Kalachuri charters, were borrowed 
from or suggested by Gupta records, with which the drafter must have been acquainted 
in Ujjayini. It is noteworthy that no such epithets occur in the description of his father 

The Abhona plates show that Sahkaragana ruled over a vast empire which extended 
from Malwa in the north to Maharashtra in the south. That it comprised Gujarat is 
shown by the Sankheda plate of the general Santilla, which mentions Nirihullaka as his 
governor in Central Gujarat.® Sahkaragana is, probably referred to as Gana Sahkara in 
the ManjuJrmulakalpa as shown by Dr. Jayaswal.® His Abhona plates are dated in K. 
547 (597 A. C.). His reign must have ended soon thereafter, as his son Buddharaja was 
defeated by Mahgalaraja in circa 601 A. C. Sahkaragana may, therefore, be assigned 
approximately to the period 375-600 A. C. 

^ No. 1 20. 

^ See, the Multai plates of Nannaraja, dated S. 63 1 (709-10 A, C.). 

^ The earlier grants of the Vakatakas are dated in regnal years, while the later ones of the Rashtra- 
kutas are dated in the ^ka era. 

* No. 12. 

®No. 13. 

® Imperial History of Indicy p. 30. 



Soon after his accession, Buddharaja found himself involved in a fight on the southern 
frontier of his kingdom. Several Chalukya inscriptions mention his defeat by the Early 
Chalukya king Mahgalesa or Mahgalaraja. We learn, for instance, from Mangalesa’s 
Mahakuta inscription^ (602 A.C.) that Mafigalesa, having set his heart on the conquest 
of the northern regions, defeated king Buddha and captured his whole treasure. The 
Nerur plates^ add further details that this Buddhai5ja was the son of Sahkaragam 
and was possessed of the power of elephants, horses and footsoldiers. Finally, the 
Aihole stone inscription of Pulake^in II describes in a figurative language that Man- 
galena, ‘in that house which was the battlefield, took in marriage the damsel the 
Fortune of the Katachchuris, having scattered the gathering gloom, the array 
of elephants (of the adversary), with hundreds of bright lamps which were the swords of 
his followers/® These references leave no doubt about the identity of Buddharaja. Man- 
galesa obtained a decisive victory over him. Buddharaja was completely routed and fled 
away, leaving his whole treasure behind which was captured by Mangalesa. Tlie latter 
could not, however, follow up the victory; for, just then Svamiraja of the Chalikya family, 
a redoubtable warrior who had attained victory in eighteen battles and who was probably 
ruling in Revatidvipa^ (modem Redi) in SoutJi Konkan as a feudatory of the Chalukyas, 
rose in rebellion, seemingly at the instigation of Buddharaja. Mangalesa had, therefore, 
to abandon his original plan of making an expedition of conquest in the north, and mshed 
to Konkan to chastise the rebellious chieftain. In the fight which ensued, he killed Svamiraja 
and by way of t hank sgiving made the grant of a village in South Konkan on the twelfth 
///>&/ of the bright fortnight of Karttika after observing a fast on the preceding day. The 
Nerur plates, in which this grant is recorded, are not dated, but the Mahakuta inscription, 
in which also the victory over Buddharaja is mentioned, is dated in the fifth regnal year, 
the cyclic year being Siddhartha. As Fleet has shown, the inscription was probably incised 
in 601-2 A. C. Its contents show that it was put up soon after the defeat of Buddharaja,® 
which may, therefore, be dated approximately in 601 A. C. 

^ IkJ. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 17-18. R. G. Bhandarkar, who did not accept Fleet’s reading of the date 
in 1 . 15 of the Mahakuta inscription, placed Mangale^a’s accession in 591 A. C. (E. H, D., p. 69). In the 
Mahakuta inscription the reading r^ya-pancbama-Jrtvarsbe pravartamane in 1 . 15 is clear. So the inscription 
belongs to the fifth year of MangaleSa’s reign. If we accept Bhandarkar’s view that he came to the throne 
in 591 A.C., his fifth year would fall in 595-596 A.C. But the Abhona plates show that in 595-596 A.C. 
Sankaragana, not Buddharaja, was reigning. Fleet’s view about the accession of Mangalesa presents no 
chronological difficulty. 

2 Ind. Ant., Vol. VB, pp. 161 flF. 

^ Ep. Ind., VoL VI, p, 8. 

^ The Nerur plates, which mention the defeat and death of Svamiraja at the hands of Mangalesa, do 
not explicitly say that he was ruling over Revatidvipa, but they state that the event occurred after the defeat 
of Buddharaja. The Aihole inscription describes Mangale^’s capture of the island of Revati after the defeat 
of the Kalachuri king. Svamiraja was, therefore, probably the ruler of the island of Revati, modern Redi. 
Nerur is only 16 miles south of Re^. The village Kun^vataka granted by the plates is probably identical 
with the modem Kud^, about 3i m. north-east of Nerur. After killing Svamiraja, Mangalesa seems to have 
placed the island in charge of his relative Satya^raya Dhruvaraja Indravarman, who was the ruler of the 
adjoining territory. See his Goa plates issued from the Revatidvipa in the twentieth year of his reign. 
/. B. B. R. A, S., Vol. X, p. 365. 

® Fleet translates Kalatsuri-dbanam sva-griba-diva-drdirfam gatam in the Mahakuta inscription by *thc 
wealth of the Kalachuris has been expended in the idol procession of the temple of our own god.’ The sense, 
however, seems to be *the wealth of the Kalachuris has been deposited in the treasury {drorn) of the temple 
of our own god.’ Mangalesa seems to have assigned the ten villages mentioned in the inscription to the god 
Makutesvaranatha, having acquired them with the wealth of the Kalachuri king as well as that donated by 
his father and eldest brother. 



For some reason Mangalesa could not execute his original plan of making con- 
quests in the north and planting a pillar of victory on the bank of the Bhagirathl. 
He seems to have been fully occupied in his own country in ensuring the succession of his 
son after himself and in thwarting the legitimate ambition of his nephew Pulakesin II. 
These internal dissensions of the Chalukyas gave the necessary respite to Buddharaja, who 
seems to have soon consolidated his position. Only two grants of this king have 
come to light so far. Both of them are dated after his defeat by Mangalesa. The earlier 
of them, recorded in the Vadner plates^, was made in K. 360 (610 A.C.) at the royal camp 
fixed at Vidisa (modern Besnagar near Bhilsa in Central India). The donated village was 
situated in the Nasik district. The later or Sarsavni grant® was made in K. 361 (610 A.C.) 
at the royal camp fixed at Anandapura (probably modern Vadnagar in North Gujarat). 
The village granted was situated in the Broach District. These grants are separated by 
the short interval of about two months and a half®, during which Buddharaja had to march 
from Vidisa to Anandapura. Again, the villages granted are not situated in Eastern 
Malwa and Northern Gujarat but in the Nasik and Broach Districts. It seems plain, there- 
fore, that the grants were made during the victorious campaigns of Buddharaja, and that 
Malwa and Northern Gujarat were not permanently annexed to the Kalachuri empire. 
This surmise receives confirmation from Yuan Chwang’s mention of Siladitya as a former 
king of Malwa.'* This king is evidendy identical with Siladitya I-Dharmaditya, whose 
known dates range from G. 286 to G. 292 (/. e., from 605 A. C. to 61 1 A. C.). It will be 
nodced that they are subsequent to the date K. 347 (597 A.C.) of the Abhona plates issued 
by Sahkaragana from his camp at Ujjayini. Again, within six years of the date of Buddha- 
raja’s Sarsavni plates, we find Siladitya’s brother Kharagraha I making two grants® (dated 
G. 297) from his camp at Ujjayini. Malwa conquered by Sahkaragana does not, therefore, 
seem to have remained under the sway of the Kalachuris for a long time. Buddharaja 
probably lost it to the king of Valabhi in the beginning of his reign when he suffered 
a defeat at the hands of Mangalesa. 

It has been suggested® that Buddharaja was the Malava king who, according to Bana’s 
account, marched on Kanauj when he heard of the death of Prabhakaravardhana, the mighty 
king of Thaneshvar, and killing his son-in-law, the young Maukhari prince Grahavarman, 
threw the latter’s wife Rajyasri into prison ‘like a brigand’s wife with a pair of fetters kissing 
her feet.’ Buddharaja’s army was subsequently routed by Rajyavardhana, who captured 
thousands of elephants and horses as well as a large treasure. There are several difficul- 
ties in the way of accepting this theory. The inscriptions of Harsha do not mention Buddha- 
raja as an adversary of Rajyavardhana. On the other hand, they name Devagupta as the 
leader of the confederacy whom, together with all his allies, Rajyavardhana subdued and 
turned away like a wild horse. That in the time of Prabhakaravardhana, Malwa — probably 
the eastern part of it — ^was held by a king whose name ended in gupta seems certain; because 
Bana mentions as M^ava princes the brothers Kumaragupta and Madhavagupta who were 
asked to attend on Rajyavardhana and Harsha.® Biihler, therefore, conjectured® that the 

1 No. 14. 

® No. 15. 

® See p. 53, below. 

♦ O. Y. C., Vol. II, p. 242. 

® P. T. A. I. O. C. (1933), pp. 659 ff; Important Inscriptions from the BaroJa State, Vol. I, pp. 7 ft. 

* /. B. O. R. S., Vol. XIX, pp. 406 ff. 

Harsbacbarita (Niroayasagar ed.), p. 138. 

® Ep. Jnd; Vol. I, p. 70. Biihler suggested, however, that the word Malava perhaps referred to the 
country of Malava in the Panjab, which was much nearer to Thaneshvar than Malwa in Central India. 




Malava king who killed Grahavatman was Devagupta, and Hoemle thought that the latter 
was a brother of KumaraguptaandMadhavagupta, and had usurped the throne of Malwa.^ 
It is not imlikely that Devagupta was responsible for the destruction of Grahavarman. 
He was probably ruling over Eastern Malwa with Vidisa as his capital; for, according to 
Yuan Chwang’s testimony. Western Malwa was then under the rule of Siladitya I-Dharma- 
ditya. Buddharaja cannot, therefore, be identified with the Malava king mentioned by 
Bam. Besides, in 605 A. C. when the aforementioned events took place, Mahgalesa was 
still supreme in the south. Only four years before, Buddharaja had sustained a crushing 
defeat at his hands and though for some reason Mangalesa did not follow up the victory, 
the danger of his invasion could not have passed altogether. It is, therefore, doubtful 
if Buddharaja would have dared to carry his arms as far north as Kanauj , leaving the southern 
frontier of his own kingdom exposed to the attack of his powerful neighbour. 

When Harsha swore to avenge the treacherous murder of his brother Rajyavardhana 
by SaSahka, the king of Gauda, he must have proceeded to make political alliances to achieve 
his object. His two powerful foes were Sasanka, the king of Gauda, and the king of Malava. 
His alhance with Bhaskaravarman, the prince of Kamarupa (Assam), was obviously intended 
to hold the Gauda king in check on his eastern frontier. Unfortunately, Bana’s narrative 
comes to an abrupt close. It does not, therefore, tell us what measures Harsha adopted 
against the M^ava king, who, though defeated by Rajyavardhana, was not completely crush- 
ed. It is possible to conjecture that he sought the help ofBuddharaja, who was the southern 
neighbour of the king of Malwa. Buddharaja’s victorious campaigns in Eastern Malwa 
and Northern Gujarat were evidently directed against Devagupta and Siladitya I. The 
latter may have been one of Devagupta’s allies who are referred to in a general way 
in the inscriptions of Harsha. These expeditions were undertaken in 610 A. C. when, owing 
to the civil war in the Ch^ukyan kingdom, there was no danger of Buddharaja’s territory 
being invaded by the Chalukyas. As we shall see later on, Harsha himself made war on 
the king of Valabhi probably after he had subdued the kings of the North. 

The Vadner and Sarsavni grants of Buddharaja indicate that notwithstanding the 
crushing defeat he sustained at the beginning of his career, Buddharaja retained his hold 
over the whole country from Gujarat to Maharashtra. With the accession of Pulakesin II, 
however, matters took a different turn. After consolidating his position in the Kanarese 
country and subjugating his immediate southern neighbours, the Gangas and the Alupas, 
Pulakesin seems to have turned his attention to the north. He stormed Puri, the capital 
of the Mauryas, which he captured after a hard-fought battle. He also became the lord 
of the three Maharashttas®, comprising the Marathi-speaking districts in the States of Bombay, 
Madhya Pradesh and Hyderabad. The Aihole inscription does not name his adversary, 
but there can be little doubt that he was Buddharaja. The record says that Pulakesin 
used all the three royal powers (w^., energy, counsel and royal position) to gain his object. 
Diplomacy seems, therefore, to have played as great a part as actual fight in the defeat of 
Buddharaja, which may have taken place about 620 A. C. 

History does not know the names of Buddharaja’s successors. They probably con- 
tinued to rule at Mahishmati with more or less independence. It seems that one of them 
made a last effort to regain the kingdom of his ancestors, but the attempt was not crowned 
with success, and the Haihayas were reduced to a state of servitude similar to that of the 
Aluvas (/. (f., Alupas), Gangas and others who had already become the hereditary servants 
of the Chalukyas. As this event is referred to in Vinayaditya’s grant® of Saka 609, 

r/. R. A. S., (1903), p. 562. 
» Ep. Ind., Vol. VI. p. 6. 

3 Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 64. 



the defeat of the Haihayas must have occurred before 687 A. C. Thereafter, we do not hear 
of the Haihayas till the 8th century A. C., except in connection with the marriages of the 
princesses of the family with the scions of the Eastern and Western Chalukya dynasties.^ 
The Haihayas, therefore, seem to have remained loyal to their overlords, the Chalukyas, 
until the latter’s overthrow by the Rashtrakutas. The rise of the Rashtrakutas led to a 
change in the political fortune of the Haihayas or Kalachuris, to which we shall turn in a 
subsequent section. 


Several inscriptions^ of the Gurjaras, all of them on copper-plates, dated in the Kala- 
churi era have been discovered in Western India between the Kim and the Mahi. They 
range in dates from K. 380 to K. 486. This country was under the direct rule of the Kala- 
churis till K, 361 at least; for, in that year Buddharaja made the grant of a village in the 
Broach District.® After the overthrow of the Kalachuris, Pulakesin II extended the 
northern limit of his empire to the Kim, adding to it the provinces of Konkan, the three 
Maharashtras and southern Gujarat. Just about that time Harsha, the mighty ruler of 
Kanauj, was making extensive conquests in the north, and countries far and near were 
submitting to him. It must have seemed very likely that he would soon press to the south. 
Pulakesin, therefore, wisely decided to create a buffer state in Central Gujarat under Dadda II 
of the Gurjara race, who had probably acquired already some portion of it during the hos- 
tilities of the Kalachuris and the Chalukyas in the south. Dadda II on his part was only 
too glad to acknowledge the suzerainty and get the support of his powerful southern neigh- 
bour. The Aihole inscription^ tells us that the king of Lata, who was none other than 
this Dadda, as well as the Malava and the Gurjara, being impressed by Pulakesin’s valour, 
became, as it were, teachers of how feudatories subdued by force ought to behave. The 
grants of Dada II are the earliest Gurjara records so far discovered in Gujarat. Kielhorn 
has shown that both in their eulogistic and formal parts they were drafted on the model 
of the earlier Kalachuri grants, and from this he tightly conjectured that ‘the family of 
these chiefs (i. e., the Gurjaras) rose to independence only after the time of the Katachchuri 

The Kaira grants of Dadda II mention two earlier princes of the dynasty, his 
grandfather Dadda I and father Jayabhata I alias Vitaraga. The former, who is styled 
Sdmanta, was only a feudal lord. As regards the suzerain to whom he owed allegiance. 
Fleet conjectured that he and also his son Jayabhata I must have been vassals of the 
Katachchuri king Buddharaja.® As the known dates of Dadda II range from K. 380 to 
K. 392, he probably flourished horn circa K. 370 to K. 395. His grandfather Dadda I 
must, therefore, be referred to the period from circa K. 320 to K. 345 or from 570 
A, C. to 595 A. C. The contemporary Kalachuri emperors were Krishnaraja and his son 
Sankaragana,’ and not Buddharaja. It is again doubtful if Dadda I was at all ruling in 
Gujarat. From a copper-plate found at Sahkheda® we learn that Nirihullaka was ruling 
over the lower Narmada valley, later on the heart of the Gurjara kingdom, as a feudatory 

^ See above, p. xlv. 

^ Nos, 16-24. 

® No. 15, 1 . 22. 

^Ep.Ind.,Yo\. VI, p. 6. 

5 Ibid, Vol. VI, p. 296. 

® Bom. Vol. I, part ii, p. 3x5. 

’ See above, pp. xlvi fF. 

® No. 13. 


of the Kalachuri Sankatagana. Subsequently the country was under the direct rule 
of the Kalachuris as shown by Buddharaja’s Sarsavni grant. The Gurjaras, therefore, 
came into possession of it after the Kalachuris. The sign-manuals of the Gurjara princes 
are in northern characters, though their grants are written in the southern script. This 
clearly indicates their northern origin. Dr. R. C. Majumdar has shown that Dadda I was 
probably identical with the homonymous son of the Brahmana Harichandra from his 
Kshatriya wife Bhadra, who is mentioned in the Jodhpur inscription of the Pratihara 
Bauka^ and who probably flourished about 575 A. C.^ He was apparently ruling some- 
where in the vicinity of Mindavyapura (modem Mand 5 r near Jodhpur), which he and his 
brothers are said to have conquered. The connection of the two families is also indi- 
cated by the similarities of some names noticed in them.^ 

No records of Dadda I have yet been discovered, but from the Kaira grants^ of his 
grandson we learn that he was a devotee of the Sun. We are again told that the lands at 
the foot of the Vindhya mountain delighted him, which seems to suggest that he raided 
the country up to the Vindhya mountain from his base in Rajputana. He may be 
referred to the period 570-595 A. C. 

About his son and successor Jayabhata I, we know very litde. From the biruda 
Vitardga, ‘one whose passion has vanished’, applied to him, he seems to have been a man 
of tranquil nature. He had two sons, Dadda 11 who succeeded him and Ranagraha who 
was apparently placed by his brother in charge of the eastern part of his kingdom. Jaya- 
bhata I may have flourished from circa 595 A. C. to 620 A. C. 

Dadda II alias Prasantaraga, ‘one whose passion has subsided’, is known from several 
inscriptions. He was the real founder of the Gurjara kingdom in the Lata coimtry. His 
Kaira plates (two sets) are dated in K. 3 80 (629-30 A.C.) and K. 385 (634-35 A.C.), and record 
the grant of Sirishapadraka (modern Sisodra, ii miles from Anklesvar in the Broach Dis- 
trict) to certain Br^manas. Two other sets of plates,^ issued on the same day in K. 392 
(641-2 A. C.), register the grant of two fields in the village Kshirasara in the visbaya (district) 
of Sangamakhetaka (modem Sahkheda prdnt of the Baroda District). He is also mentioned 
in a fragmentary Sahkheda grant® of his brother Ranagraha, dated K. 391, As stated 
above, he was obliged to acknowledge the suzerainty of Pulakesin II soon after he carved 
out a kingdom for himself in the lower Narmada valley. On the seals of his plates he is 
styled Sdnsanta or a feudal lord, while in his grants he is said to have won ilcxt panchantabd- 
sabda (the right to use the five great sounds). Like his grandfather, he was a devotee of the 

Dadda II heads the genealogy in all later records. His descendants took pride in 
describing him as one ‘who had a canopy of glory, possessing the grace of a moving large 
and white cloud, which had spmng from his protection of the king of Valabhi when he 
was attacked by the Emperor, the illustrious Harshadeva.’^ It has been recognized that 
Dadda II, the mler of a petty state, a mere Sd manta, could not have, unaided, given protection 

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVm, p. 91. 

* Majumdar places his father Harichandra in about 5 50 A. C 

* two Nagabhatas in the Mandor line and four Jayabhatas in the Gujarat line. It must, however, 
be noted that the Mandor line traces itself back to Lakshmana, the brother of Rama, while the Gujarat line 
claims to have descended from Karna, a hero of the Bharata war. But both these Pauranic pedigrees were 
invented in later times — the former in the ninth and the latter in the seventh century A. C. 

* Nos. 16 and 17. 

® Nos. 19 and 20. 

« No. 18. Three other grants purporting to have been issued by Dadda II are dated in S. 400, 
S. 414 and S. 417, but they are spurious. See Bom. Ga^., Vol. I, pt. i, pp. 117 ff. * 

’ Below, p. 85. The expression occurs in Nos. 21, 22, and 24. 



to the ruler of Valabhi against the armies of the most powerful ruler of the time with the 
resources of a vast empire at his command. Besides, it is noteworthy that Dadda himself 
is silent about this glorious achievement ascribed to him;^ for there is no mention of it even 
in his grants of K. 392 (641-42 A. C.), which were made towards the end of his reign and 
before which the event must certainly have happened. Scholars are, however, not agreed 
about the power that supported him. According to Dr. R. C. Majumdar, Dadda II was 
at the time a feudatory of the dynasty of Harichandra which bore hereditary enmity to the 
royal house of Thaneshvar.^ It is, however, doubtful if the Pratiharas of Mandavyapura 
were then so powerful as to resist the victorious march of the mighty Emperor of North 
India. From the Aihole inscription® and the account of Yuan Chwang,^ on the other 
hand, we learn that gathering troops from the five Indias and the best generals from all 
countries, Harsha advanced in person relying on his formidable elephant force. He was 
opposed by Pulakesin 11 , the great king of Maharashtra. The battle was probably fought 
on the bank of the Narmada® in the heart of the Gurjara kingdom. Harsha’s huge 
elephants fell in the fight and turned the scales in favour of his enemy. In this war the 
Gurjara Dadda was probably fighting on behalf of his liege lord Pulakesin II. Though 
he himself did not claim credit for the victory, his descendants who were less puncti- 
lious in this regard ascribed it solely to his arms. 

One of the causes of this war may have been the protection that Dadda gave to the 
king of Valabhi when he was attacked by Harsha. Dr. Altekar® points out that the war 
could not have been fought during the first two or three decades of the seventh century 
A.C. when Harsha and Pulakesin, both of whom aspired for the most enviable position 
of Chakravartiny were increasing their power and consolidating their position by conquer- 
ing small kingdoms in the north and the south respectively. Pulakesin’s victory is mention- 
ed in the Aihole inscription of 634 A.C., while the earlier Lohaner plates'^ issued by him in 
630 A. C. are altogether silent about it. The war seems, therefore, to have been fought 
between 630 A. C. and 634 A. C. The Valabhi ruler who sought Dadda’s protection 
was Dhruvabhata II alias Baladitya, whose earliest grant is dated in G. 310 (629-30 A. C). 
From Yuan Chwang’s account we learn that Harsha later® made peace with the Valabhi 
ruler and cemented the alliance by giving his daughter in marriage to him. As stated 
above, Dadda II probably flourished from 620 A. C. to 645 A. C. 

Dadda II was succeeded by his son Jayabhata II, who is known only from the grants 
of his successors. He is praised therein in general terms, altogether devoid of historical 
information. Soon after his accession, his country seems to have been invaded by the 
Valabhi ruler Dharasena IV, the son and successor of Dhruvasena II, who from his grants 
is known to have assumed the imperial titles Paramabhattdraka, Mahdrajddhirdja, Varamesvara 

1 Pandit Bhagvanlal tentatively suggested that ‘the protection given to the Valabhi king is perhaps 
referred to in the Kheda grants in the mention of ‘strangers and suppliants and people in distress,’ but fur- 
ther on he admitted that ‘the phrase quoted is by no means decisive.’ Bom. Ga^., Vol. I, part i, p. 1 16. 

* 7. D. L., Vol. X, p. 12. 

» Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 6. 

< O. Y. C, Vol. n, p. 239. 

® In the Aihole inscription, after mentioning the defeat of Harsha, Ravikirti describes the army of 
Pulakesin II as encamped on the bank of the Reva (Narmada) at the foot of the Vindhya mountain. 

« A. B. O. R. I., Vol. Xni, pp. 502 ff. 

7 S. M. H. D., Vol. I, pp. 1-8. 

* I do not agree with Dr. Altekar’s view that ‘Harsha’s conquest or winning over of the Valabhi 
niler must have preceded his offensive against Pulakesin’. There seems to have been only one war during 
which the ruler of Valabhi fled to the court of Dadda, He was pursued by Harsha, who was defeated by 
Pulakesin and his feudatory Dadda II. 



and Chakravartin, and appears to have been the most powerful ruler of the time. Dharasena 
advanced to and occupied Broach, which was probably the Gurjara capital at the time.^ 
From his victorious camp at Broach, Dharasena issued two sets of plates^ in the same year 
G. 330 (648 A. C.). The villages granted by him lay, however, in the Khetak^ara vishaya 
(modern Kaira District) which was outside the Gurjara kingdom. It has, therefore, been 
suggested that Dharasena IV was enjoying the hospitality of the Gurjara king.® The 
argument does not, however, appear convincing; for though in ancient times kings 
sometimes made grants of land situated in the territory which they had recently conquered, 
they did not do so invariably — especially when the country was only raided and not perma- 
nendy occupied.^ Again, the adjective ‘victorious’ prefixed to Dharasena’s camp in these 
grants indicates that he had gone to Bharukachchha in the course of a military campaign. 
Dharasena seems to have soon retired to his country, perhaps after exacting a heavy tribute 
from Jayabhata II. 

Like his father, Jayabhata II was probably a devotee of the Sim, though there is no 
express mention of it in Gurjara records. A temple of the Sun called Jayaditya situated 
at Kotipura near Kapika (modem Kavi in the Jambusar tdlukd of the Broach District) 
was probably built by him.® It is known from a grant made several years later 
(in 827 A. C.) for its repairs by G5vinda of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta branch.® Jayabhata II 
may be referred to the period 645- — 665 A. C. 

Jayabhata was followed by Dadda III, who was the first Gurjara prince to become 
a devotee of Siva. Only one grant of his has been discovered so far, that recorded on 
the Prince of Wales Museum plates, dated K. 427 (675 A. C.).'' He is also mentioned in 
the grants of his successors. He had the hiruda Bdhusahdya (one whose sole helper is his 
arm) and attained the panchamahdsabda. He seems to have pursued a more vigorous policy 
than his predecessor; for, he is said to have obtained victories over the kings of the east 
and the west. The king of the west was probably the Valabhi ruler Siladitya III (circa 
660-685 A. C.) who was his contemporary. It seems that soon after his accession Dadda 
made an incursion into the Valabhi kingdom in retaliation for the previous invasion by 
the Maitrakas. He seems to have attained some success as suggested by the aforementioned 
statement. This occurred some time before 675 A. C., the date of his Prince of Wales 
Museum plates.’ 

During the reign of Dadda III the Gurjara kingdom was invaded by a ruler named 
Vajrata or Vajjada as stated in the Nasik plates of Dharasraya-Jayasiriiha. Like the earlier 
invasion of Harsha, this attack also was repelled with the help of the Chalukya suzerain. 
The whole army of Vajjada was annihilated in the country between the Mahi and the Narmada 
by Jayasimha, a younger son of Pulakerin II.® This victory of the Chalukyas was regarded 

^ The Gurjara capital till the end of Dadda II’s reign was Nandipura as all the four grants of his reign 
are issued from that city. The capital was shifted to Bharukachchha (Broach) sometime before K. 427 (675 
A. C.), the date of the Prince of Wales Museum plates of Dadda in (No. 121). 

* Ittd. Ant; Vol. VII, pp. 73 ff and Vol. XV, pp. 339 ff. 

® Bom. Ga;i; Vol. I, part ii, p. 316; J. D. L., Vol. X, p. 18. 

* As instances we may point out that the Vadner plates of Buddharaja, though issued from his victo- 
rious camp at Vidisa in Eastern Malwa, record the grant of a village in the Nasik District, and the Karhad 
plates of Krishna III, though issued from his victorious camp at Melpati in North Arcot, record the grant 
of a village near Karhad in the Satara District of the Bombay State. 

® As shown above, Jayabhata I did not probably rule in Gujarat and Jayabhatas III and IV were 
devotees of 6iva. 

® Ind. Ant; Vol. V, pp. 144 ff. 

^ No. 121. 

® §^e No. 28, 11 . 9-10, 



as memorable as it was decisive; for, like the earlier one over Harsha, it is mentioned in 
many records of the Rashtrakutas as the most glorious achievement of their enemies, the 
Early Chalukyasd The identification of Vaj jada and the approximate date of this victory 
will be discussed later on.^ Dadda III flourished from circa 665 A. C. to 690 A. C. 

Dadda Ill’s son and successor Jayabhata III is known from two records.® His 
Navsari plates were issued from his camp at Kayavatara (the modern Karwan, about 15 
m. south of Baroda). They record the grant of the village Samipadraka near Karwan on 
the occasion of a lunar eclipse in K. 456 (706 A. C.). The second set of plates, though 
discovered at Anjaneri near Nasik, registers the grant of a village near Nandipuri (Nandod 
in the former Rajpipla State) on the occasion of the sun’s entering the sign of Libra in K. 
460 (710 A. C.). The plates were issued from Bharukachchha. 

In both the grants we find the old racial name Gurjara of the family discarded, and 
the claim made instead that the royal family was descended from Karna, evidently the hero 
of the Bharata war.^ Like his father, Jayabhata III was a Saiva and won the panchamahdsabda. 
His descendants give him a higher t\A&M.ahdsdmantddhipati ‘the lord of the great feudatories’, 
but it is not noticed m his own records. Jayabhata HI probably flourished from circa 
690 A. C. to 715 A. C. 

The next prince Ahirola, the son of Jayabhata III, is known only from the grants 
of his son Jayabhata IV. He had the same titles as his father, and was, like him, a devotee 
of Siva. If the description given of him is not altogether conventional, he seems to have 
been a learned, pious and self-controlled prince. His reign was altogether uneventful 
and probably very short. He may be referred to the period 715-720 A. C. 

Ahirola’s son and successor was Jayabhata IV. He is known from two copper- 
plate records.® The earlier one which is fragmentary was discovered at Kavi. It registers 
the grant of some land in favour of the god Asramadeva installed at Kemajju, not far from 
Kavi in the Broach District. The grant was made on the occasion of the sun’s entering the 
sign of Cancer in K. 486 (736 A.C.). The second record, which was incised nearly three 
months and a half later in the same year, registers the grant of the village Mannatha in the 
same district to a Brahmana of the Hetavuka sub-caste. 

The description of Jayabhata IV in both these records is given generally in convention- 
al terms. Like his father, he was a Saiva and Mahasamantadhipati. There is, however, one 
verse in a rather corrupt form which refers to an important historical event.® We learn 
from it that Jayabhata, by the edge of his sword, forcibly vanquished in the city of the 
lord of Valabhi the Tajikas who oppressed all people. This verse which occurs in the Kavi 
plate also had been known for a long time; but several letters of it were lost by the breaking 
off of its right and left upper edges. Biihler, who edited the Kavi plate, had, therefore, 
no complete text of the verse before him. One of his readings was also incorrect. His 
translation, ‘who {i.e., Jayabhata) by the edge of his sword quieted in battle the impetuosity 
of the lord of Valabhi,’’ was responsible for the conclusion, drawn by him and others who 
followed him, that this Jayabhata inflicted a defeat on the contemporary ruler of Valabhi. 

1 See e.g. the Anjanavati plates of Govinda III, Up. Ind., Vol. XXIII, p. 14. 

* See below, pp. lx ff. 

* The Kavi plate dated K. 486 was for a long time ascribed to Jayabhata III, whose reign was sup- 
posed to have begun shortly before K. 456. But the Prince of Wales Museum plates (No. 24), recently 
discovered, show that it belongs to his grandson Jayabhata IV. 

« This is also noticed in the earlier Prince of Wales Museum plates of Dadda III (No. 121). 

s Nos. 23 and 24. 

« See below, pp. Ixiv ff. 

7 Ind, Ant., Vol. V, p. 115. 



The correct reading of the verse which can now be restored with the help of the better 
preserved Prince of Wales Museum plates shows, on the other hand, that Jayabhata went 
to the rescue of the king of Valabhi, when his capital was attacked by the Tajikas or Arabs, 
and inflicted a defeat on the enemy. 

Jayabhata IV may have come to the throne in circa 720 A. C. His Kavi and Prince of 
Wales Museum grants are both dated in 736 A.C. The first encounter with the Arabs, in 
which Jayabhata obtained a decisive victory, must, therefore, be placed between 720 A.C. 
and 73 5 A.C. The only period during this interval when the Arabs followed a vigorous 
policy was that of the governorship of Junaid. A 1 BiladurP teUs us that after defeating 
Jaishiya and storming Kiraj, Junaid sent his officers against Marmad, Mandal, Dahanaj and 
Barus. He also sent forces against Ujain, !Maliba and Baharimad, and conquered Bailaiman 
and Jurz. During one of these raids, his forces must have attacked Valabhi.^ Jayabhata IV, 
realizing the common danger, seems to have gone to the help of the king of Valabhi and 
defeated the Arabs. Now, Junaid was appointed Govemer of Sindh by Umar and confi- 
rmed by Khalif Hasham (724-743 A. C.). As he was succeeded about 726 A. C. by Tamim,® 
we may place the raid of Valabhi in circa -jz^ A. C. The contemporary king of Valabhi 
who was thus saved by Jayabhata IV was probably Siladitya V.^ 

But the Arabs were not completely vanqtiished. Before long they overran the kingdom 
of Jayabhata himself, and pressed forward as far as Navasarika. At this point their further 
advance was checked by Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin,® who inflicted a crushing defeat on 
them some time before 740 A. C., the date of his Navsari plates. The Gurjara kin gdom 
was thereafter probably annexed by the Gujarat Ch^ukyas. After the overthrow of the 
latter by the Rashtrakuta prince Dantidurga, the country to the north of the Kim was 
occupied by a feudatory Chaham^a family with its capital at Bharukachchha. The Han- 
sot plates® of Bhartrivaddha, a feudatory of the Gurjara-Pratihara Nagabhata, were 
issued from Bharukachchha in V. 813 (756 A. C.). 

The Gurjara kingdom seems to have been bounded by the Kim in the south and the 
Arabian sea in the west. Northward it followed the course of the Mahi up to the former 
Rewakantha Agency, from where the boundary line ran along the eastern limit of the 
Panch-Mahals District to Chhota-Udaipur in the east. Over this country the Gurjaras 
ruled almost continuously for six generations comprising about a hundred and twenty 
years. Their capital was at first Nandipuri (Nandod in the former Rajpipla State), as 
all the records of Dadda II are issued from it. After him it seems to have been shifted 
to the prosperous emporium Bharukachchha (Broach). Of the five later records — one of 
Dadda III, two of Jayabhata III and two of Jayabhata IV — one was issued from the 
royal camp at Kayavatara (modern Karw^) south of Baroda, and two from Bharu- 
kachchha (without the addition of a word like vdsakdf), while the place of issue in the 
case of the other two is not known. It is again noteworthy that the expeditions of 
Dharasena IV, Siladitya III and later on of the Arabs were directed against Broach 
itself. It was, therefore, probably the later capital of the Gurjaras. 

1 E. D. H. I., Vol. I, p. 126. 

* Prof. Hodivala has ingeniously suggested that Maliba against which Junaid sent an army may be 
Baliba (Valabhi). 

» K D. H. J., Vol. I, p. 442. 

* He was ruling in G. 405 (722-23A. C). See 7 . N- J. Nos. 1369-70, 

® See No. 30, 11 . 25 ff. 

* Ef. Ind., Vol. XII, pp. 197 flf. 



The Gurjatas were staunch adherents of Hinduism. Nearly all their grants were 
made to Brahmanas for the maintenance of the five great sacrifices. The earlier rulers 
down to Jayabhata II were worshippers of the Sun, while the later ones were, without 
exception, devotees of Siva. 


The Sendrakas first appear on the political horizon of South India as feudatories of 
the Rashtrakutas and the Kadambas. The Gokak plates,^ dated in circa 532-35 A.C., mention 
the Sendraka prince Indrananda as a feudatory of the Rashtrakuta king Dejja-Maharaja. He 
was ruling over the territory round Jamkhandi, about 80 miles south by east of Kolhapur. 
Some other records mention the Sendrakas in connection with the Kadambas. A copper- 
plate inscription^ of the Kadamba king Harivarman records the royal grant of the village 
Marade at the request of Bhanusakti who is described therein as ‘the ornament of the 
family of the Sendrakas.’ Another Kadamba inscription® mentions the Sendrakxi-vishaya 
or the home province of the Sendrakas. After the fall of the Kadambas, the Sendrakas 
transferred their allegiance to the Chalukyas of Badami, with whom some of them became 
matrimonially connected. From the Chiplun plates of Pulakesin lU we learn that his 
maternal uncle Srivallabha Senananda was ‘an ornament of the Sendrakas.’ He was probab- 
ly ruling over South Konkan as a feudatory of Pulakesin II as the latter sanctioned his 
grant of the village Amravataka and some allotment at another village Avanchapali in the 
Avaretika vishaya? These villages were evidently situated in the vicinity of Chiplun, the 
former being probably identical with Amboli, 15 m. north of Chiplun. Another Sendraka 
chief seems to have been appointed to govern some part of the Banavasi kingdom which had 
been conquered from the Kadambas; for, a later inscription of the time of Pulakefin IPs 
grandson Vinayadi ty a® mentions the Pogilli of the Sendraka family ruling over 

the Nagarkhand District, which, as we know from other records, was comprised in the Bana- 
vasi Twelve-thousand. Again, the Sendraka feudatory Devasakti is mentioned in a record 
of the tenth year of Vikramaditya I, found in Karnul District of the Madras State.'^ 
The Sendrakas claimed to be of the Bhujagendra anvaytfi or Phanindra vamsa? They, 
therefore, belonged to the Naga race. Their modern representatives are the Sindes, 
whose crest contains the Naga emblem. 

After the overthrow of the Kalachuris, Pulakesin II divided their extensive kingdom 
among his relatives and trusted chiefs. Southern Gujarat extending from the Kim in the 
north to the Damangahga in the south was placed in charge of a Sendraka chief. The 

1 Bp. Ind., Vol. XXI, pp. 289 ff. 

a hd. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 31;/. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. IX, p. 239. 

a Ep. Cam., Vol. V, p. 594. 

* Ep. Ind., Vol. Ill p. 50. For three other Sendraka inscriptions of the same period, see Ep. Ind., 
Vol. XXI, pp. 289 ff. 

a Mr. Jackson suggested that Avaretika was identical with Aparanta. J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XX, 

p. 41. 

* Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 142. 

a J. B. B. R. A. S., VoL XVI, p. 259. A stone inscription at Lakshmeshvar (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, 
pp. loi ff.) near the south-east corner of the Dharwar District mentions king Durga^kti, son of Kundasakti 
who was son of Vijayasakti of the Sendraka family, as a contemporary of Satyasraya, son of Ranaparakrama 
(who is obviously intended to be Pulakesin II, son of Kirtivarman I), but the inscription is spurious. See 
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, p. 218. 

« 3 id., Vol. Vn, p. 106. 

* S. M. H. D., Vol. I, pp. 21 and 82-83. 



Sendrakas ruled over this territory for three generations. They seem to have made nume- 
rous grants; for. Pandit Bhagvanlal once informed Dr. Biihler that he had in his possession 
several sets of Sendraka plates from Southern Gujarat.^ It is very unfortunate that they 
are not forthcoming now. 

Only four grants^ of the family have been published so far. Of these, three were 
made by Allasakti. The earliest of them was discovered at Kasare in West Khandesh. 
Before its publication it was thought that the rule of the Sendrakas was confined to Southern 
Gujarat. The Kasare plates of Allasakti^ which register his donation of some land in 
the village Pippalikheta, modern Pimpalner,^ about 45 miles west of Dhulia, clearly 
show that the Sendrakas held Khandesh also. The plates are dated in the year 404 of the 
Kalachuri era (653 A. C.). Another inscription of Allasakti was found at Bagumra® in 
the Surat District. It is dated in the Kalachuri year 406 (656 A. C.), and registers the grant 
of the village Balisa, the modern Wanesa in the Bardoli tdluha of the Surat District. 

From these grants we learn that Bhanusakti, who is called Nikumbha in the Kasare 
plates, was the founder of the family. As his grandson Allasakti was ruling in 65 3 and 
656 A. C., Bhanusakti has to be referred to the first quarter of the seventh century A. C. 
He seems, therefore, to have been invested by Pulakesin II with the government of 
Southern Gujarat and Khandesh after the defeat of the Kalachuri Buddharaja. In his 
grants he is said to have attained victory in the clash of many battles with the onslaught 
of four-tusked elephants. His son was Adityasakti, and the latter’s son, Allasakti.® 
In his grants Allasakti claims to have won the panchamahdJabda and assumes the birudas 
'Pritbivlvallabha and Nikumbha. 

The Sendrakas, though they were raised to power by the Western Ch^ukyas of 
Badami, make no mention of their liege lords in their grants. From this Dr. Fleet inferred 
that the Bagumra grant ‘belongs to the period when the Western Chalukya sovereignty 
was in abeyance’.’ When Fleet wrote, this inference appeared quite justified; because in 
other inscriptions of that period such as the Navsari and Surat plates of Sryasraya Siladitya, 
the reigning sovereign was invariably mentioned.® Since then several other grants of 
the period have come to light, e.g., the Nasik plates of Dharasraya-Jayasirhha, the Anjaneri 
plates of Bhogasakti and the Mundakhede plates of AUasakti’s son Jayasakti, in which 
the reigning suzerain is not specifically mentioned, but which were made after the 

^ Ind. Ant,^ VoL XVIII, p. 267. Pandit Bhagvanlal is known to have bequeathed by his will all his 
coins and copper-plates to the British Museum VoL XVII, p. 297), but no Sendraka grant can now 
be traced there. 

® Two of these, viz., the Nagad plates of Allasakti and the Mundakhede plates of AUasakri’s son Jaya- 
sakti bear dates of the Saka era, and are, therefore, not included in this Volume. The Nagad plates dated in 
Saka 577 (656 A.C.) were issued from Allasakti’s camp near Kayavatara (modern Karwan in Gujarat) and 
record his grant of a village near Nandipuradvari (modern Nandurbar in West Khandesh), (JV. I. yl., VoL 
I, pp. 747-48). For an account of the Mundakhede plates, dated Saka 602 (681 A.C.), see below, p. lix, n. 2, 

® No. 25. 

Some lines originally engraved on the second plate were cancelled and others incised over them. 
The statement refers to the later record. 

® No. 26. 

• His name is given as Nikumbhallasakti by Buhler, but that Nikumbha was only a biruda is evident 
from the seal of the Kasare plates which has the legend AllaJakdL The same name occurs in 1 . 17 of the 
Kasare plates. Nikumbha is prefixed as a biruda to the name of AUasakti’s son Jayasakti also. See his 
Mundakhede plates. A, R. B. 7 . S. M. for ^aka 1834, pp. 169 ff, 

^ VoL I, part ii, p. 361, 

® Fleet pointed out that no paramount sovereign is mentioned in the Kaira plates of Vijayaraja (No. 
34) which he referred to the same period. But the record is spurious. 



re-establishment of Chalukya suzerainty even according to Fleet’s view. There is, there- 
fore, no reason to doubt the loyalty of the Sendrakas, though there was undoubtedly 
much disturbance and disorder in the Chalukya dominion owing to Pallava invasions 
in the beginning of Vikramaditya I’s reign. 

After the issue of the Bagumra plates, however, the Sendrakas seem to have been 
ousted from Southern Gujarat; for within fifteen years from the date of that grant we find 
a subordinate branch of the Western Chalukyas established in the lower Tapi valley. The 
next date of the Kalachuri era that comes from Gujarat, K. 421, is furnished by the 
granti which the prince-regent Sryasraya-Siladitya made on behalf of his father Dhara- 
sraya-Jayasimha. As we shall see later, it records the gift of a village situated within 
twenty miles of Balisa or Wanesa which was granted by the Bagumra plates of the Sendraka 
Allasakti. It is plain, therefore, that Sryasraya-Siladitya was ruliog over the same territoiy^ 
which was previously held by the Sendrakas. The Sendrakas then removed their seat 
of government to Khandesh, where we find Allasakti’s son Jayasakti granting the village 
Senana by his Mundakhede plates^ dated Saka 602 (680 A. C.). The donated village is 
now represented by Saundane near the western border of the Khandesh District. The use 
of the Saka era in dating the record also shows that the grant was made outside Gujarat 
where the Kalachuri era remained current for more than half a century afterwards.® 


After the overthrow of the Kalachuris, Pulakesin II seems to have annexed Mahara- 
shtra to the coimtry under his direct rule.^ In the Aihole inscription® he is called the lord 
of the three Maharashtras comprising ninety-nine thousand villages. Yuan Chwang, 
who travelled in South India during his reign, also mentions him as the king of Mo-ha- 
t la-ch‘a (Maharashtra).® Pulakesin seems to have placed the southern districts, 

Satara, Panadharpur and perhaps also Sholapur under his younger brother Vishnuvardhana; 
for, the Satara plates’ of the latter prince record the grant of a village on the southern 

^ No. 27. The Manor plates of Jayasraya Marigalarasa, which have been published recently, mention 
Saka 615 (691-92 A.C.) as the twenty-first year, evidently, of the reign of Dharasraya-Jayasirhha. lEp. Ind.y 
Vol. XXVIII, p. 21, The dynastic change seems, therefore, to have occurred in 671 A.C. The Surat 
plates of Yuvaraja Sryasraya-Siladitya, dated K. 421 (670-71), seem to have been issued soon after Gujarat 
came into the possession of Jayasimha, 

* These plates have been edited twice in Marathi, first in the Marathi journal Prabbafa (Vol. I) of 
Dhulia and then in A. R. B. I. S. Af. (Saka 1834), but unfortunately they are not forthcoming now. The 
plates were found in the possession of the Patel of Mundakhede, not far from Dhulia. They were issued by 
Jayasakti, son of Allasakti, of the Sendraka family from Jayapuradvari and record the grant of the village 
Senana in the vishaya of Kundalikamala to a Brahmana residing at Kallivana. I have elsewhere identified 
these places. Thus, Jayapuradvari, which was so called probably because it was situated at the entrance to 
a defile, is modern Jeur, 6 m. north of Nandgaon, which lies at the entrance to the valley between the 
Satmala and Ajanta ranges. Kundalikamala is Kundalgaon, n m. south-west of Jeur. Senana, the donated 
village, is the modern Saundane near Kundalgaon. The grant, therefore, undoubtedly belongs to 
Khandesh. The Nasik District was then under Dharasraya-Jayasimha. See No. 28. 

® The Navsari plates, the last record of Gujarat dated in the Kalachuri era, were granted in K, 490 
(740 A.C.). 

^ The Nirpan grant of Nagavardhana mentions Dharasraya-Jayasirhha as a younger brother of Pula- 
kesin apparently as the ruler of the Nasik District, but the grant is probably spurious; for, Dharasraya-Jaya- 
sirhha was Pulakesin’ s not brother. See also Vol. I, part ii, p. 358, n. i. 

5 Bp. Ind., Vol. VI, pp. I ff. 

« O. y. C, Vol. II, p. 239. 

’ Ind. Ant.^ Vol. XIX, p. 303. 



bank of the Bhima. The districts in Northern Maharashtra together with the country 
n^r the western coast seem to have been under Pulakesin’s direct rule.^ His second 
capital was probably Nasik. This city, as Fleet has shown,* answers to the description 
of Pulakesin’s capital given by the Chinese traveller. 

Vikramaditya I, who succeeded Pulakesin II, appointed his younger brother 
Dharasraya-Jayasirhha to govern South Gujarat, parts of North Konkan and the Nasik 
District. The Navasari plates of Jayasirhha’s son Sryasraya-Siladitya, which were evidently 
issued soon after this appointment, state explicitly that the prosperity of Jayasiihha was 
augmented by his elder brother Vikramaditya I.* The Sendrakas who were previously 
pilin g over South Gujarat moved to Khandesh. This change seems to have occurred in 
671 A. C.; for, the recently discovered Manor plates state that Saka 613 (691-92) was the 
twenty-first regnal year of Jayasirioha.^ 

Jayasiihha seems to have himself ruled over only the Nasik District. The Nasik 
plates dated in K. 436 (685 A. C.) record his grant of a village in that district. He placed 
his two sons in charge of the other parts of his kingdom, investing them with power 
to make grants of land in their own name. His elder son Yuvaraja Sryasraya-Siladitya, 
who ruled over South Gujarat, is known to have made two grants of land recorded in 
the Navsari and Surat plates.® These are dated in the Kalachuri era which was then current 
in Gujarat. His second son Jayaftaya-Marigalarasa also made two land-grants recorded 
in the Manor and Balsar plates.® These are dated in the Saka era which was apparently 
current in parts of North Konkan where Jayasraya-Mahgalarasa was ruling. The Nasik 
plates state that with his bright-tipped arrows Jayasithha defeated and exterminated the 
whole army of Vajjada in the country between the Mahi and the Narmada.'^ As we have 
already seen, this country was under the rule of the Gurjara princes who called themselves 
Samantas and evidently owed allegiance to the Western Chalukyas of Badami. It seems 
that some king named Vajjada invaded the country of the Gurjaras, evidently from the North. 
The Gurjara ruler sought the help of his suzarain, the Chalukya Emperor Vikramaditya I, 
who ordered Jayasiriiha to proceed to the north to the rescue of the Gurjara feudatory. 
He won a decisive victory which is placed on a par with Pulakesin II’s brilliant victory 
over Harsha and mentioned as one of the most glorious achievements of the Western 
Chalukyas in many records of their political successors, the Rashtrakutas.® 

Before the discovery of Jayasirhha’s Nasik plates, no reference to this victory over 
Vajjada was known to occur in any record of the Western Chalukyas. Fleet, however, 
conjectured® that this victory was identical with the one obtained by Vinayaditya over 
some paramount king of North India, which is mentioned in the records of his son and suc- 
cessor Vijayaditya.i® Thus from the Nerur plates of the latter, dated Saka 622 and 627, we 

^ The Lohaner plates, dated 6aka 552 (650-31 A.C.) record Pulakesin II’s grant of a village in the 
Baglan tdlukd of the Nasik District. Ep, Ind*y VoL XXVII, pp. 37 ff. 

^Ind. AntyYolXXll, p. 115. 

» No. 27, 1.9. ^ Ep, Ind., Vol. XXVni, pp. 17 ff. 

* Nos. 27 and 29. 

^Ep.Ind.Yol. XXVmpp. i7ff and /. J 3 . X. J., VoL XVI, p. 5. 

^ See No. 28, lines 9-13. 

® Dantivarman, the founder of the Rashua.kuu power, is thus described — (l(tf 

I WlfeiT it See, e.g., Ep. 

Ind,y Vol. XXIII, p. 14. Vajrata, mentioned here, is plainly identical with the Vajjada of the Nasik plates, 

• Bom. Gaz*9 Vol. I, part ii, p. 368. 

The same view has been stated recently by Venkataramanajrya, who identifies this paramount king 
with Vajrayudha of Kanauj. JW. H/V/. Quart.^ Vol. XX, pp. 181 ff. I have examined it in detail in the same 
jontoal, VoL XX, pp. 353 ff. 



learn that Vinayaditya acquired the palidhvaja banner and all other insignia of sovereignty 
by vanquishing the lord of the whole Uttarapatha (North India).^ The Nasik plates, however, 
clearly show that the two victories were not identical. For, Jayasirhha’s victory was deci- 
sive; he is said to have completely exterminated the whole army of Vajjada in the territory 
between the Mahi and the Narmada. On the other hand, Vinayaditya did not emerge 
completely triumphant in his encounter with the lord paramount of North India; for, though 
with the help of his valiant son Vijayaditya, he won the palidhvaja banner, the signs of 
the rivers Ganga and Yamuna, the insignia of dhakkd, elephants, etc., he was not altogether 
happy, as his son Vijayaditya was taken captive by the retreating hostile forces. Secondly, 
Jayasiinha’s success was attained sometime before K. 436 (685 A. C.), the date of the Nasik 
plates, while Vinayaditya’s battle with the emperor of the North was not fought till Saka 
616 (694 A.C.) at least, since it is not referred to in his Harihar plates^ issued in that year. 
It is mentioned for the first time in the Nemr plates of his son Vijayaditya, dated Saka 
622. The war seems to have been fought towards the end of Vinayaditya’s reign; for, 
he died soon thereafter while his son was in captivity. There was anarchy in the kingdom, 
which Vijayaditya suppressed when he effected his escape.® We may, therefore, date 
it in circa 693 A. C. Jayasimha was probably living at the time; for, only two years be- 
fore this date his son Yuvardja Sryasraya-Siladitya made a grant in his name;^ but he was 
then probably too old to take the field. Vajjada is, therefore, not identical with the lord 
paramount of North India defeated by Vinayaditya. 

Who was then this king Vajjada ? The name is clearly a corrupt form of some 
Sanskrit name like Vajrata or Vajrabhata. As stated above, the Rashtrakuta records name 
the king as Vajrata, but they belong to a much later age. Besides, no name like Vajrata 
occurs in any genealogical list of the period.® Even if we take the name to be Vajrabhata, 
we get no better result. Similar names ending in bhata no doubt occur in the dynastic 
lists of the Gurjara-Pratiharas® and the Maitrakas of Valabhi,'^ but there is no name in 
them corresponding to Vajjada. The Vasantagadh inscription® dated V. 682 indeed 
mentions one Vajrabhata as a feudatory of Varmalata; but he flourished too early for this 
invasion which, as we have seen, took place between K. 406 and K. 436 (656 A.C. and 685 
A. C.); for his son Rajjila was on the throne in V. 682 (625 A. C.). The history of 
North India between the death of Harsha and the rise of Yasovarman is shrouded in 
obscurity. So the problem of the identity of Vajrata is likely to remain unsolved until 
more records bearing upon it come to light. But the conjecture may be hazarded that 
he was Siladitya III, the king of Valabhi {circa 660-685 A. C.).® He was a very powerful 
ruler; for he assumed the imperial titles Varamabhattdraka, Maharajadhiraja and Parame- 

* Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 125 and 130. 

* Ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 300 ft 

* Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 125. See the description of Vijayaditya in the Nerur plates. 

■* That Jayasirhha lived for some years after 693 A.C. is rendered probable by the fact that the name 
of his son Sryasraya-Siladitya is omitted in the grants of Mangalaraja and Pulakesin. This is generally taken 
to indicate that he predeceased his father. 

* Two princes of this name are mentioned in I. N. I., Nos. 1657 ^* 1*1 1664, but they belong to much 
later periods. 

* For instance, Nagabhatas I and II in the Imperial Pratihara Dynasty. 

’’ For instance, Dhruvabhata, the son-in-law of Harsha, mentioned by Yuan Chwang, and Derabhata 
mentioned in I. N. I., Nos. 1352 and 1353. 

« Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 191. 

* Siladitya III may have been provoked into launching this attack on the Gurjara kingdom by 
Dadda Ill’s incursion into the Valabhi territory. See above, p. liv. 



svara. From a coppet-plate inscription^ recently published by Mr. A. S. Gadre, it seems 
that Siladitya III occupied the Gurjara country for some time during this very period; 
for the inscription records his grant of a field in the village Antika situated in the vishaya 
of Bharukachchha (modern Broach) to a Brahmana who had emigrated from Girinagara 
and was then residing at Sraddhika, modern Sadhi, about 5 miles south by west of Padra 
in the Baroda District. The grant is dated in G. 357 (676-77 A. C.), i. e., only about 9 
years before Jayasimha’s Nasik grant which records his victory over Vaj jada. Now, Bharu- 
kachchha was not only included in the country of the Gurjaras, but was their capital in this 
period. When a foreign ruler makes a grant in this district, it clearly indicates that the 
Gurjaras had lost their hold over that territory. The dates of the Gurjara kings also 
suggest that they had suffered reverses in this period. Between K. 392 (642 A. C.), the 
last known date of Dadda Il-Prasantaraga and K. 456 (706 A. C.), the next known date 
of his great-grandson Jayabhata III, there is a gap of 64 years. Two Gurjara princes 
Jayabhata II and Dadda III ruled in this period, but only one record of this period has 
been discovered.^ These were troublous times for the Gurjaras; for, their country was 
invaded twice by the Maitrakas of Valabhi, their powerful neighbours, on the west. 
The first invader was Dharasena IV. This king, who assumed the imperial titles 
V aramabhattdraka, Mahardjddhiraja, ParameJvara and Chakravartin, issued two grants from 
his victorious camp at Bharukachchha in G. 330 (649-50 A. C.).^ The villages granted 
lay, however, in the Khetaka vishaya outside the Gurjara kingdom. Dharasena IV seems, 
therefore, to have only raided the Gurjara territory. He did not annex it to his kingdom. 
This invasion took place during the reign of Jayabhata II {circa 645 — 665 A. C.). 
Twenty-seven years later Siladitya III tried to emulate the achievement of his ancestor. 
He invaded the Gurjara kingdom and occupied the territory round Broach for some time 
as is indicated by his aforementioned grant of G. 357 (676-77 A. C.).* Dadda III-Bahu- 
sahaya then sought the aid of the Chalukya Emperor, by whose command Dharasraya- 
Jayasirhha, who was ruling over the adjoining territory, proceeded to the north and drove 
the enemy out of the Gurjara kingdom. It is noteworthy that the Navsari plates of Jaya- 
bhata III, son and successor of Dadda III, record his grant of land to a Brahmana who also, 
Hke the donee of Siladitya Ill’s grant, had emigrated from Girinagara and was then residing 
at the same village Sraddhika. This clearly shows that the Gurjaras had recovered 
possession of the Bharukachchha vishaya before K. 456. 

It may, however, be objected that Siladitya III is not known by the name Vajrata. 
This objection has not much force; for from the middle of the seventh century A. C. 
Siladitya became the conventional name of all kings of Valabhi. Siladitya III was followed 
by four other kings, all of whom were known by the same name Siladitya. As in the case 
of theDaddas and the Jayabhatas of the Gurjara dynasty, they must have had other personal 
names by which they were distinguished from one another. Some of the predecessors 
of Siladitya III had personal names in addition to those ending in dditya. See, e. g., the 
names of Dhruvasena II-Baladitya and Kharagraha II-Dharmaditya. Some of these 
names again ended in ta. The inference seems, therefore, justifiable that Vajrata was an- 
other name of Siladitya III. His defeat by Dharasraya-Jayasimha may have occurred 
some time between 677 A. C. and 685 A. C. 

1 Important Inscriptions from the Baroda State, Vol. I, pp. 18 fF. 

* See No. 121, pp. 617 S., below. 

» Ind. Ant., Vol. VH, pp. 73 ff.; and XV, pp. 329 ff- 

* This is the only grant of land in the Broach District made by Siladitya III. He did not make four 

such incorrectly stated by Gadre. Important Inscriptions etc., p. 18. 



Two inscriptions of the time of Dharasraya-Jayasirhha have been found in Southern 
Gujarat. The earlier one, dated K. 421 (671 A. C.), records the grant of the village 
Asatti-grama, which Biihler has identified with Astgaon, 7 miles south-east of Navasari.^ 
The second inscription, ^ dated K. 443 (693 A. C.), which was found at Surat, registers the 
grant of a field in the village of Osumbhala, modern Umbhel, 7 miles south of Kamrej. 
Both these grants were made by the prince-regent Sryasraya-Siladitya — the former from 
Navasarika and the latter from his victorious camp at Kusumesvara (modern Kosmara, 
3 m. north-west of Umbhel). That he was ruling on behalf of his father Dharasraya-Jaya- 
simha is indicated not only by his title Yuvardja, but also by the seal of the latter grant 
which bears the legend Srt-Dhardsraya. Jayasimha seems to have lived for a few years 
after K. 443; for, his son Sryasraya-Siladitya apparently predeceased him, since his name 
is omitted in the later records of the dynasty, 

Jayasirhha’s younger son Mahgalarasa who succeeded him® was ruling in North 
Konkan. He is known to have made two land grants. The Manor plates recently dis- 
covered in the Thana District, Bombay State, are dated in the Saka year 613 (691 A. C.). 
They mention the prince’s name with the birudas, Vinajdditja, Prithivivallabha, Yuddhamalla 
and Jaydsraya, and record his grant of some villages and hamlets for the worship of the 
Sun-god and the repairs of his temple at Manapura, modern Manor in the Palghar tdlukd 
of the Thana District. Another copper-plate grant of this prince was found at Balsar in 
the Surat District.^ It was made at Mangalapurl which was probably founded by Man- 
galarasa himself and was evidently his capital. This grant mentions the same birudas of 
Mahgalarasa. It is dated in the Saka year 653 (731-32 A. C.). Marigalapuri has not been 
identified, but the dating of the record in the Saka era suggests that the grant must have been 
made outside Gujarat,® probably in North Konkan where the Saka era was then current. 
The plates, though granted in Konkan, seem to have been taken over to Gujarat just as the 
Anjaneri plates of Jayabhata, issued in Central Gujarat, were found in the Nasik 
District and the Kasare plates of Allasakti, also issued in Gujarat, were discovered in West 
Khandesh. Besides, if the grant had been made in Gujarat, Navasarika, which was the 
Chalukya capital in South Gujarat, would in all probability have been mentioned as the 
place of issue. Mahgalarasa is also mentioned with only one biruda Jajdsraja in the 
Navsari plates® of liis younger brother Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin. From the description 
given therein it appears that Mahgalarasa regained by the might of his arm the territory 
which had previously been lost. The name of the enemy from whom he wrested it has, 
however, not been specified. 

It has been generally held that Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin succeeded Mahgalarasa 
in Southern Gujarat; for, in his Navsari plates dated K. 490, he mentions himself as medi- 

^ No. 27. 

* No. 28. 

® If the date of the Kaira plates of the Chalukya Vijayaiaja is referred to the Gupta era, Vijayaraja 
will have to be placed between Sryasraya-Siladitya and Mahgalarasa, but the plates are probably spurious. 
See below, pp. 168-69. 

^ This record is known only from the account given by Pandit Bhagvanlal in J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. 
XVI, p. 5. The original plates have not been published. From Bhagvanlal’s account it appears that the name 
of the donor is given therein as Mangalaraja. 

® It must, however, be admitted that the Nagad plates of Allasakti, though issued from his camp at 
Kayavatara (modern Karwan) in Gujarat, are dated in the Saka era. This was probably because the grant 
was of a village in Khandesh where the Saka era was current. The Mundakhede plates of Allasakti’s son 
Jayasakti are likewise dated in the Saka era. 

* No. 30. 



tating on his feet. But a careful study of the record shows that while the expression de- 
noting succession which occurs as many as three times in that record is tat-pad-anudhyata 
(meditating on his feet), that used to express Pulakesin’s relation to his brother is tat-pada- 
pankaj-arddhan-anudhyat^ (meditating on the propitiation of his lotus-like feet). The 
difference in the two expressions is certainly striking and seems to suggest that Pulakesin 
was ruling in Gujarat contemporaneously with his brother who was governing parts of 
North Konkan, 

The Navsari plates of Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin record his grant of a village in the 
dhdra and vishaya of Karmaneya (modern Kamrej, lo m. north-east of Surat). They are 
dated in K. 490 (740 A. C.). Their historical importance lies in the graphic account they 
furnish of Pulakesin’s victory over the Tajikas or Arabs. The Arabs, we are told, had 
already conquered the Saindhava, KachchheUa, Saurashtra, Chavotaka, Maurya, Gurjara 
and other kings before they invaded the district of Navasarika in the course of their campaign 
to conquer all the kings of the Dakshinapatha. We find this description fully corroborated 
by the account of Muhammadan chroniclers. Of the princes named above, Saindhava 
is generally identified with the king of Sindh. From Futu-hu-1 Buldan^ of A1 Biladurl 
also we know that during the Khalifat of Walid I, Muhammad, son of Kasim, crossed 
the Sindhu and defeated and killed Dahir, the king of Sindh. Sulaiman, the successor 
of Walid I, called back Muhammad. Jaisingh, son of Dahir, took advantage of this 
opportunity to regain his territory; but when Junaid was appointed Governor of 
Sindh during the Khalifat of Hasham (724-743 A. C.), he again pursued a vigorous 
policy and defeated and killed Jaisingh.* It appears, however, from the Ghumli 
plates recently discovered, that the Saindhava king defeated by the Arab army was 
probably Pushyadeva (circa A. C.), the founder of the Saindhava feudatory 

family which ruled in North Saurashtra.^ Kachchella is the king of Cutch. One of 
the Arab raids during the governorship of Junaid was directed against Kiraj which Elliot 
identified with Cutch.* Saurashtra was under the Maitrakas of Valabhi. Though their 
territory was invaded by the Arabs, they repelled the attack with the help of the Gurjara 
prince Jayabhata IV.® Perhaps in a later raid the Arabs were more successful. The Cbavo- 
taka king was plainly of the Chapa dynasty which was ruling at Bhilmal. This can be 
inferred from the statement in the Brahmagupta-siddhanta that the astronomer Brahmagupta, 
the Blullamalakachatya or the teacher residing at Bhilmal, wrote the Siddhanta in the Saka 
year jjo (628 A. C.) under Vyaghramukha of the Chapa dynasty.'^ From A1 Biladuri’s 
work also we learn that Jxinaid raided Bailaman which is probably identical with Bhilmal. 
The Maurya king was probably Dhavala who is known from the Kanaswa inscription 
of his friend Sivagana,® dated V. 795 (738-39 A. C.). He was probably ruling over the 
country corresponding to modern Mewad.® Finally, the Gurjara king was probably 

^ This expression dearly shows that pad-anudbyata which occurs frequently in Sanskrit inscriptions 
means ‘meditating on the feet oP and not ‘blessed or favoured by the feet of’ as suggested by some scholars. 
Sec my note on the expression in Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XX, pp. 288 ff. 

* E. D. H. I., Vol. I, pp. 121-22. 

^ Lae. ett., p. 125. 

« Bp, Ind., Vol. XXVI, p. 189. 
s E. D. H. I., p. 391. 

* See above, p. Iv. 

■> J. B. B. R. A. S.. VoL XXI. 

* lud. Ant., VoL XIX, pp. 3 5 ff. 

* Dhavala is probably identical with Dhavalappadeva whose inscription dated G. 407 was found at 
Dabok in Mewad (A. B. O. R. L, VoL X, p. 51, n. 1). 



Jayabhata IV whose kingdom the Arabs must have overrun before they advanced as far 
as Navsari. 

The Navsari plates record that Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin inflicted a defeat on the in- 
vading Arab army. Tliis raid is evidently later than that which was directed against Broach 
during the governorship of Junaid; for, as we have seen, the latter must have taken place 
in circa 725 A. C., as Junaid was succeeded by Tamln about 726 A. C. The raid against 
Navsari is not recorded by Muslim chroniclers probably because the Arabs this time 
sustained a crushing defeat.^ The graphic and detailed description of the fight, which for 
its vigour is unsurpassed in inscriptional literature, suggests that it must have been 
composed soon after the fight. Again, the wording of the eulogistic part of the grant 
shows that it must have been drafted after the annexation of the Gurjara principality.^ 
We may, therefore, date the Arab raid about 739 A. C. 

The Chalukya suzerain of Badami, whose name has not been specifically mentioned, 
but who must have been Vikramaditya II (733-747 A. C.), was so much pleased with 
Pulakesin’s heroism that he conferred on him the four titles Dakshinapathasadhara 
(the Pillar of Dakshinapatha), Chahikkikuldlankdra (the Ornament of the Chalukya family) 
Prithivivallahha (the dear Lord of the Earth) and Anivartakdnivartajitri (the Repeller of the 
unrepeUable). Pulakesin seems to have annexed the territory to the north of the Kim after 
this Arab raid. 

Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin is the last known ruler of the Gujarat branch of the 
Chalukyas. Within eighteen years after the date of the Navsari plates we find a Rashtra- 
kuta family established in the Surat District. The Antroli-Chharoli plates^ of the Rashtra- 
kuta prince Karkall, dated Saka 679 (757 A. C.), record the grant of the village Sthavara- 
pallika (the modern Chharoli in the Surat District). The country to the north of the Kim 
was occupied by a feudatory Chahamana family^ which owed allegiance to the Imperial 
Pratihara dynasty of Jab^ipura (modern Jalor).® 

The country under the rule of the Gujarat Chalukyas originally extended along the 
western coast from the Kim in the north to the Thana District in the South. Eastward 
it stretched up to the Ghats. This kingdom was extended by Pulakesin who annexed the 
Gurjara territory to it.® Mangalapuri, not yet identified, was the capital of Mahgalarasa, 

^ A 1 Biladurl, however, has recorded that in the days of Tamim, the successor of Junaid, the Musal- 
mans retired from several parts of India and left some of their positions. E. D. H. L, Vol. I, p. 126. 

^ The eulogistic portion of the record on the Navsari plates contains some expressions which are 
known to occur only in Gurjara grants; see below, p. 280. 

® J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, p. 106. 

* See the Hansot plates of the Chahamana Bhartrivaddha, Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 197. 

6 A. B. O. R. L, Vol. XVIII, p. 398. 

® Some scholars suppose that the Chalukya rule extended to Kaira in North Gujarat; for, it was from 
a marriage pandal at Khetaka (modern Kaira) that a Chalukya princess was abducted by the Rashtrakuta prince 
Indraraja, father of Dantidurga. See Ep.Ind.,Yo\. XVIII, p. 243. The princess is supposed to be the daughter 
of either Mangalarasa or Pulakefln. This view is open to several objections. If the Ellora plates of Danti- 
durga are dated in Saka 663, they would show that the marriage must have taken place in any case not later 
than 720 A.C. Kaira was not then included in the dominion of the Gujarat Chalukyas. Besides, it is doubt- 
ful if khetaka-mandapa in that passage refers to any place-name at all. It appears there as an adjective of rane 
and means ‘flu the battle) in which there was a pandal made by the shields (of the fighting men)’. Even if 
Khetaka is taken as a place-name, it cannot refer to Kaira : for (i) it was not included in the kingdom of the 
Gujarat Chalukyas; and fli) it was far away from the principahty of Indra II. It is doubtful if he was then 
powerful enough to penetrate so far to the north. Besides, there were other places of that name in the domi- 
nion of the Chalukya Emperor where the incident could have happened. See my article on Dantidurga in 
J. M. S. G. U., Vol. I, p. 36, n. 22. 




while Navasarika, modem Navsari in the Surat District, was the capital of Sryasraya-Sila- 
ditya and Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin. The grant of K. 421 was made by Sryasraya 
Siladitya while residing at Navasari. This was also probably the place of issue 
in the case of Pulakesiraja’s Navsari plates, though there is no specific mention 
to that effect. 

The Gujarat Chalukyas were patrons of Hinduism. They were devout worshippers 
of Mahesvara. AU their known grants were made to Brahmanas for the maintenance 
of the five great sacrifices and such other rites. 


Two sets of Anjaneri plates^ recently discovered have brought to light a new feu- 
datory family which mled over Northern Konkan and the Nasik District in the seventh 
and eighth centuries A. C. This family claimed descent from Harischandra, doubtless 
the famous legendary king of the solar race. Svamichandra, who heads the genealogical 
list in both the Anjaneri grants, rose to power during the reign of Vikramaditya I. The 
Anjaneri plates inform us that the Ch^ukya Emperor loved him as his own son, and it 
was doubtless by his favour that he became the ruler of ‘the entire Konkan country con- 
sisting of fourteen thousand villages.’ As one of the Anjaneri grants of his grandson 
Bhogasakti is dated in 710-11 A. C., Svamichandra must have flourished about 660 A. C. 
Vikramaditya I seems to have appointed him first to rule over Konkan.^ Svami- 
chandra’s descendants continued to mention gratefully this favour of Vikramaditya I, 
though they made no reference to the contemporary Chalukya suzerain of Badami.® 

Three generations of this family are known from the Anjaneri plates — Svami- 
chandra, his son Sirhhavarman and the latter’s son Bhogasakti alias Prithivichandra (the 
Moon on the earth) who made the two grants. The name of the last prince recalls similar 
names of Sendraka princes which also end in sakti. The question, therefore, arises if 
these princes belonged to the same clan as the Sendrakas. It must, however, be noted 
that as Bhogasakti traced his descent from Harischandra, he could not have belonged 
to the Sendraka family which claimed connection with the Naga race. The lion seal of 
the Anjaneri plates and the use of small circles to embellish the tops and corners of the 
letters incised on them indicate some sort of connection with the Kadambas; for we fin d 
these peculiarities in the Bannahalli plates of the Kadamba king Krishnavarman II. 

Of the two copper-plate inscriptions of this family edited here, that which is dated 
K. 461 (710-11 A. C.) records the grant of eight villages and certain rights, dues and taxes 

^ Nos. 31 and 32. 

2 The Sanjan plates, edited by Mr. Jackson in /. B. B. R. A, S., Vol. XX, pp. 40 fF., purport to record 
the grant of Buddhavarasaraja, a younger brother of Pulakesin II, on the occasion of a solar eclipse in the 
month of Pausha. The plates are not dated, but as the genealogy of the Imperial family is carried down to 
Vikramaditya I, they purport to belong to his reign. The only year during the period from 645 A. C. to 
680 A,C. in which there was a solar eclipse in the amMa Pausha was 660 A.C. Buddhavarasa may, therefore 
be regarded as a predecessor of Svamichandra in Northern Konkan; but the plates are probably spurious; 
because (i) though Buddhavarasaraja claims to be a Chalukya, the emblem on his seal is the figure of a lion and 
not that of a boar; (2) the grant is very incorrectly written and contains two long expressions borrowed 
verbatim from 11. lo-ii of the Bagumra grant of Allasakti. The record seems to have been fabricated with 
the help of Chalukya and Sendraka grants, and the seal was formed on the model of that of Bhogasakti’s 
grants. Prof. Sten Konow also, who has re-edited the grant in Ep. Ind,^ Vol. XIV, pp. 144 ff., regards the 
plates as spurious. 

^ In 671 A.C. Vikramaditya I appears to have transferred Thana and some other districts of North 
Konkan to Dharasraya-Jayasimha. See above, p. lx. 



in favour of the god Nafayana who was named Bhogesvara evidently after the donor, 
and was installed in a temple at Jayapura, modern Jarwar Budrukh near Anjaneri in 
the Nasik District. In the eulogistic portion of the record Bhogasakti is said to have 
brought by his valour the whole territory of his dominion under his sway. As we have 
seen above, a similar statement is also made about the Chalukya prince Mahgalarasa who 
flourished in the same period. This suggests that the two families had experienced a 
disaster from which they recovered by the valour of Bhogasakti and Mahgalarasa 
respectively. This was probably at the time of Vinayaditya’s death (696 A. C.) when 
owing to the captivity of his son Vijayaditya there was anarchy in the kingdom.^ The 
devastation which the country suffered is reflected in the second set of the Anjaneri plates. 
From it we learn that Bhogasakti granted certain rights, privileges and exemptions to the 
merchants of Samagiripattana when he resettled the town and the neighbouring villages 
some time after their devastation. 

The successor of Bhogasakti was probably overthrown by the Rashtrakuta king 
Dantidurga; for, from the Ellora plates the latter appears to have occupied the Nasik Dis- 
trict some time before 715 A. C.^ 

Svamichandra, the grandfather of Bhogasakti, is said to have ruled over the whole 
Kohkana country consisting of fourteen thousand villages. The country under his sway 
probably extended along the western coast from the southern limit of the Thana 
District in the north to the river Vasishthi in the south. Some time after Jayasirh- 
ha’s death in circa 695, Bhogasakti seems to have extended his sway to the Nasik District 
above the Ghats. The capital of this country was probably Purl as it is said to be the chief 
city of the Kohkana of fourteen thousand villages. This city, as we have seen, was also 
the capital of the Mauryas. It has not yet been definitely located, but may be identical 
with Rajpuri in the former Janjira State.® 


Until recently there was a perfect blank in the history of the Kalachuris for more 
than two centuries after the overthrow of Buddharaja. Kokalla I (circa 850-885 A. C.), 
mentioned at the head of the genealogical lists in the Bilhari stone inscription^ and the 
Banaras plates of Karna,® was believed to be the founder of the Tripuri branch of the Kala- 
churi dynasty. The discovery of two lithic records, one at Saugor,® the headquarters of 
the Saugor District, and the other at Karltalai'^ in the Murwara tahsJl of the Jabalpur District, 
has carried back the genealogy of the Tripuri branch by a few generations. The Saugor 
inscription was put up during the reign of Sahkaragana who meditated on the feet of 

^ Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. iii. 

® Ep. Ind., Vol. XXV, pp. 25 ff. As shown elsewhere, I read the date of this grant as K. 463 and 
take it as equivalent to 715 A.C. If the date is read as 663 and referred to the Saka era, it would be equi- 
valent to 741 A.C. 

® P. I. H. C., (1940), pp. 86 ff. 

* No. 45. 

® No. 48. 

* No. 33. This inscription has been known for a long time. It was listed by Hiralal in the first 
edition (pubUshed in 1916) of his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar, but he gave no account of it then. In the 
second edition also of that work he gave no detailed description of its contents. He, however, called it the 
oldest Kalachuri record and referred it to the ninth century A. C. He doubtfully read in it the name Vagha- 
rdja in place of Vdmardja. The contents of the record were for the first time discussed by the present writer 
in his article entitled ‘Vamadeva, An Early Kalachuri King’, pubhshed in A Volume of Eastern and Indian 
Studies presented to Prof. F. W. Thomas, pp, 152 ff. 

’ No. 42. 



Vamarajadeva. Both Sarikaragana and Vamatajadeva are mentioned in this record with 
the imperial titles Varamahhattdraka, Mahdrdjddhirdja and I’aramesvara. This Vamarajadeva 
is p lainl y identical with Vamadeva who is invariably mentioned with the same imperial 
titles in the beginning of the formal portion of all official records of the Later Kalachuris 
of Tripuri and on whose feet they are described as meditating.^ Vamaraja^ was held in 
such a veneration by all Kalachuri kings of Tripuri probably because he was the founder 
of the northern Kalachuri power.® 

When did this Vamaraja flourish ? The aforementioned Saugor inscription is the 
earliest record which names him. It is not dated; but on the evidence of palaeography, it 
can be referred to the middle of the eighth century A.C. Though this inscription states 
that Sankaragana, during whose reign it was put up, meditated on the feet of Vamaraja, 
it would be rash to assert that the latter was his immediate predecessor; for, we find the 
expression Vamadeva-pad-anudhyata repeated in connection with the names of as many as 
five other kings. But it would not perhaps be wrong to refer Vamaraja to the end of the 
seventh century A.C.^ 

We have seen above how after the overthrow of Buddharaja, the Kalachuris had to 
remain in obscurity and acknowledge the suzerainty of the Chalukya Emperors. But 
their stubborn spirit and the memory of their past achievements did not allow them to 
remain in a subordinate position for a long time. As the Chffiukyas were then supreme 
in the south, the Kalachuris turned their attention to the north where they found a favour- 
able field for the expansion of their power in the latter half of the seventh century A.C. 
After the death of Harsha, his extensive kingdom crumbled to pieces. In the consequent 
confusion and scramble for power, Vamaraja seems to have found the opportunity he was 
seeking. He overran Bundeikhand and Baghelkhand and established himself at K^anjara, 
the impregnable fort in the Banda District, 90 miles west-south- west of Allahabad.® From 
very ancient times this fort has been sacred to Siva. It is mentioned as one of the nine 
holy places in North India.® In the beginning of the sixth century A.C., it was in the 
occupation of Udayana of the Somavarhsi dynasty.’ The subsequent history of the fort 
is not clear until its occupation by the Kalachuris. It seems to have remained in their 

^ Kielhorn has shown that the expression Varamabhattaraka-Maharajadhiraja-Varamehara-in-Vama' 
deva-pad-anudhj 3 ta occurs in connection with five Kalachuri kings, Karna, Yasahkarna, Narasimha, 
Jayasimha and Vijayasimha. For the different interpretations of this expression, see my article on 
Vamadeva mentioned above, p. Ixvii, n. 6. 

2 In subsequent records, his name has been contracted into Vamadeva. 

® The expression Vamadeva-pad-anudhjata occurs also in connection with the name of the Chandella 
king Trailokyamalla or Trailokyavarman in the Dhureti plates of his reign (No. 72) and also in a record of 
his feudatory Kumarapaladeva of Karkaredi. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 230 fif. But this is plainly due 
to the ignorance of the drafters of the records, who blindly copied the expression from earher inscriptions. 
It may be noted in this connection that the ancestors of Kumarapaladeva were feudatories of the Kalachuris. 
Two of their records (Nos. 65 and 68) actually use this expression in connection with the name of the con- 
temporary Kalachuri suxerains. 

* As shown below, he was probably identical with the unnamed brother of Lakshmanaraja mentioned 
in the beginning of the Kahla plates, who lived towards the close of the 7th century A. C. 

® The fort of Chitrakuta near Kamta in Bundeikhand may also have been occupied by Vamaraja. 
The Kanarese poet Pampa says that it was situated in the ChedFcountry. ]. R. A. S. for 1882, p. 19. In 
some Rashtrakuta records, its name is coupled with Kalanjara and the two are described as important out- 
posts of the Rashtrakutas. See, e. g., Ep. Ind, Vol. IV, p. 284. 

* See Eadmapurana, Svargakhanda, adhyaya 39, v. 54. 

’ A stone inscription of this king recording the erection of a temple of Vishnu has been found at 
Kalanjara. C A /. R., Vol. XXI, p. 40 and Plate IX. His descendants moved to Chhattisgarh where 
we find them ruling in the sixth and seventh centuries A.C. See Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIII, pp. 1 16. ff. 







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possession up to the end of the eighth century A.C. Afterwards it was occupied successive- 
ly by the Pratiharasd Rashtrakutas,^ Chandellas^ and hluhammadans,^ but the Kalachuris’ 
occupation of the fort was remembered for a long time. The Kalachuryas of South India 
mention with pride in their rtcotd.sthQtit\eKillanJc2rap!iravarcldhJh’ara, ‘thelordof Kalah- 
jara, the best of cities’.^ This, like other similar titles, must be interpreted to mean that 
these princes were descended from a Kalachuri king who formerly ruled at Kalanjara. 

The Kahla plates of Sodhadeva® state that an illustrious Kalachuri prince established 
himself at Kalanjara, from where he raided and conquered Ayomukha (modern Partapgarh 
and Rai Bareli Districts, U. P.). We are further informed that after having defeated his 
enemies, he gave the kingdom to his younger brother Lakshmanaraja, who, in turn, con- 
quered Svetapada. As shown below, this Lakshmanaraja is identical with Lakshmanaraja T, 
mentioned in the Kasia stone inscription. Like the former, the latter also had a uterine 
brother. Besides, he is said to have first occupied a fort (Kalanjara) and later on established 
himself at Saivaya'^ which may be identical with Svetapada.® As shown below, 
Lakshmanaraja I’s great-grandson Lakshmanaraja II alias Rajaputra flourished about 775 
A.C. Lakshmanaraja I can, therefore, be placed in circa 700 A.C. The elder brother who 
placed him in charge of the territory round Kalanjara is unfortunately not named in the 
Kahla plates. His name is, again, lost in the Kasia stone inscription, but in view of what 
is said above, he may be identified with Vamaraja. As his younger brother Lakshmana- 
raja I was probably ruling in 700 A.C., Vamaraja may have flourished from circa 675 A.C. 
to 700 A.C. 

The Kasia inscription names two ancestors of Lakshmanaraja I, vi^., his grandfather 
Sahkaragana and his father Nannaraja. Sahkaragana may have flourished from 625 A.C. 
to 650 A.C., and Nannaraja, from 650 A.C. to 675 A.C. It is not stated where they were 
ruling, but if Vamaraja was the first prince who conquered and established himself at 
Kalanjara, his father and grandfather might have been reigning at Mahishmati, the old 
Kalachuri capital. In that case, Sahkaragana may have been a son of Buddharaja 
{circa 600-625 A.C.) who was defeated by Pulakesin 11 . In India a grandson is often named 
after his grandfather. So Sahkaragana of the Kasia inscription may have been named 
after Buddharaja’s father Sahkaragana. The connection of the Earlier and the Later 
Kalachuris may, therefore, be stated in the following genealogical table®: — 

1 The Sarah plate of Bhojadeva shows that in the beginning of the ninth century A.C., the Kalanjara 
mandala was ruled over by Sarvavarman, who was a feudatory of the Gurjara-Pratihara Nagabhata II. See 
Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 18. 

^ In the tenth century, the Pratiharas seem to have lost both Chitrakuta and Kalanjara which were 
occupied by the Rashtrakutas probably during the northern campaign of Indra III. The two forts were in 
the occupation of the Rashtrakutas till the time of Krishna III. Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 284. 

® According to the Khajuraho stone inscription {ibid., Vol. I, pp. 127- 28), the fort of Kalanjara was 
occupied by the Chandellas during the reign of Yasovarman {circa 930-950 A.C.). 

* It was taken by Kutub-ud-din Ibak in April 1205 A.C., but was soon recovered by the Chandellas. 

® See, e. g., Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 24. 

« No. 74, 1 . 5. 

" No. 73, 11 . 1 3 and 16. 

® Svetapada was wrongly identified by R. D. Banerji with the northern part of the Nasik District 
{Ep.Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 70). The correct reading in 1.25 of the Kalvan plates of Yasovarman is 
meaning Svetambara. Svetapada may be identical with Svetapatha or Setapatha mentioned in Sanchl in- 
scriptions, No. 89 and No. 475 respectively {M. S., Vol. I, p. 299), but the country has not been identified. 
Saivajra seems to be the Sanskritised form of Prakrit Seavaa derived from Svetapada. 

® The identification of Vamaraja with the elder brother of Lakshmanaraja I, mentioned in the Kasia 
and Kahla inscriptions, on which the table is based, is probable, though not quite certain. 











(son ?) 







_ . 

Vamaraja Lakshmanataja 

(Founder of the Chedi (Founder of the Sarayupara 

Branch) Branch) 

Vamaraja thus ruled over a large kingdom extending from the Gumti in the north 
to the Narmada in the south, and comprising the modern Bundelkhand, Baghelkhand, 
Saugor and Jabalpur Districts of Madhya Pradesh and the central portion of Uttar Pradesh. 
He assumed the Imperial titles Faramabhattdraka , Mahardjddhiraja and Idaramesvara. As no 
records of his time have yet been discovered, we have no further knowledge of the political 
events in his reign. 

Since the time of Vamaraja, the Kalachuris came to be known as Chaidyas or lords 
of the Chedi country. As Pargiter has shown,i Chedi was originally the name of the 
country along the south bank of the Yamuna from the Chambal on the north-west to the 
Karvi (which flows north-east of Chitrakuta) on the south-east. Its limits southward 
were the plateau of Malwa and the hills of Bundelkhand. In later times, Chedi came to 
signify the modern province of Baghelkhand, which remained in the possession of the 
Kalachuris almost till their downfall. Vamaraja seems to have transferred his capital 
from Mahishmati to Tripuri, modern Tewar, 6 miles west of Jabalpur. This city dates 
back to very ancient times. It is mentioned in the Mahdhhdrata^ and is also known from 
very rare copper coins with the legend Tipiiri (Sanskrit, Tripmt) in Brahml characters of 
the late third or early second century B.C.^ Varahamihira places the city in the south- 
eastern division,^ and Hemachandra calls it Chedi-nagarl, the capital of the Chedi country .5 
The surrounding country called Traipura is mentioned in the Mahdhhdrata^ and the Matsya- 
purdm? The Utiputl-vishaya (the district of Tripuri) is described, in the Betul plates of 
Sanksh5bha, as situated in the Dabhala {i.e. Dahala) country ,8 which was under the rule 

1 J. A. S. B., Vol. LXIV, pp. 249 ff- 

= Sabhaparvan, adhyaya 31, v. 60, mentions that a king of Tripuri was defeated by Sahadeva. 

® A, C. A, 7.3 Introd.3 p. cxl. 

^ Brihatsamhita, adhyaya 14, v. 9. 

^ Hemachandra, Ahhidhanachintamani^ IV, v. 41. 

® Sabhaparvan, adhyaya 31, v. 60. 

’ Matsyapurdna (Anand. Sk. series), adhyaya 114, v. 53. 

8 Ep. Ind,, VoL VIII, p. 287. 



of the Parivrajaka kings down to 528 A.C. at least. It is, however, not known who was 
holding that country when Vamaraja invaded it and annexed it to his kingdom. 

Two or three generations seem to have separated Vamaraja from Sahkaragana I of 
Tripuri. We do not know even the names of the princes who ruled in this period. Perhaps 
Mayuraja, the author of the Sanskrit play UdcttarJghava, was one of them. He is 
described by Rajasekhara as a Karachuli (i.e., Kalachuri) poet.^ Another Sanskrit poet, 
Bhimata, whom Rajasekhara mentions as the lord of Kalanjara, perhaps belonged to the 
same royal family. Rajasekhara tells us that he composed five Sanskrit plays, of which 
Svapmdasdnana was judged to be the best. 

Sahkaragana I is the next known Kalachuri prince. Only two records of his reign 
have so far been discovered. The one discovered at Saugor registers some religious or 
charitable work done by a woman for the spiritual merit of her father and mother. In 
this record Sahkaragana is mentioned with the imperial titles of Paramabhattdraka,Mahdrdjd- 
dhirdja and Paramesvara, which show that he must have been ruling over a fairly large 
territory. The second inscription is incised on the pillar of a temple at Chhoti Deori, about 
a hundred miles to the east of Saugor. It records the donation of a granary in two 
villages in the neighbourhood, apparently to the god Siva enshrined in the temple. This 
record also is not dated; but on palaeographic grounds it can be referred to the same age 
as the aforementioned Saugor stone inscription, about the middle of the eighth century 

The names of the successors of this Sahkaragana are not known until we come to 
Lakshmanaraja I of the KarltalSi stone inscription dated K. 593 (841-42 A. C.). In the 
century that intervened between the reigns of these two kings, several important events 
took place in the political history of North India. In the second half of the eighth century 
A.C., the Pratiharas and the Palas were contending for supremacy at Kanauj; but they were 
both vanquished by the Rashtrakuta kings Dhruva and Govinda III. The Sanjan plates^ 
of Amoghavarsha I tell us that Govinda III, after defeating Nagabhata II and Chandra- 
gupta, both of whom were evidently rulers of Central India, marched to the foot of the 
Himalayas, where Dharmapala and his protege Chakrayudha, the king of Kanauj, submitted 
to him. Then he returned to the bank of the Narmada, and acquiring Malava, Kosala, 
Kaliiiga, Vehgi, Dahala and Odraka countries, made his servants rule them. This suggests 
that Govinda III raided these countries and either exacted tributes from the ruling princes, 
or after deposing them, placed his own nominees in charge of their territories. That he 
did so in one case at least is known from other records. The Baroda plates^ of Karka, 
dated Saka 734, state that Karka "was made a door-bolt to protect the king of Alalwa from 
the Gurjara king who had become puffed up by conquering the lords of Gauda and Vaiiga. 
In some other records of the Gujarat Rashtrakutas, we find references to battles fought by 
them with the Gurjara-Pratiharas in Ujjayini. Malwa was, therefore, made a protectorate, 
and a subordinate branch of the Rashtrakutas was established in Gujarat to check the 
advance of the Pratiharas. In the case of the Kalachuris also, he followed a similar policy. 
He did not, of course, supplant the ruling prince, but he made him acknowledge his suze- 
rainty.* The subordinate position of the Kalachuri king Lakshmanaraja I is indicated 
by the Karital^ inscription^ of his reign, which, even in its present fragmentary condi- 

1 Jalhana’s Suktimuktdvali (Gaekwad’s Or. Series), p. 46. 

2 Bp. Ind., Vol. XVIII, pp. 235 ff. 

^ Ind. Ant. YoX.Xll, p. 158. 

^ The Nilgund inscription of Amoghavarsha I states that Govinda III fettered the prince of the fort 
Chitrakuta. Bp. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 103. This fort was probably in the occupation of the Kalachuris at that time. 

= No. 37. 



tion, clearly shows that it eulogized the achievements, not of Lakshmanaraja, but of his 
suzerain’s father Govinda Illd It is noteworthy that the line containing the name of the 
reigning Kalachuri king is relegated to the margin. Later on, the Rashtrakutas, from time 
to time, entered into matrimonial alliances with the Kalachuris of Tripuri^ and thus made 
the Kalachuri kingdom a bulwark on the north of the Narmada against any possible 
invasion of their territory by the Gurjara-Pratiharas. 

The Karitalai inscription of the reign of Lakshmanaraja I is dated K. 593 (841-42 
A.C.). We may, therefore, place the Kalachuri king from circa 825 A.C. to 850 A.C. 

Lakshmanaraja I was probably succeeded by Kokalla I, who may have been his son. 
No inscription of this king has yet been found; but we get some account of him in two 
later records, the Bilhari stone inscription^ and the Banaras plates of Karna.^ Kdkalla 
made some matrimonial alliances which increased his power and prestige. He himself 
married a Chandella princess named Nattadevi.^ From the Cambay plates we learn that 
the king Akalavarsha (/.?., the Rashtrakuta Krishna II) married the daughter of Kokalla, an 
ornament of the dynasty of Sahasrarjuna.® She became his chief queen and bore him 
a son named Jagattuhga. This latter prince also, as we shall see later, married two 
Kalachuri princesses. 

The Bilhari stone inscription and the Banaras plates describe the help that Kokalla 
rendered to a number of his contemporaries. The former says that Kokalladeva, after 
having conquered the whole earth, set up two pillars of victory, the well-known Krishna- 
raja in the south and Bhojadeva, the store of royal fortune, in the north.'^ The statement 
evidently means that Kokalla established these princes firmly on their thrones. The 
Banaras plates state that Kokalla’s hand gave freedom from fear to Bhoja, Vallabharaja, 
Sri-Harsha, the lord of Chitrakuta, and the king Sahkaragana.® That this is no empty 
boast is shown by the records of the other dynasties also. 

Krishnaraja who is figuratively called Kqkalla’s pillar of victory in the south is none 
other than the Rashtrakuta king, Krishna II-Akalavarsha. He is identical with the Vallabha- 
raja who received protection from Kokalla; for, Vallabha or SrJ-vallabha was a title assumed 
by many Rashtrakuta kings.® The Arabs called the Rashtrakutas by the name of Balhara^^ 
which is admittedly a corrupt form of Vallabhardia. As already shown, Krishna II was the 
son-in-law of Kokalla. He must have sought his father-in-law’s help when he was engaged 
in a conflict with the contemporary Eastern Ch^ukya king Vijayaditya III (844-88 A.C.). 
We find references to these hostilities in many inscriptions of the Eastern Chalukyas. Thus 

^ In line 9 it mentions the routing of Nagabhata (II), evidently by Govinda III. 

2 The aforementioned Karitalai inscription indicates that the Rashtrakuta Emperor Amoghavarsha 
used to visit the place to pay his respects to a saintly person there. Though Amoghavarsha I was forty-two 
years old at the time of this Karitalai inscription, it is doubtful if his son Krishna II was already married to 
Kokalla’s daughter at the time; for, the son is known to have reigned till 914 A.C. The inscription does 
not state when Amoghavarsha had gone to Karitalai. Perhaps, one of the objects of his visit was to seek 
Kokalla I’s help when he was deposed by his kinsman in the early part of his reign. 

® No. 45. 

« No. 48. 

® No. 48, 1. 10. 

® Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 38. 

7 No. 43, 1. 8. 

® No. 48, 11. 8-9. 

9 See the discussion of this matter by Fleet in Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, pp. 193 ff. The Bagumra plates of the 
Gujarat Rashtrakuta Krishna refer to a Vallabha-«/-/}!>a who can be none other than the Rashtrakuta Emperor 
Krishna II. 

Ind., Ant., Vol. XII, p. 218. 



the Ederu plates of Amma^ tell us that Vijayaditya frightened Krishna and Sahkila and 
burnt their city completely. The Pithapuram inscription of Mallapadeva^ states that 
Vijayaditya III burnt Chakrakuta and terrified Sahkila, residing in Kiranapura and joined 
by Krishna. The Maliapundi inscription of Ammaraja IF gives the further detail that 
this Sahkila was the lord of the excellent Dahala (country). Fie was, therefore, a Kala- 
churi prince and is evidently identical with Sahkuka'* (called also Sahkaragana in the Karda 
plates), the son ofKokalla, whose younger sister was married to Krishna II. Success 
seems at first to have attended the arms of Vijayaditya; for, he is said to have burnt 
ChakrakuF ^d also Kiranapura where Krishna II and Sahkila were then encamped. The 
former of these two places has been identified with the central portion of the Bastar Dis- 
trict® and the latter with a place of that name in the Balaghat District of Madhya Pradesh.® 
Pandarahga, the general of Vijayaditya, pressed as far as Achalapura in Berar, which he is 
said to have stormed and burnt.^ Later, on however, Krishna II won notable successes 
as implied in the Kalachuri records. The Eastern Chalukyas themselves admit in their 
records that on the death of Vijayaditya III, their country was overrun by the forces of a 
kinsman of the Ratte king® and that the diadem of Chalukya-Bhima I, the successor of 
Vijayaditya III, was struck at by Vallabha.® These wars must have been waged during the 
period 880-890 A.C. Sahkila or Sahkaragana, though described in some Chalukya 
records as the lord of the Dahala country, was probably the crown prince at the time and 
was sent by his father to help his son-in-law in his wars with the Eastern Chalukyas.^® 

Another son of Kokalla I, named Arjuna, seems to have helped Krishna ITs son 
Jagattuhga with a large army probably during his wars with the Gurjara-Pratiharas on the 
northern frontier of the Rashtrakuta kingdom.i^ 

The identification of Bhoja, the second prince helped by Kokalla I, is more ditlicult. 
Kielhorn was of opinion that this Bh5ja was the first prince of that name in the Gurjara- 
Pratihara dynasty ,12 who flourished from 835 to 885 A.C. Some scholars’® have, 
however, latterly advanced the view that the protege of Kokalla I was Bhoja 11 , the son 
and successor of Mahendrapala and grandson of Bh 5 ja I. According to these scholars, 
there was a war of succession after the death of Mahendrapala. K5kalla espoused the 

^ L 1 . 1 ., Vol. I, p. 39. Fleet and Hultzsch rendered Sahkila by ‘a fire-brand’, but the latter afterwards 
corrected his mistake in Up. Ind.^ Vol. IV, p. 226. 

2 7 foV., Vol. IV, p. 233. 

3 Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 51. 

4 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 263. 

® Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 178 ff. 

* Altekar, 'Kashtrakutas, etc., p. 95. 

’ A. R. S. I. E. (1923), pp. 61 and 98. Achalapura was probably the capital of a feudatory Rashtra- 
kuta family which at this time owed allegiance to the Imperial Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta. Sec also below, 
p. Ixxxiii. 

® S. I. I., Vol. I, p. 40. The inscription has the word dayada (meaning ‘an agnate’) referring to this 
kinsman. He seems, therefore, to have been a Rashtrakuta prince, perhaps of the Gujarat branch. It is 
noteworthy that the Masulipatam grant of Chalukya-Bhima I mentions his defeat of a king of Lata who was 
an ally of KrishnavaUabha. A. R. S. I. E. (1914), p. 84. If ddjada was used in a wider sense, it might 
refer to Sahkaragana. 

9 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVm, p. 231. 

’9 Perhaps Sahkaragana had ascended the Kalachuri throne before these wars came to a close. 

See V. 16 of Cambay plates of Govinda IV. Ep. Ind. Vol. VII, p. 58. The verse occurs also in the 
SangU plates of the same king. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 250. 

12 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 233. 

2® See, e. g., Altekar, Rashtrakutas, etc., p. loi; Banerji, Haikayas of Tripurl, etc., p. 4; Tripathi, History 
of Kanauj, pp. 233-36. 



cause of Bh5ja II and succeeded in placing him on the throne of Kanauj. This prince, 
however, ruled only for a short time; for, we find Mahipila I succeeding him within two 
or three years of his accession^ It is, therefore, doubtful if Kokalla’s achievement in 
this case would at all be glorified by his successors as the erection of a column of victory 
in the north. Besides, there does not seem to be sufficient evidence to prove that there 
was a w’ar of succession. Bhoja II is known only from one record, namely, the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal plate (dated V. 988) of Vinayakapala, who is described therein as medi- 
tating on his feet. If Vinayakapala is identical with Mahipala, as is generally held,2 it 
looks strange that he should reverentially mention his predecessor Bhoja II, whom he is 
said to have dethroned. Besides, it is doubtful if Kokalla I was Living at the time of this 
supposed war of succession. As we have seen, he was fairly advanced in age in 880 A.C., 
as his son Saiikaragana was then sufficiently grown up to take the field against Vijaya- 
ditya III. It is, therefore, doubtful if Lie lived to meddle in the matter of succession to the 
Pratihara throne thirty years later. As shown below,^ his grandson Yuvarajadeva I was a 
contemporary of Mahipala, and he was preceded by two other princes on the Chedi throne. 
Kokalla, therefore, seems to have died some time during the reign of the Pratihara king 
Mahendrapala. The Bhoja whom he rendered help must consequently be identified with 
Bhoja 1 . 

When did Bhoja I require the help of the Kalachuri king ? This must plainly have 
been in the early part of his reign when he had to contend against the mighty Devapala of 
Bengal (circa 810-855 A.C.). We know that Ramabhadra, the father of Bhoja, was a weak 
king. That he lost a large part of his kingdom is clear from the Barah plate of Bhoja I, 
which confirms a grant in the Kalanjara mandala which had been interrupted during the 
reign of Ramabhadra,^ evidently due to the inroads of Devap^a. According to the 
Monghyr plates, the elephants of this P^a king reached the Vindhyas and his cavalry 

^ The last known date of Mahendrapala is V. 964 (907-8 A,C.), mentioned in the Siyadonl stone ins- 
cription. He may, therefore, have closed his reign about 910 A.C. The earliest known date of Mahipala 
is 836 (914 A.C.), furnished by the Hadd^a plates. So Bh 5 ja II could have reigned only for two or three 

2 This identification is open to doubt; for, Mahipala nowhere in his inscriptions mentions Bhoja as 
his predecessor. It is more likely that Mahendrapala had three sons Mahipala, Bhoja II and Vinayakapala, 
who succeeded him one after another. As Mahamahopadhyaya G. S. Ojha has pointed out, the dates of 
Mahipala and Vinayakapala do not overlap. Besides, it seems clear from Aryakshemisvara’s Chandakausika 
that Mahipala bore the name of Karttikeya; for, the poet refers to his patron as Mahipala in the prologue of 
his play and as Karttikeya in the last verse of the fifth Act. Mahipala is, therefore, not likely to have been 
known also by the name of Vinayakapala or Herambapala. On the other hand, Vinayakapala seems to have 
been a younger brother of Mahipala, as Ganesa was of Karttikeya. The only possible objection to this view 
is that unless we identify Mahip^a with Vinayakapala (or Herambapala), the statement in the Siyadonl inscrip- 
tion that Devapala meditated on the feet of Mahipala would conflict with that in the Khajuraho inscription 
of Dhariga that Devapala was the son of Herambapala. Ojha tries to solve this difficulty by taking the two 
Devapalas as distinct persons. He says that Devapala who is called Hajapati (lord of horses) in the Khaju- 
raho inscription could not have been a Pratihara prince as Hayapati was never the accepted title of the Pratl- 
haras of Kanauj. We have, however, to remember that according to the testimony of the Arab writer 
Sulaiman, the Pratlharas maintained a fine cavalry, and in contemporary records Bhoja is described as having 
an army of excellent and controllable horses {sad-vasja-vah-anvifahy, hd. Anf,, Vol. XII, p. 184. The Kudlur 
plates of the Gahga king Marasiriiha state that the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III crowned Marasirhha king 
before proceeding to the north to conquer Asvapati who was proud cf his horses (A. R. A. S. M.for 1921, 
p. 23). This passage also seems to use Asvapati as a title of the Gurjara-Pratiharas. Perhaps the word 
r///!?//, used in the Khajuraho inscription to state the relation of Devapala to Herambapala, is employed in the 
wider sense of a nephew, just as tat a (father) sometimes denotes ‘an uncle’. 

^ See below, p. Ixxviii. 

^ Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 18. 



roamed in the Kamboja country.^ The Badal pillar inscription states that Devap^a 
humbled the arrogance of the lord of the Gurjaras.^ Bhoja seems to have ultimately 
succeeded in retrieving his position towards the end of Devapala’s reign.® Like Gunam- 
bhodhi of the Sarayupara branch of the Kalachuri family,^ Kokalla I apparendy rendered 
help to the Gurjara Pratihara king in these wars. The relations between the Rashtrakutas 
and the Pratiharas seem to have been mote or less amicable during the reign of the Rashtra- 
kuta king Amoghavarsha I, since much of the latter’s time and energy was spent in quell- 
ing internal rebellions and in fighting with his eastern neighbours, the Chalukyas of Vehgl, 
as well as with his kinsmen who were probably the Rashtrakutas of Gujarat.® Notwith- 
standing his matrimonial alliance with Amoghavarsha I, therefore, Kokalla I could render 
help to Bhoja I in strengthening his position in the north. It is also not unlikely that the 
help he gave to the mighty king of Kanauj has been exaggerated in the aforementioned 
inscriptions of his descendants. 

After the conclusion of his war with the Pala king, Kokalla seems to have entered 
into a matrimonial alliance with him. From the Bhagalpur grant of Narayanapala, we 
learn that his father Vigrahapala, the son of Jayapala, married a princess named Lajja 
who had adorned the family of the Haihayas.® The inscription does not name any ances- 
tors of Lajja; but in view of KokaUa’s policy of making matrimonial alliances, it is not 
unlikely that she was his daughter or some near relative. 

Sri-Harsha and the lord of Chitrakuta, who also are said to have received protection 
from Kbkalla, are usually taken to be identical. Kielhorn identified this Harsha with the 
homonymous prince of the Chandella dynasty;’ but it is doubtful if his rule had at this 
time extended in the north as far as Chitrakuta. From the Khajuraho inscription dated 
V. ion (954 A.C.), we learn that it was Yasovarman, the son of Harsha, who first annexed 
the hiU of Kalanjara.® Chitrakuta. which lies 25 miles north-east of Kalanjara, seems 
then to have been, like the latter, held by the Gurjaras. It has, therefore, been suggested 
that the Harsha who received protection from Kokalla was the Guhila prince of that name 
whose rule might have extended to Chitrakuta (modern Chitor in Mewad).® According 
to the Chatsu inscription of Baladitya, this Harsha conquered the kings of the north and 
presented horses to Bhoja who can be none other than the great Pratihara Emperor. The 
identification, therefore, appears quite plausible in view of the alliance of both this Harsha 
and Kdkalla with Bhoja 1 . 

Finally, Sahkaragana was identified by Kielhorn with Kokalla’s own son. There 
is, however, no point in saying that Kokalla gave protection from fear to his 
own son. Sahkaragana is more likely to be the homonymous prince of the subordi- 
nate branch of the Kalachuri dynasty which had settled in the Gorakhpur District 
of Uttar Pradesh. The Kahla plates of S 5 dhadeva state that this Sahkaragana was the 
father of Gunambhodhi. The same record tells us further that Gunambhodhi took away 

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, p. 305. 

2 Ihid., Vol. II, p. 163. 

® In the Gwalior pradasti Bhoja is said to have remarried Lakshml, the source of the fame of Dharma’s 
(Dharmapala’s) son, who was evidently Devapala. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 109 and 113, n. 4. 

* See the Kahla plates of Sodhadeva ( No. 74 ). This record states that Gunambhodhi deprived the 
Gauda king of his royal fortune. 

® Altekar, Kashtrakiitas etc., p. 77. 

« Ind. Ant., Voi. XV, p. 303. 

’ Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 301. 

® Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 127-28. 

» Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XIII, p. 486. 



the fortune of the Gauda king, for which he received some territory from Bhoja. His 
father Sahkaragana may, therefore, have received some help from Kokalla I during the 
early part of the latter’s reign. 

The Amoda plates^ of Prithvideva I, dated K. 851 (1079 A.C.), state that Kokalla, 
an ancestor of Prithvideva I, forcibly dispossessed the rulers of Karnata, Variga, Gurjara, 
Konkana and Sakambhari, the Turushkas and a descendant of Raghu, of treasures, horses 
and elephants, and erected a column of victory on the earth.^ As shown below, this Kokalla 
was probably the first king of that name who ruled at Tripuri; but it is doubtful how far 
the description of his conquests contained in this record, dated nearly two centuries after 
him, can be taken to be correct; for, we have no corroboration of it in other records of 
the Kalachuris of Ratanpur or even of Tripuri. Besides, we find that Kokalla I formed 
alliances with the Rashtrakutas and the Gurjara-Pratiharas, who are probably referred to 
here as the lord of Karnata and a descendant of Raghu respectively. His hostility with 
these kings is, therefore, not likely. 

Kokalla I was succeeded by his son, who is called Mugdhatuhga in the Bilhari inscrip- 
tion and Prasiddhadhavala in the Banaras grant. Both these appear to be hirudas rather 
than personal names. The former of them was evidently suggested by his association with 
the Rashtrakutas, who were fond of names ending in tunga. The personal name of Kokalla’s 
son and successor was probably Sahkaragana. As we have already seen, the Maliapundi 
inscription calls Sahkila {i.e., Sahkaragana) the lord of the excellent Dahala country.^ 
The Karda plates state that Sahkaragana was the lord of Chedi.^ There is no doubt, there- 
fore, that Sahkaragana ascended the Kalachuri throne; but no prince of this name is men- 
tioned as Kokalla I’s successor either in the Bilhari inscription or in the Banaras grant — 
the two records which are our main authorities for the early history of the Tripuri branch. 
Sahkaragana must, therefore, be identified with Mugdhamhga-Prasiddhadhavala. A 
third biriida of his, vi^., Kaiiavigraha is mentioned in some Rashtrakuta records^, and is also 
knovvm from a subhiishita of Rajasekhara cited in the Siiktimuktdvali of Jalhana.® 

The Bilhari inscription states that Mugdhatuhga conquered the lines of countries 
along the sea-shore and took away (the country of) Pali from the lord of Kosala.® This 
statement is corroborated by a Prakrit gdtha about Prasiddhadhavala, cited in the Banaras 
grant. It states that Prasiddhadhavala took possession of Pali, thi nki ng that there would 
be born in his family (many) men eminent on account of their greatness in this world.’ 
This apparently means that the Kalachuri king conquered Pali to provide an adequate 
field for the activities of the illustrious princes who would be born in his family. Several 
inscriptions® of the Ratanpur branch of the Kalachuri dynasty state that Kdkalla had 
eighteen sons, of whom the eldest became the lord of Tripuri, and that he made his younger 
brothers the lords of manddas in the neighbourhood. If this Kokalla is identified with 

1 No. 76, 11 . 6-8. 

2 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 51. 

^ Ind, Ant.^ Vol. XII, p. 265. 

^ The Cambay and Sangli plates of Govinda IV state that Lakshml, the wife of the Rashtrakuta 
prince Jagattuhga, w^as the daughter of Ranavigraha {Bp, Ind., Vol. VII, p. 38 and Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 
250), while the Karda plates say that she was the daughter of Sahkaragana, the lord of Chedi {Ind, Ant, 
Vol. XII, p. 264). Ranavigraha was, therefore, a biruda of Sahkaragana. 

5 Cf. Nadlnam Meka/a-snta nnpdmm Ranavigrahah \ KcivJnam cha Surdnandah Omll-mandala-mandanam W 
Sriktimuktdvali (Gaekwad’s Oriental Series), p. 47. 

^ No. 45, 1 . 10. 

' No. 48, 1 , 13. 

^ See, e,g,, No. 76, 11 . 8-9; No. 77, 11 . 5-6 etc. 



Kokalla I, it becomes clear that Mugdhatunga-Prasiddhadhavala conquered Pali from 
the lord of Kosala and placed one of his brothers in charge of it. This Kosala is probably 
Dakshina or Southern Kosala, comprising modern Chhattisgarh and the adjoining 
country on the east. There is still a village named Pali in the Bilaspur District, about 
12 miles north of Ratanpur, which was no doubt situated in Dakshina Kosala. There 
is even now an exquisitely carved temple at Pali, which testifies to its past importance. 
The surrounding territory was evidently called the country of Pah, which was wrested by 
Mugdhaturiga from the lord of Kosala. The latter, as shown below,^ must have been a 
prince of the Bana dynasty, probably Vikramaditya I, called also Jayamcru, the son of 
Malladeva, who built the aforementioned temple of Siva and has left an inscription incised 
over the door of its garhhagriha. As he flourished in the last quarter of the 9th century 
A.C.,2 his date squares with that of Sahkaragana II alias Mugdhatuhga who probably 
reigned from 890 A.C. to 910 A.C. 

Sahkaragana II had a son named Balaharsha, who succeeded him, and two daughters, 
Lakshmi and Govindamba, both of whom married the Rashtrakuta prince Jagattuhga, 
the son of Sankaragana’s brother-in-law Krishna II. Jagattuhga had, from Lakshmi, a 
son named Indra III, who succeeded Krishna II,^ and from Govindamba, another named 
Baddiga-Amoghavarsha III, who also later on sat on the Rashtrakuta throne.^ Some 
Rashtrakuta records® further mention Sahkaragana’s brother Arjuna, who must have been 
ruling over a mandala of the Chedi kingdom. The latter’s son Ammaiiadeva had a daughter 
named Vijamba, who married Indra III and bore him two sons, Amoghavarsha II and 
Govinda IV, both of whom succeeded their father, one after the other. 

Sahkaragana II was followed by his son Balaharsha. He is mentioned only in the 
Banaras plates, which give him a merely conventional praise. The Bilhari inscription 
omits his name probably because he was a collateral. Balaharsha sounds like a hiruda, 
but we have now no means of knowing the personal name of this prince. 

Balaharsha had probably a very short reign {circa 910-91 5 A.C.). He seems to have 
died sonless; for, he was succeeded by his younger brother Yuvarajadeva I. No inscrip- 
tions of this prince also have yet been discovered ; but from the records of other dynasties 
and especially from a play of his court-poet Rajasekhara, we have more information about 
him than about any other early member of the Tripuri house. 

The Bilhari inscription states that Yuvarajadeva I fulfilled the ardent desires of 
the minds of the women of Gauda, sported with the ladies of Karnata, applied the orna- 
mental mark to the foreheads of the women of Lata, enjoyed the pleasures of love with 
the women of Kasmira, and was fond of the excellent songs of the women of Kalihga.® 
This imphes that Yuvarajadeva raided Bengal, Karnatak, Gujarat, Kashmir and Orissa, 
and married beautiful and accomplished ladies from these provinces. Curious as it 
might seem, the foregoing description in the Bilhari inscription is corroborated by a 
passage in the Sanskrit play Viddhasalahhanjikd of Rajasekhara, which was staged at Tripuri. 
Yuvarajadeva I himself is the hero of this play. From the fourth Act of it, we learn that 
the king had married the princesses of Magadha, Malava, Panchala, Avanti, Jalandhara 

^ Below, p. 418. 

* The known dates of his son Vijayaditya-Prabhumeru range from Saka 820 (898-99 A.C.) to Saka 
8 ji (909-10 A.C.). Vikramaditya I may, therefore, be referred to the period 870 — 895 A.C. 

® Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 265. 

* Tuoc. cit, 

® Ind., Vol. VII, p. 58; Tnd. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 250. 

* No. 45, 11 . lo-ii. 



and Kerala.^ In another Act of the same play, he is called Ujjajim-bhuJanga, which suggests 
his victorious raid on Malwa.^ Even in an inscription of his enemies, Yuvarajadeva I 
is described as one who had planted his foot on the heads of famous kings.® There is 
not, therefore, much exaggeration in what the Bilhari inscription says of him — “Up to the 
Kailasa mountain, where Parvati is constantly engaged in sport, up to the excellent eastern 
mountain from where rises the lustre of the sun, near the bridge (of the south) and then 
up to the western ocean, the valour of his armies caused unending oppression to his 
enemies.”* Yuvarajadeva assumed imperial titles. He is called Paraffiesvara in the Bilhari 
inscription and Chakravartin in the aforementioned play of Rajasekhara. Another title 
Trikalingddhipati^ which indicates his supremacy in the north-east Deccan is known from 
the same play of Rajasekhara. 

Yuvarajadeva married Nohala, who became his chief queen. She belonged to the 
Chaulukya Uneage and was the daughter of Avanivarman, who was the son of Sadhanva 
and grandson of Sirhhavarman. We have no information about the country where 
these princes were ruling. Perhaps Avanivarman was related to the king Avantivarman 
mentioned in the Ranod inscription. As the latter is said to have donated certain places 
such as Ranipadra (modern Ranod in Madhya Bharat) to the Saiva ascetic whom he invited 
to his country, it is plain that he was ruling in Central India. If Avanivarman, the father 
of Nohala, was related to Avantivarman, he also might have been ruling somewhere in 
the same part of the country.® 

The Karda plates^ of the Rashtrakuta king Karka II state that Yuvarajadeva gave 
his daughter Kandakadevi in marriage to Baddiga alias Amoghavarsha III, the Rashtrakuta 
kin g of Manyakheta. Baddiga was an old man when he ascended the throne after his 
nephew Govinda IV. As he was reigning from circa 935 A.C. to 939 A.C., his father-in- 
law Yuvarajadeva I might have flourished in the period 915-945 A.C. 

Yuvarajadeva was a patron of men of letters. Rajasekhara, a well-known Sanskrit 
poet, flourished in his court. In his early days Rajasekhara was attracted by the more 
prosperous court of Kanauj, where he wrote his two Sanskrit plays Bdlaramdyana and Bdla- 
bhdrata (or Prachandapandava) and the Prakrit drama Karpuramanjarl during the reigns of 
the Gurjara Pratihara Emperors MahendrapaJa I and his son Mahipala. But as the glory 
of the latter prince declined owing to the invasion of his kingdom by the Rashtrakuta 
king Indra III and later on due to the raids of Yuvarajadeva I, Rajasekhara seems to have 
returned to Tripuri, the home of his ancestors Akalajalada and others, in the train of the 
victorious Kalachuri king. There he composed his third Sanskrit play Viddhasalabhanjika 
and the rhetorical work Kdvyammdnisd ^ As already stated, the former was staged at 

* Viddhasalabhanjika ed. by Arte, p. 113. 

* Ibid., p. 12. The same tide of Ujjentbhujahga was borne by two captains of the Ganga prince 
Marasimha, vi^., ^udrakayya and Goggiyamma who also apparendy had raided Malwa during the expedidon 
of their master Marasiifaha. Ep. Cam., Vol. XI, p. 9. 

® Cf. Viklyata-kshitipdla-mauli-rachand-vinyasta-pdddmbujam Chedirajam, in verse 28 of the 

Khajuraho inscription of Ya^ovarman. Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 127. 

* No. 40, 11 . 11-12. 

® Mr. Arte’s edition of the Viddhasalabhanjika has Triling-adhipate on p. 39, but it is evidently a mistake 
for Trikaling-adhipate. As shown below, the same dde was borne by several later Kalachuri kings. 

« It is not, however, known if Avandvarman belonged to the Chaulukya dynasty. The tlna plates 
dated Vikrama Sarfavat 956 (Ep. Ind., Yol. IX, pp. 6 ff.) were issued by a Chalukya prince named Avani- 
varman n. He was thus a contemporary of Yuvarajadeva I; but he cannot be identified with Nohala’s father, 
because his father and grandfather were Balavarman and Avanivarman I respectively. 

’ Ind., Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 263 ff. 

* K. B. Patbak Commemoration Volume, pp. 359 ff. 



the Kalachuri court and contains a poetic account of certain political events of Yuvaraja- 
deva I’s reign, to which we may now turn. Its plot may be summarised as 
follows : — 

“The king Vidyadharamalla Karpuravarsha of Tripuri receives at his court Vira- 
pala alias Chandamahasena, the lord of Kuntala, who has been deprived of his kingdom by 
his relatives and falls in love with his daughter Kuvalayamala. His minister Bhagurayana, 
however, comes to know from astrologers that the king who would marry Mrigankavali, 
the daughter of the king Chandravarman of Lata, would be the sovereign of the whole 
world. He, therefore, contrives to bring about the marriage of his lord Karpuravarsha 
with Mrig^kavali. Chandravarman, her father, has no son, and so, since her childhood 
he has brought her up as a boy under the name Mrigankavarman. None but Bhagurayana 
knows of this secret. He manages to have the pretended crown prince of Lata brought to 
Tripuri to stay at the Kalachuri court. Karputavarsha’s chief queen Madanasundari, who, 
though related to Chandravarman, is shown to be ignorant of the personation, used to 
dress occasionally the pretended boy in a female garb. When the king sees her once in a 
dream, he falls in love with her. The queen, in order to play a practical joke on the king, 
induces him to marry a sister of the pretended boy. This sister is none other than Mrigan- 
kavali herself, though the queen, who is ignorant of her real sex, takes her to be Mrigan- 
kavarman in a female garb. The king agrees and the marriage is performed. In the 
meanwhile, news comes from Chandravarman that a son has been born to him. He, 
therefore, requests his niece, the queen of Karpuravarsha, to bestow his daughter Mrigari- 
kavali, whom he has brought up as a son, on a worthy consort. The queen realizes her 
mistake when it is too late. To make the best of the situation, however, she bestows 
both Mrigankavali and Kuvalayamala, the Kuntala princess, on the king. Just then comes 
a messenger bearing the following letter from the king’s General SrI-Vatsa : — 

“Through the power of Your Majesty who is an ornament of the Karachulis, through 
the clear intellect of the great minister Bhagurayana as well as through the execution of 
Your Majesty’s orders by insignificant soldiers like myself, all the mighty kings of the 
east, the west and the north have already been subdued. Only those of the south did not 
submit. Virapala, the lord of Kuntala, who had been deprived of his kingdom by his 
kinsmen, sought Your Majesty’s protection. As Your Majesty ordered, we placed him 
at our head and encamped on the bank of the Payoshni.” 

The General then describes how his forces fought with a confederacy of several kings, 
those of Karnata, Sirhhala, Pandya, Murala, Andhra, Kuntala, Konkana and others, 
defeated them and placed Virapala on the throne. Finally, Bhagurayana declares that the 
Karachuli king reigns supreme over the whole country ‘from the milky ocean in the north 
to the sea filled with the water of the Tamraparni in the south, from the western ocean, 
which receives the Narmada, to the eastern sea, the shore of which is sanctified by the 
fall of the Gahga.’ 

The Viddhasalahhanjika is a drama of harem-intrigue. The plot summarised above 
resembles in some respects those of the Mdlavikdgnimitra of Kalidasa, and the Vrijadarsikd 
and the Katndvali of Harsha. Still it is likely to have a historical basis. The play was 
staged at Tripuri before the court of Yuvarajadeva, who is none other than the first Kala- 
churi king of that name. He is also identical with the hero of the play, Vidyadharamalla, 
whose alternative name Karpuravarsha recalls Keytiravarsha, the biruda of Yuvarajadeva I. 
Besides, Vidyadharamalla is called Karachuli-tilaka, an ornament of the Karachulis {i.e., 
Kalachuris) and is represented as ruling at Nripuri which is plainly a mistake for Tripuri. 
He is again called Trilingddhipati. This title corresponds to Trikalingadhipafi assumed by 



several later Kalachuri kings. Like the Vdrijatamanjari of Madana^ and the Karnasmdart 
of Bilhana, the Viddhasalabhanjika also seems to have been based on historical events in 
the career of the contemporary king. From the analysis of the play given above, it will 
be noticed that it mentions the following events : — 

(1) Yuvarajadeva married the daughter of Chandravarman, the king of Lata, and 
this matrimonial alliance apparently strengthened his position. 

(2) He espoused the cause of Virapala, the king of Kuntala, who had been dethroned 
by his kinsmen, and sent an army which fought with a confederacy of kings on the bank 
of the Payoshni, defeated it and placed Virapala on the throne of Kuntala. 

It is not possible to say definitely if the first of these was a historical event. It is 
not slated to which royal family Chandravarman of Lata belonged. In the Bdlardt/idjam, 
Rajas ekhara represents a Chaulukya king as ruling over Lata and attending the svayamvara 
of Sita (Act III, verse 57). From the description of the several kings who attended the 
svayamvara, which is full of anachronisms, it is plain that Rajasekhara is referring to the 
state of affairs in his own times. So Chandravarman of Lata may have been intended to 
be represented as a prince of the Chaulukya dynasty. From some inscriptions^ and literary 
references^ we know that a Chaulukya chief named Barappa was ruling over Lata in the 
third quarter of the loth century A.C. He was the son of Nimbarka. Earlier members 
of this line are not known. Perhaps Chandravarman was intended to represent the pre- 
decessor of Nimbarka. He would, in that case, be a contemporary of Yuvarajadeva I. 
This must, of course, remain a conjecture until positive evidence of the earlier rule of this 
family in Lata becomes available. 

The second event described in the Viddhasdlahhanjikd seems to have a foundation 
in fact. Virapala whose cause was espoused by Yuvarajadeva I is called the kin g of Kun- 
tala. Kuntala was the name of the country between the Bhima and the Vedavati, com- 
prising the Southern Maratha Country as well as some Kanarese districts of the Bombay, 
Madras and Mysore States. In many records the Rashtrakutas are referred to as the kings 
of Kuntala. Virapala was, therefore, apparently a claimant for the Rashtrakuta throne. 
His claim seems to have been superseded, and so he sought Yuvarajadeva’s help to gain 
his kingdom. 

Was there such a war of succession about this time in the history of the Rashtrakutas ? 
The Karhad^ and Deoli® plates of Krislina III tell us that Govinda IV, whose known dates 
range from 930 A.C. to 933 A.C., was the source of the sportive pleasures of love, his mind 
was enchained by the eyes of women, he displeased all men by his vicious courses, and 
when his health was undermined, he ultimately met with death. From some other records, 
however, we learn that Amoghavarsha III, the uncle of Govinda IV, fomented a rebeUion 
among the feudatories of Govinda IV which resulted in the king's death. The Prince of Wales 
Museum plates® of the Silahara prince Chhadvaideva say that Amoghavarsha completely 
uprooted Govinda IV, who was acting unjustly. There was thus a civil war in the Rashtra- 

^ Ep. Ind., Vol. Vm, pp. 96 ff. 

® See the Surat plates of Klrtiraja, dated §aka 940 {Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VII, p. 88); also the 
Surat plates of Trilochanapala, dated Saka 972 {Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 201 fiF.). As Barappa was the grand- 
father of Klrtiraja, he may be placed about 960 A.C, 

s Barappa is called the king of Lata in Hemachandra’s DvjSsrqyakavja, and the general of Tailapa, the 
sovereign of Tilihgana, in the Prabandhachintamani and the Rdsamala. In the Sukritasanlurtana{({.2XAoPL, v. 5), 
however, he is said to have been the general of the lord of Kanyakubja. 

* B.p. Ind., Vol. V, p. 194. 

6 Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 283. 

« Ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 282 ff. 



kuta kingdom at the close of Govinda’s teign. The aforementioned Deoli and Karhad 
plates further tell us that after the death of G5vinda IV, the feudatory princes entreated 
Baddiga alias Amoghavarsha III to ascend the throne. This clearly indicates that there 
was some trouble about succession to the Rashtrakuta throne at that time. Virapala of 
the Viddhasalahhafijika was apparently a claimant for the throne, and when he failed to 
get it, he sought Yuvarajadeva’s help. The latter had by that time made extensive conquests 
in the north, east and west, but as the play states, he could not, for some time, gain a footing 
in the south. This was evidently due to the increasing power of the Rashtrakutas. Yuva- 
rajadeva apparently thought that the civil war at the close of Govinda IV’s reign afforded 
him an excellent opportunity to place his own protege on the Rashtrakuta throne. He 
sent a large army under his able general, who defeated the Kuntala king and his allies in 
the battle of the Payoshni, and placed Virapala on the throne of Kuntala. 

This Virapala is probably Baddiga-Amoghavarsha III.^ The latter, we know, was 
Yuvarajadeva’s own son-in-law. The Kudlur^ and Sudi plates^ further tell us that he 
was staying for some time at Tripuri where he celebrated the marriage of his daughter 
Revakanimmadi with the Gahga prince Permadi Butuga 11. Baddiga’s son Krishna III 
also had married a Kalachuri princess. It is not, therefore, surprising that Yuvarajadeva 
espoused the cause of Baddiga.^ Rajasekhara has changed the names of the historical per- 
sons who figure as characters in the Viddhasalabhanjika. Keyuravarsha, for instance, 
appears as Karpuravarsha, and his minister Bhakamisra, as Bhagurayana. So Baddiga 
may have been represented as Virapala alias Chandamahasena.^ 

1 Altekar, Kdshirakfifas and Their Tims, pp. 109 fF. 

2 A. R. A, S, AL (1921), pp. 21-22. 

® Ep. Ind,, Vol. Ill, p. 179. 

^ Govinda IV also was a relative of Yuvarajadeva. but he was more distantly related to him than 
Amoghavarsha III; for, he was a grandson of his niece. The following table shows the matrimonial alliances 
of the Rashtrakutas and the Kalachuris : — 



Amoghavarsha I 

K 5 kaUa I 

Krishnaraja = Daughter 

Jagattuhga ^ Lakshmi 


Indra III = Vijamba 

Amdghavarsha II Govinda IV 

Sahkaragana II Arjuna Yuvarajadeva I 

a/ias Ranavigraha j | 

= Govindamba Ammanadeva 

.. r 

(m. Indra III) 

I I 

Amoghavarsha III ' Kandakadevi Lakshmanaraja II 

Krishna III Khottiga 

(married a Kalachuri princess) 

^ I previously proposed to identify Virapala with some other claimant for the Rashtrakuta throne 
Bappuva) on the following grounds — (i) The ViddhaMabhanjika represents that Yuvarajadeva after- 
wards married Virapala’s daughter. This would evidently be impossible if Virapala represented Baddiga. 
(ii) The Karhad plates dated S. 880 (958 A.C.), state in verse 25 that Krishna III, while he was Yuvardja, 
defeated Sahasrarjuna who was an elderly relative of his mother and wife. R. G. Bhandarkar first suggested 
that this Sahasrarjuna was a Kalachuri king as the Kalachuris traced their descent from the mythical hero 
Kartavirya-Sahasrarjuna. Ep, Ind., Vol. IV, p. 284. This king could be none other than Yuvarajadeva I, 
who was the father-in-law of Amoghavarsha III, the father of Krishna III. As Amoghavarsha ruled only 
for about four years, this defeat of the Kalachuri king must have occurred v/ithin a year of the former’s 




The recently published Murud plates of the Silahara prince Aparajita state that 
Amoghavarsha III exterminated his wicked enemies in a fierce batde fought at the capital 
of the Rashtrakuta prince Karkarad The latter is probably identical with Karkaraja, the 
lord of Achalapura, mentioned in the Sudi and Kudlur plates as an antagonist of Butuga, 
the son-in-law of Baddiga-AmSghavarsha III.^ Achalapura, which is identified with 
Ellichpur® in the Amaravati District of Madhya Pradesh, was, therefore, the scene of the 
battle. This town lies only about lo miles west of the Purna (ancient Payoshni). 
Rajasekhara’s statement that the battle was fought on the bank of the Payoshni is thus 
corroborated by independent inscriptional evidence. 

This Karkara and his younger brother Bappuva were probably relatives and staunch 
supporters of Govinda IV. The Rashtrakuta Emperor had made Bappuva the ruler of 
North Karnataka, and placed Karkara in charge of Vidarbha. From the Mahakuta temple 
inscription^ we learn that Bappuvarasa (who is plainly identical with the aforementioned 
Bappuva) granted three rice-fields to Nandikesvara in 933 A.C. In this inscription he 
is called Mahdsamanta and is said to have attained the panchamahdsabda. He is further 
described as a very Bhairava on a minor scale to the assemblage of the enemies 
of the brave Gop^a. This Gopala is probably identical with the Rashtrakuta Emperor 
Govinda IV. Bappuva seems to have taken a leading part in the civil war which raged 
in the Rashtrakuta kingdom towards the end of Govinda IV’s reign. He at first won some 
successes for his lord, but was afterwards defeated by the Chalukya chief Arikesarin II, 
who, as stated in Pampa’s Vikramdrjunavijayap fought for Baddiga. Arikesarin and other 
allies of Baddiga then seem to have marched on the imperial capital Alanyakheta where 
they killed Govinda IV.® 

In the meantime, Yuvarajadeva’s army under his able general invaded the Rashtra- 
kuta kingdom from the north. Baddiga'^ and probably his valiant son Krishna III also 

{Continued from last page,) 

accession; for, it is placed first among the achievements of Krishna III as crown prince. For these and some 
other reasons, it appeared plausible that Yuvarajadeva, on political grounds, backed up some other claimant 
than Baddiga, and fought with the latter. Ji, J 3 . 0 . R. J., Vol. XI, pp. 369 S. Prof. Nilkanta Sastri has, 
however, recently pointed out that the aforementioned verse in the Karhad plates does not record any defeat 
of the Kalachuri king, but only glorifies Krishna III by stating that he excelled even Sahasrarjuna, the pro- 
genitor of the royal family in which his mother and wife were born. The passage from an unpublished 
manuscript cited below, p. bcxxiii, note 4, which has recentiy come to my notice, leaves no room for doubt that 
Prof. Sastri’s interpretation is correct; for, it states that Am5ghavarsha continued to stay at the Chedi capital 
even after his enemies were exterminated, while Krishna was governing the kingdom by his command. The 
difficulty presented by Rajasekhara’s statement that Yuvarajadeva married Virapala’s daughter stiU remains. 
Perhaps, that incident, as suggested by Dr. Altekar, is a mere poetic invention intended to complicate the 
love affairs in the drama. See his Rdsbtrak/itas, etc., p. no. 

o c ^ sa 

^ 1 % n ll b. s\, Vol. I, p. 47- 

2 Ind. Hist. Quart, ^ Vol. XV, pp. 612 ff. 

3 The ancient place-name has now been restored. 

Ind, Ant,y Vol. X, p. 104; Vol. XVIII, p. 316. 

s Ep, Ind,, Vol. XIII, p. 329. 

« See Pampa’s Vikramdrjunavijaja, asvasa IX; Ep, Ind., Vol. XIII, pp. 328-29. The description 
in the Deoh and Karhad plates that Gdvinda IV died early because his health was undermined by his 
dissolute life is a myth invented by his enemies. The Prince of Wales Museum plates recently edited by me 
{Ep, Ind,, Vol. XXVI, pp. 282 ff.) state that Am5ghavarsha III completely uprooted Gojjiga {i,e,, Govinda 
IV) who had acted unjustly. 

7 Rajasckhara states in his play that the General Vatsa placed Virapala at the head, when he marched 
to the Payoshni. 



accompanied the forces. They marched on Achalapura, the capital of Karkara.^ If 
the description in the Viddhasa labhatljikd is correct, a large number of Govinda’s feuda- 
tories and allies had assembled at Achalapura to oppose the invading forces.^ A sangui- 
nary battle was fought on the bank of the Payoshni (modern Purna), which flows only 
about lo miles east of the town. Karkara and other allies of Govinda were defeated. 
The Kalachuri army then marched on toManyakheta, which Arikesarin had already stormed 
and taken. He had also killed the Emperor Govinda IV. The feudatories that had 
gathered at Manyakheta then oflFered the crown to Baddiga and ‘entreated him to accept 
it to maintain the greatness of the sovereignty of the Rattas, and he too, being prompted 
by the god Siva, ascended the glorious throne of heroes’.® The last known date of 
Govinda IV is 933 A.C. and the earliest date of Baddiga-xVmoghavarsha III is 937 A.C. 
The battle of the Paybshni may, therefore, have been fought in 935 A.C. The Viddbasala- 
bhanjikd seems to have been staged at Tripuri in jubilation at this great victory over a 
formidable confederacy of southern kings. Yuvarajadeva I was now at the height of his 
power; for, he had attained the enviable position of Chakravartin. 

The cordial relations of the Kalachuris and the Rashtrakutas continued as before. 
Although some of the feudatories of Gdvinda IV had been defeated and the imperial 
capital had been occupied, peace and order were not established for some time in the Rashtra- 
kuta dominion. Baddiga, who was a man of quiet and saintly nature, preferred to return 
to the Kalachuri capital,^ while his son Krishna III, who was appointed Yiwardja, subdued 
the rebellious feudatories. He killed Bappuva and his ally Dantiga,® and governed the 
Rashtrakuta empire in the name of his father, who continued to stay at Tripuri. 

Soon after this, Yuvarajadeva I suffered a defeat, at the hands of Yasdvarman, the 
Chandella king, who was ruling over the neighbouring kingdom of Jejabhukti. The 
Khajuraho inscription® says that Yasovarman vanquished in battle a Chedi king who had 
countless forces, who had planted his lotus-like foot on rows of diadems of famous kings 
and who was being protected by a multitude of angry and invincible bowmen riding ele- 
phants in rut that were marching along like huge mountains of collyrium. R. B. Hiralal 
thought that this battle took place at the time of the accession of Yuvarajadeva I.’^ The 
latter was, however, a senior contemporary of Yasovarman. Besides, he is described in 
the aforementioned record as having already defeated a number of famous kings. The 

1 1 have shown above (p. xlvii) that the Rashtrakutas of Vidarbha were originally feudatories of the 
Early Kalachuris and later transferred their allegiance to the Chalukyas of Badami. They were at first ruling 
from Nandivardhana near Nagpur. Later, Achalapura seems to have become their capital. 

2 It is not unhkely that the names of some of them were inserted for the sake of alliteration. 

3 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 284; Vol. V, p. 194. 

^ The following verses which occur at the end of an unpublished commentary on a Saiva work state 
that Vandyaga (i.e., Baddiga) was staying at the Chedi capital (Tripuri) after exterminating his enemies 
and that his son Krishna (III) was governing the kingdom by his order in the Saka year 858 (936 A.C.) 

i ^ Trirt 

q 3 :=^ zpr II i 'Tf^srfq 11 

The tithi mentioned here, w^., Friday, Asvina su. di. 5, Saka 858, regularly corresponds to the 23 rd September 
936 A.C., which leaves no room for doubt about the genuineness of the MS. and the correctness of the state- 
ments made therein. I owe this interesting reference to the courtesy of Dr. S. N. Sen, Keeper of the Nepal 

s This Dantiga is probably identical with Dantivarman who was defeated by Butuga. The descrip- 
tion in the Sudi and Kudlur plates suggests that he was a ruler of Banavasi in North Kanara. Ep. Ind., 
Vol. Ill, p. 180; A. R. A. S. M. (1921), p. 22. 

® Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 127. 

’ A. B. O. R. I., Vol. IX, p. 287. 



battle must, therefore, be dated towards the close of his reign. 

Yuvarajadeva was a fervent devotee of Siva. He invited a Saiva ascetic named 
Prabhavasiva from Madhumati which still survives as a small village under the name Mahua, 
about a mile to the south of Terahi in Madhya Bharat. He built for him a monastery at 
the expense of an enormous amount of money at Gurgi in the former Rewa State and 
donated several villages for the maintenance of the Saiva ascetics residing there.^ He 
also erected a temple of Siva nearby. At Bhera-Ghat near his own capital Tripuri, he built 
a round hypsethral structure dedicated to the sixty-four Yoginis.^ From the characters of 
the short inscriptions on their pedestals, it appears that most of the images of the Yoginis 
installed in the cells of this temple belong to the time of Yuvarajadeva I. This temple, 
therefore, is of the same age as the hyptethral granite structure at Khajuraho, which also 
was similarly dedicated to the sixty-four Yoginis. From its round shape, the temple was 
known as the Golaki Matha (Circular Temple). It became in its turn an important seat 
of Saiva Acharyas and spread its branches in Cudappah, Kurnool, Guntur and North 
Arcot Districts of the Madras State. In an inscription^ discovered at Malkapuram in 
the Guntur District, it is stated that Yuvarajadeva gave, as bhikshd, three lakhs of villages 
to his guru Sadbhavasambhu of the Gdlaki Matha. This means that he assigned one 
third of the revenue of the Dahala country which contained nine lakhs of villages.^ His 
queen Nohala was also equally devoted to the same Saiva sect. She called another Saiva 
ascetic named Isvarasiva and donated two villages to him as a reward for learning {vidja- 
dhand). She erected a lofty temple of Siva under the name of Ndhalesvara^ and endowed 
it with the grant of seven villages situated in the neighbourhood. 

Yuvarajadeva had a very learned, pious and capable Brahmana minister, named Bhaka- 
misra. He is probably the prototype of Bhagurayana who figures as the counsellor of the 
hero in the Viddhasalahhanjika . Another minister of his, who probably belonged to the 
Kayastha caste, was Gollaka, also known as Gauda, the son of Bhanu. He was a devotee 
of Vishnu, and caused colossal images of the Fish, Tortoise, Boar, Balarama and Parasu- 
rama incarnations of Vishnu to be carved out of rocks at Bandhogarh where he has left his 
own inscriptions. 

Yuvarajadeva I was one of the most powerful rulers of the Later Kalachuri Dynasty. 
He raided distant countries and made even famous kings feel the weight of his arm. It 
is difficult to say if his raids resulted in the permanent annexation of any territory; for, no 
inscriptions of his reign have been discovered outside the Chedi country. But his titles 
Chakravartin and Trikali ngddhipati indicate that he occupied for a time the leading position 
among the powers of North and South India. This was evidently when the power of the 
Pratiharas declined in the north owing to the raids of Indra III and that of the Rashtrakutas 
was on the wane in the south owing to dissensions in the royal family during the reign of 
Gdvinda IV. Yuvarajadeva was a pious man, a great builder, and a patron of religion and 

1 No. 46, 11. 43 ff. 

2 Though the temple is called Chausath Jogini Temple, there are in all 81 cells, one of which contains 

an image of Ganapati, and the rest, those of Yoginis. Five of these are of an earlier, perhaps Kushana 
age. H. T. M., p. 78. ‘ ’ 

3/. A. H. R. S., Vol. IV, pp. 152 ff. 

•» This statement needs to be verified from other records. The records of the $aiva Acharyas them- 
selves found in the Chedi country make no mention of this munificent gift. 

5 It is not known where this temple was situated. It is perhaps identical with the temple at Nohata 
on the main road between Jabalpur and Damoh. According to Cousens, it belongs at the latest to the loth 
century A.C See A. R. A. S\ L/or 1905-4, p. 58. 



Yuvarajadeva I was succeeded by Lakshmanaraja II, who was his son by his favourite 
wife Nohala. In the early part of his reign, Lakshmanaraja seems to have taken part 
in the northern campaign of the Rashtrakuta king Knshna III. A Kanarese inscription^ 
recently discovered at Jura, 12 miles from the Maihar railway station, shows thatKrislina III 
led an expedition in the north after he ascended the throne, and set up a monument in the 
Chedi country. It is not dated; but as it mentions Krishna’s extermination of the Chola 
king, it must have been put up after 947 A.C.^ It has been suggested that the erection 
of this monument implies defeat of the Chedi king; but since there is no mention or even 
suggestion of it in the Jura inscription, it seems that Krishna III set up the monument as 
he marched through the Chedi kingdom. His relations with Lakshmanaraja II seem to 
have been as cordial as those of his father with Yuvarajadeva 1 . 

Like his father, Lakshmanaraja also raided distant countries. The Karitalai inscrip- 
tion^ of his reign, which must have contained an account of his conquests, has unfortunately 
lost its initial historical portion; but in the records of his successors, he is described as 
one ‘who was clever in routing the king of Bengal, who defeated Pandya, who was an adept 
in despoiling the king of Lata, who vanquished the Gurjara king and whose foot-stool 
was honoured by the heroes of Kasmira.’ There is no corroboration of Lakshmanaraja’s 
raid in Bengal and Kashmir; but the Bilhari inscription^ states that he defeated the lord of 
Kosala {t.e.. South Kosala or Chhattisgarh) and pressed on as far as Orissa. He vanquished 
the ruler of this latter country also, and obtained from him an efiigy of the (Naga) Kaliya, 
wrought with jewels and gold. As regards his victory in Lata or Gujarat, we have the 
statement in the same inscription that Lakshmanaraja, in the course of his expedition in 
the west, worshipped the god Somesvara, evidently identical with Shmanatha near Veraval 
in Saurashtra and dedicated to the deity the aforementioned effigy of Kaliya. His invasion 
of the Pandya country also seems to be corroborated by a mutilated line^ in the contem- 
porary Karitalai inscription which mentions his forces encamped on the bank of the Tamra- 
parni. It seems rather strange that there should be no reference to Lakshmanaraja’s 
victory over the Cholas, who, and not the Pandyas, were supreme in the south in the latter 
half of the tenth century A.C., and who must have been attacked and defeated by Lakshmana- 
raja before he could press as far south as Tamraparni in the Pandya country. We have, 
therefore, to suppose that the Cholas had not recovered from the attack of the Rashpa- 
kuta prince Krishna III and that the Pandya king was raising his head and trying to re- 
establish his power with the help of the Rashtrakutas,® when his country was raided by 
Lakshmanaraja. Perhaps the object of the panegyrist was not to enumerate all kings 
defeated by Lakshmanaraja, and the Pandya king finds a mention because he was ruling 
in the extreme south. 

The Gurjara king defeated by Lakshmanaraja must have been one of the weak suc- 
cessors of Mahipala, as pointed out by R. D. Banerji.^ The same scholar found corro- 
boration of this victory in the statement of the Bilhari inscription that Lakshmanaraja 
defeated the lord of Kosala. He further identified this prince with his namesake mentioned 
at the head of the genealogy in the Kahla plates of Sbdhadeva, and conjectured that he must 

1 Bp. Ind., Vol. XIX, pp. 287 fl. 

^ Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao ascribes it to 963-64 A.C. 

® No. 42. 

■* No. 45, 11 . 23-24. 

® No. 42, line I. 

® Compare Tdritvd dakshina-dig-jaj-odjata-dhiya C.baul-anvay-onmrilanam tad-hhumbh nija-hhritya-vargga- 
paritas -Cheranma-Bandj-adiban in the Karhad plates of Knshna III; Bp. Irtd., Vol. IV, p. 285. 

7 H. T. iVI., p. 13. 



have placed one of his sons in charge of the country conquered from the Gurjaras. But 
these suppositions do not appear to be correct. As stated before, Lakshmanaraja’s victory 
over the king of Kosala is mentioned in connection with the despoilment of the lord of 
Odra (Orissa). This Kosala appears, therefore, to be Dakshina Kosala or Chhattisgarh 
and the adjoining country. Besides, Lakshmanaraja who founded the dynasty ruling 
in the Gorakhpur District of the United Provinces must have flourished long before 
Lakshmanaraja II of the Tripuri house.^ 

Lakshmanaraja sought to strengthen his position by a matrimonial alliance with the 
Chalukyas, who were the rivals of the Rashtrakutas in the Deccan. He gave his daughter 
Bonthadevi in marriage to Vikramaditya IV, whose son Tailapa II {circa 956-997 A.C.) 
later on overthrew the last Rashtrakuta king Karka II in 973 A.C. 

Like his father and mother, Lakshmanaraja was a devout Saiva. The Bilhari inscrip- 
tion states that he showed his devotion by presents sent by well-conducted messengers, 
and invited to his country the Saiva pontiS'Hridayasiva, the spiritual successor of Chudasiva. 
The latter ascetic seems to be identical with Sikhasiva, whose disciple Prabhavasiva had 
already been invited by Yuvarajadeva I. Hridayasiva received from Lakshmanaraja the 
monastery of the holy Vaidyanatha at Bilhari. He then placed his disciple Aghorasiva in 
charge of the aforementioned temple of Nbhalesvara. Another Saiva ascetic of the time 
was Prasantasiva,^ the spiritual successor of Prabhavasiva. He became the head of the 
monastery at Gurgi in the former Rewa state. He built there a temple of Siva near another 
built by Yuvarajadeva I, and installed in the shrines attached to it the images of Uma,Hara- 
Gauri, Karttikeya, Ganapati and Sarasvati. He also built a monastery on the bank of the 
Sona for the practice of Ydga, and another at Varanasi (Banaras) for the performance 
of austerities. 

The only record of Lakshmanaraja’s reign discovered so far is the Karitalai stone in- 
scription. It is not dated, but in view of the date of Yuvarajadeva I fixed above, we may 
place Lakshmanaraja II in the period 945-970 A.C. 

Lakshmanaraja had a very learned, accomplished and pious m i nister named Somesvara, 
the son of Bhakamisra who had served his father in the same capacity. He is highly glori- 
fied in the aforementioned Karitalai inscription. He is said to have mastered the Vedas, 
logic, tantra and kdvja, and to have been proficient in music and other fine arts. He built 
at Karitalai a temple of the Boar incarnation of Vishnu under the name Somesvara and 
established eight Brahmanas there, for whose maintenance he donated the village Dirgha- 
sakhika, modern Dighi, 6 miles south-east of Karitalai. The king Lakshmanaraja, his 
queen Rahada and the prince Sankaragana, who is described as a devout worshipper of 
Vishnu, endowed the temple with gifts of several villages. Another minister of the king, 
who belonged to the Kayastha caste, was mentioned in the Rewa stone inscription dated 
1048-49 A.C., but his name is lost in the lower mutilated portion of it. 

Lakshmanaraja II w'as succeeded by Sankaragana III, who was his son probably 
from the queen Rahada. He is mentioned in both the Bilhari inscription and the Banaras 
plates; but later inscriptions omit him, probably because he was a collateral. A stone 
inscription at Bargaon, 27 miles from Murwara, records certain gifts in honour of the god 
Sarikaranarayana. The deity was probably installed by Sankaragana III and named 
after himself.^ It is noteworthy in this connection that he is called parama-vaishnava or a 
devout worshipper of Vishnu in the Karitalai inscription. 

1 See below, p. cxii. 

^ He is mentioned in No. 44, 11 . 8-9 and No. 46, 11 . 1 1 ff. 

3 Compare the name Indranarajana of the deity installed in a temple erected by the Rashtrakuta king 
India III, as stated in the Bodhan stone inscription dated 1056 A.C. H. A, J., No. 7. 



Sankaragana seems to have been involved in a conflict with the Chandellas, whose 
kingdom was conterminous with his on the west. Krishna or Krishnapa, son of Yaso- 
varman and brother of Dhahga, was ruling over the south-western portion of the Chan- 
della kingdom extending from Dudahi in the north to Bhilsa in the south.i From a stone 
inscription discovered by Dr. F. E. Hall many years ago at Bhilsa, we learn that Vachaspati 
of the Kaundinya^(?/ra, who was the chief minister of Krishna, conquered the lord of Chedi 
and a Sahara chief named Sirhha and placed the kings of Rala mandala and Rodapadi on 
their thrones.^ Another stone inscription discovered by Mr. M. B. Garde at Maser, 25 
miles north of Bhilsa in the Gwalior State, mentions that Narasimha of the Sulki {i.e., 
Chalukya) family initiated the wives of a Kalachuri king into widowhood by the command 
of Krishnaraja.^ As the Chandella prince Krishna was a younger brother of Dhahga, 
for whom we have dates ranging from 952 to 1002 A.C., he can be referred to the period 
960-985 A.C. The Kalachuri king, defeated and perhaps slain by his ministers, was 
probably Sankaragana. It is significant that both the Bilhari inscription and the Banaras 
plates have nothing but conventional praise for him. As his brother Yuvarajadeva II, who 
succeeded him, was a contemporary of Vakpati-Munj a (circa <^-14 — 994 A.C.), Sahkara- 
gana III seems to have had a short reign of about 10 years from circa 970 A.C. to 980 A.C. 

Sankaragana III probably left no issue; for, he was succeeded by his brother Yuvaraja- 
deva II. About the political events of his reign we have very little information; for, though 
he is named in many later inscriptions, they bestow only conventional praise on him. The 
Karanbel inscription* alone states that he raided the countries in all quarters, and with 
great devotion, presented the wealth he obtained from their rulers to the god Somesvara. 
As no other inscription mentions this achievement of Yuvarajadeva II, and as a similar one 
is described in connection with his father Lakshmanaraja II,® one is inclined to look with 
suspicion on this description. 

The prestige of the Kalachuris seems to have sunk very low during the reign of 
Yuvarajadeva II. From the Udaipur prasasti^ we learn that the Paramara king Vakpati 
Munja defeated Yuvaraja, slew his generals, and held his sword on high at Tripuri. Vak- 
pati could not have occupied the Kalachuri capital for a long time; for, he soon found him- 
self involved in a prolonged struggle with the Chalukyas on the southern border of his 
kingdom. He seems, therefore, to have made peace with the Kalachuri king and returned 
to his kingdom. 

From a verse^ which occurs in some inscriptions of the Later Chalukyas of Kalyani, 
it has long been believed that Tailapa II, the founder of the Later Chalukya dynasty, defeated 
a king of Chedi.s Rai Bahadur Hiralal went so far as to identify the Chedi ruler with 
Yuvarajadeva II.® As Yuvarajadeva’s sister Bonthadevi was the mother of Tailapa,*® 

1 Four inscriptions found at Dudahi name Krishnapa, the son of YasSvarman who is plainly the well- 
known Chandella kin g of that name, the father of Dhahga. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 236-37. 

2 J. A. S. B., Vol. XXXI, p. Ill, n. 2. 

2 A. R. A. D. G. S. (1930-31), p. 10. 

* Appendix, No. 3, v. 13. 

® No. 45, 11 . 23-24. 

* Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 235. 

2 Hiina-prdnahara-pratapa-dabano yatra-trasan-Maravas-Chaidya-chchhedy^akhila-kshamd-jaya-naya-vyiit- 
panna-dhlrAJtpalah | yen zatyugra-ran-agra-darsita-va{ba)la-pracburya-hury-ddayah kdragara-nivesitab kuvi-vrishd 
yarn varnmyan ghurnnate || This verse occurs in several inscriptions. See e.g. the Kauthe grant of 
Vikramaditya V, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 23; the Yewur grant of Vikramaditya VI, Ep. Ind.,Yo\. X\l, 
p. 276; the Miraj grant of Jayasiihha, Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. ii etc. 

8 E. H. D., p. in; H. T. M. p. 14; D. H. N. I., Vol. II, p. 770. 

9 A. B. O. R. I., Vol. IX, p. 291. *8 Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 276. 



there is, of course, no chronological difficulty in this identification; but in view of Tailapa’s 
close relationship with the Kalachuri king, his invasion of the Chedi country appears 
improbable. As a matter of fact, the aforementioned verse describes the exploits, not of 
Tailapa II, but of a king named Utpala, whom he subjugated and threw into prison.^ Dr. 
Fleet identified this Utpala who defeated a Chedi king with Pahchala, a western Gahga 
prince, whom, according to some other inscriptions, Tailapa killed in battle.^ From the 
Navasahasankacharita,^ however, we learn that Utpala was a name of the Paramara king 
Vakpati-AIunja. So this defeat of the Chedi king by Utpala is not different from that 
mentioned in the Udaipur prasasti, to which we have already referred. 

As Yuvarajadeva IPs grandson Gaiigeyadeva closed his reign in 1041 A.C., we have 
to accommodate two reigns, those of Yuvarajadeva II and Kbkalla II in the period 
980-1015 A.C. Of these, Yuvarajadeva II had probably a shorter reign of about 10 years 
{circa 980-990 A. C.); for, his son Kokalla II was very young when he came to the throne. 
The Jabalpur and Khairha plates state that Kokalla was placed on the throne by the 
chief ministers of Yuvarajadeva. This seems to suggest that he was a minor, when he 
began to rule. He may, therefore, have flourished from circa 990 to 1015 A.C. 

The only record of Kokalla IPs reign is the Gurgi stone inscription,^ which is be- 
sides very much mutilated just where a prasasti of the Chedi kings begins. Verse 34 
of this inscription, which refers to the exploits of Kokalla II, is somewhat better preserved. 
It intimates that the Gurjara king and the rulers of Gauda and Kuntala, being panic-stricken, 
evidently when they heard of Kokalla’s advance,® deserted their kingdoms. The Gurjara 
king, who is said to have sought shelter in the Himalayas, must have been a ruler of the 
Pratihara dynasty of Kanauj, probably Rajyapala. The Gauda king was probably Mahi- 
pala I {circa 992-1040 A.C.). The king of Kuntala, who was forced to leave his kingdom,® 
was perhaps Vikramaditya V of the Later Chalukya Dynasty. The Jabalpur and Khairha 
plates of Yasahkarna describe that the progress of Kokalla’s four-membered army was 
checked only by their encountering the masses of waves of the four oceans. The vague- 
ness of this description, however, makes it difficult to say if Kokalla actually made success- 
ful incursions into the territories of the aforementioned kings. 

That the Kalachuris had lost their place among the leading political powers of North 
India, during the reigns of Yuvaraja II and Kokalla II, is also clear from the absence of any 
reference to them in the list of the prominent Hindu states which opposed Sabuktigin and 
Mahmud of Ghazni towards the close of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century 
A.C. When in about 989 A.C. Jayapala resolved to make a supreme effort to save India 
from the aggressions of Sabuktigin, he summoned to his aid the rulers of Delhi, Ajmer, 
Kalahjar and Kanauj.^ Again in 1008 A.C. when Jayapala’s son, Anandapala, thought 
of invoking the aid of his Hindu compatriots to stem the tide of Mahmud’s invasion, he 
sent emissaries to the Rajas ofUjjain, Gwalior, Kalan jar, Delhi and Ajmer. In neither 

1 See my article ‘Did Tailapa defeat a Chedi king ?’ Ind. Hist. Quart.,No\. IX, pp. 132 ff. 

2 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 18, no. 12. • ’ 

^ Canto XI, V. 92. 

^ No. 46, 

5 Banerji thought that verse 34 of this inscription described the conquests of Garigeyadeva; but this 
is incorrect; for, as has been pointed out by N. P. Chakravarti {Ep. Ind., XXII, 129), the preceding verse 
(33) names Kokalla (II). This leaves no room for doubt that the achievements glorified in t erse 34 belong to 
him and not to Gahgeyadeva. 

® There is no reference to the ruler of Banavasi, as wrongly supposed by Banerji, 

7 Tarlkh'i-Firishta^ Translation by Briggs, p. i8. 



of these lists do we find any mention of the Kakchuris,^ which shows that in this period 
they had ceased to count as a great political power in North India. 

Kokalla II was succeeded by his son Garigeya in circa loi 5 A.C. He was an aggres- 
sive and able king, and by his conquests raised his family to a high level of glory and pros- 
perity. In the beginning of his reign, however, he occupied a comparatively subordinate 
position. This is indicated by the modest titles Maharba-maba-mahattaka and Mabciraja, 
with which he is mentioned in the Makundpur stone inscription, dated 1019 A.C. A 
Chandella inscrip tion^ at Mahoba states that Bhoja and Kalachuri-chandra (the Moon of 
the Kalachuris) waited upon the Chandella prince Vidyadhara, the master of warfare, who 
had caused the destruction of the king of Kanyakubja, and who was lying on a couch. 
The Kalachuri-chandra is probably Gahgeya.^ The reference here is evidently to the 
attack on Rajyapala for his abject submission to Mahmud, in which the Chandella prince 
Vidyadhara took a leading part. He was aided by some princes, one of whom, we know, 
was the Kachchhapaghata ruler Arjuna.^ The Paramara Bhoja and the Kalachuri Gahgeya 
also seem to have fought under the leadership of Vidyadhara in this expedition against 
Rajyapala .5 

In the south Gahgeya carried on the war with the Chalukyas, which had been com- 
menced by his father. He seems to have achieved success for a time. In some records 
of his son Karna,® Gahgeya is described as fond of defeating the king of Kuntala in a 
clever manner. The Khairha and Jabalpur plates of Yasahkarna state that wishing to 
run away in haste from G^geya, the king of Kuntala ceased to wield his spear. The king 
of Kuntala must, of course, be taken to mean the contemporary ruler of the Later Chalukya 
Dynasty, namely, Jayasirhha, who ruled from about 1015 A.C. to 1042 A.C. From the 

^ Firishta alone mentions this confederacy; but his statement may be incorrect in regard to Delhi and 
Ajmer. See Nazim, Sultan Mahmudy p. 89, n. 3. 

^ -Ep. Ind., VoL I, p. 222. Prof. S. H. Hodivala has recently made the ingenious suggestion that 
Kulchand, mentioned by the Muhammadan historians as ‘a Satanic leader who had assumed superiority 
over all other rulers, defeated, put to flight every one he had fought with, and possessed a great army, 
numerous elephants and strong forts which were secure from attack and capture, and who defended 
Mahavan near Mathura against Mahmud of Ghazni in 1018 A.C. is really Kokalla Chid or Kdkalla II of 
Chedi. S. 1 . AI. H., p. 146. This is, chronologically, not impossible; because the earliest known date 
of Gangeya’s reign is 1019 A.C. But Prof. Hodivala’s other suggestion that he is identical with the 
Kalachuri-kula-chandra who helped the Chandella prince Vidyadhara in defeating the pusillanimous Rajya- 
pola does not seem to be correct for two reasons: (i) the Muhammadan historians say that Kulchand 
committed suicide after his defeat at Mahavan, and (ii) in 1019 A.C. when Rajyapala was defeated, Gahgeya, 
not Kokalla II, was on the throne. See the Makundpur stone inscription, dated K. 772 (1019 A.C.). 

^ Dr. Hultzsch and, following him. Dr. H. C. Ray identify him with K 5 kalla II; but this is incorrect. 
See above, n. 2. 

^ See the Dubkund inscription. Ep. Ind, Vol. II, p. 233. 

s The colophon of a Riw4y^«^7 Ms., discovered by Prof. Bendall in the Nepal Durbar Library, men- 
tions Maharajadhiraja Punjavaloka Gahgeyadeva, born in the lunar family, as ruling over TIrabhukti in 
sarhvat 1076. Prof. Bendall referred the date to the Vikrama era and took it as equivalent to 1019-20 A.C. 
He identified Gahgeyadeva with the homonymous Kalachuri king, as the date falls in his reign. On the 
strength of this reference, it was believed for a long time that Gahgeya extended his sway to Tirhut early in 
his reign. The epithet Pun}’dra/dkay however, made this identification doubtful; for, Kalachuri kings are not 
known to have assumed such epithets ending in avaloka. I have recently drawn attention to another epithet 
Garudadhvaja (previously misread by Bendall as Gaudadhvajd) applied to Gahgeya in the same colophon. It 
clearly shows that this king of Tirhut was different from the Kalachuri Gahgeyadeva who was paratna- 
mdhesvaray /. a devout worshipper of Siva. For the identification of this Gahgeyadeva of Tirabhukti, 
see my article in M. B. O. R. /., Silver Jubilee VoL, pp. 291 ff. 

® No, 50, 1 . 18 and No. 51, 1 . 9. 


Kulenur inscription^ it seems that Gahgeyadeva had formed a confederacy with the Para- 
mara Bhoja and the Chola Rajendra to attack Jayasimha from three sides. Victory does 
not, however, appear to have always attended the arms of the allies; for, the Kulenur 
inscription records the defeat of their elephant squadrons by Jayasithha’s cousin Chattadeva 
alias Kundaraja. From another inscription we learn that the battle was fought on the 
bank of the Gautama-Ganga or Godavari.^ Bhoja and his allies appear to have sustained 
a disastrous defeat; for, the Balagamve inscription states that Jayasirhha searched out, 
beset, pursued, ground down and put to flight the confederacy of the Malava king.^ 

The alliance between the Kalachuris and the Paramaras seems to have been of short 
duration; for, we find that Bhoja soon attacked and defeated Gangeya. In one of the 
Nandi verses of the inscribed Sanskrit play Vdrijdtamanjarl, Bhoja is said to have had his 
desires speedily fulfilled for a long time at the festive defeat of Gangeya.^ The Udaipur 
prasasti^ and the Kalwan plates® also refer to Bhoja’s victory over a Chedi king who can 
be none other than Gahgeyadeva. 

Verse 19 of the Rewa stone inscription of Karna^ describes in a conventional manner 
Gahgeya’s victory near the sea-coast. This may refer to his campaign in Orissa, which is 
specifically mentioned in the preceding verse. This latter verse says that Gahgeyadeva, 
strong as he was in the action of breaking open the frontal globes of the best of elephants, 
made his own arm the pillar of victory on the shore of the (eastern) ocean after vanquishing 
the king of Utkala. In this war Gahgeya was helped by the subordinate branch of the 
Kalachuri family established at Tummana. The Amoda plates of Prithvideva F record 
that Kamalaraja, an early prince of the Tumm^a branch, vanquished the king of Utkala 
and gave his wealth to his lord Gahgeyadeva. The king of Utkala was, it seems, a member 
of the Kara dynasty, perhaps Subhakara IT, as shown below. During this campaign Gangeya 
seems to have also defeated Mahasivagupta — Yayati, the ruler of South Kosala. In one 
of his grants Yayati is said to have obtained a victory over the Chaidyas, i.e., the people 
of the Chedi country, and carried fire and sword into their home province of Dahala.® 
The war seems to have continued for some time, and victory sometimes leaned to one side 
and sometimes to the other. If Gahgeyadeva was ultimately victorious, he might have 
assumed the title of Trikalingddhipati after his success. We know that his son Karna 
mentions this title in his first known granp® issued just a year after Garigeya’s death. 

The invasions of Mahmud of Ghazni had shattered the power and prestige of the 
Pratiharas of Kanauj. Trilochanapala is the last known Pratihara king who was exercising 
some loose authority over the Gangetic Doab till 1027 A.C.; for, his Jhusi granpi of that 
year records the donation of a village to the Brahmanas of Pratishthana. The power of 
the Chandellas, the only other ruling family of Central India capable of thwarting the ambi- 
tion of Gahgeya, was waning after the death of Ganda. Some time after 1027 A.C. 
Gahgeya seems to have embarked on a bold policy of conquest and annexation. Throwing 

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 330. 

2 Ibid., Vol. XVI, p. 359. 

3 Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 17. 

« Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. loi. 

5 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 235. 

« Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 71. 

’No. 51. 

® No. 76, 1 . 13. 

9 /. A. S. B. (N. S.), Vol. I (1905), p. 4. 

*9 No. 48, 1 . 34. 

n Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 33 ff. 



off the yoke of Chandelk suzerainty, he overran the Doab and even carried his arms as 
far as the Kangra valley; for, he is said to have thrown into the cage of a prison the king 
of the Kira country.^ Gahgeya’s conquest of the Doab is corroborated by the find of 
his coins in Uttar Pradesh. He then fixed his residence in the holy city of Prayaga, which, 
with some interruption,^ he held to the last. 

Gahgeya next extended his sway to Banaras. Several powerful rulers seem to have 
vied with one another for the occupation of this ancient city, which was regarded as holy 
by the Buddhists as well as the Brahmanas. Towards the close of the loth century, it was 
in the occupation of the Chandellas; for, a copper-plate inscription dated V. 105 5 (998 A.C.) 
records the grant of a village which the powerful king Dhahga made at Kasika or Banaras 
Thereafter, the city seems to have passed into the possession of the Palas. The Sarnath 
stone inscription^ dated V. 1083 (1026 A.C.) records that by the order of the Pala Alahi- 
pala I of Bengal, Sthirapala and Vasantapala established hundreds of precious monuments 
of glory in Kasi. Some time after this date, the city seems to have again changed hands. 
The Tdrikh-i-baihaqi describes a swift raid of Ahmad Niyal Tigin, the Governor of 
the Panjab, which he carried out in the summer of H. 424(1033 A.C.).^ This raid was 
directed against the city of Banaras which belonged to the territory of Gang. This Gang 
is none other than Gahgeya, for, the date falls in his reign. The Muhammadan army 
plundered the city from morning to mid-day; but it could remain there no longer ‘because 
of the peril.’ This seems, therefore, to have been a surprise raid, and the invaders knew 
full well what risk they would run if they stayed there longer. They, therefore, left the 
city in haste and got back in safety. 

After these conquests Gahgeya seems to have assumed the imperial titles of Mahdrdjd- 
dhirdja and 'Paramesvara. These titles appear in the Piawan rock inscription of his reign 
dated K. 789 (1037-38 A.C.). His fame spread far and wide. AlberunI, writing in 1030 
A.C., mentions in his work that GMgeya was the ruler of the Dahala country, the capital 
of which was Tiauri (Tripuri).® 

Gahgeya’s conquests brought him into conflict with the Chandellas. An inscrip- 
tion from Mahoba'^ states that when Gahgeya thought of the impending fierce fight (with 
the Chandella Vijayapala), even he who had slighted and conquered the whole world 
felt that the lotus of his heart had the knot of martial pride closed. This seems to imply 
that the redoubtable Gahgeya submitted to the Chandella king. Judging by subsequent 
events, however, victory seems ultimately to have rested with the Kalachuri king. 

In the east Gahgeya carried his arms as far as Ahga and Magadha. The copperplate 
grants of his son Karna record that he looked radiant with the mass of wealth of the king 
of Ahga® (modern Bhagalpur and Monghyr Districts). The expedition against Magadha 
seems to have occurred towards the close of Gahgeya’s reign. It was led by his son Karna. 
From the Tibetan accounts we learn that the army of Karna advanced as far as Gaya. The 
Pala king Nayapala was then ruling over Magadha. Karna’s troops sacked some of the 

^ No. 50, 1 . 18; No. 51, 1 . 9. 

^ The Kara inscription (V. 1093) of Yasahpala, whose lineage is not known, records the grant of a 
village in the Kausamba mandala. J. R. A. S. (19Z7), p. 694. Yasahpala had the title of Maharajadhirdja. 
He seems to have dispossessed Gahgeya of Allahabad for some time. 

* Ind. Ant, Vol. XVI, pp. 201 ff. 

Vol. XIV, pp. 139 ff. 
s E. D. H. L, Vol. II, p. 123. 

* Sachau, Alberuni’s India (1914), Vol. I, p. 202. 

^ Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 222. 

® This may have been Mahipala I (988-1038 A.C). H. B., Vol. I, p. 141. 



sacred Buddhist institutions and killed altogether five men, out of whom four were 
ordained monks and one an npdsaka. Ultimately, through the efforts of the renowned 
Buddhist monk Atisa Diparhkara, who risked his life several times in crossing the rivers 
that lay between the contending parties, a treaty was signed, by which friendship was estab- 
lished between the two kingdoms.^ This expedition seems to have taken place some 
time before 1040 A.C., which is the approximate date of Atisa’s departure for Tibet. As 
Garigeya was ruling till the beginning of 1041 A.C., the invasion of Magadha cannot be 
placed in the reign of Karna himself. It seems to have occurred towards the end of 
G^geya’s reign. In that case Karna may have been obliged to patch up a peace with the 
king of Magadha as his presence was required elsewhere by the approaching end of Gangeya. 

Gangeya was fond of residing at the foot of the holy banyan tree at Prayaga,^ which 
became his second capital. He died at the same place. His hundred wives are said 
to have immolated themselves on his pyre. The date of his death can be accurately 
determined from that of his first annual sraddha which was performed by his son Karna 
at Prayaga. According to Karna’s Banaras grant, which was made on the occasion, the 
sraddha was performed on the second tithi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna in the Kala- 
churi year 793. Gangeya must, therefore, have died on Phalguna va. di. 2 of the Kalachuri 
year 792, corresponding to the 22nd January 1041 A.C. 

Garigeya was one of the most illustrious members of the Kalachuri dynasty. When 
he ascended the throne, Kalachuri power was weak and effete. By his valour and diplo- 
macy, he revived the imperial glory of his family. He extended his kingdom so far in the 
north as to include a major part of the modern Uttar Pradesh. As the Pratiharas were too 
weak to defend the holy places of the north against the attacks of the Muslim iconoclasts, 
he took them under his own protection, and to guard them effectively, he made Prayaga 
his second capital.^ From the grants of his grandson Yasahkarna, we learn that he assumed 
the coveted title of Vikramcditjad Even in the records of his enemies he was called a 
world-conqueror {jita-visva)d> At his death, he left a fairly large empire, which was further 
extended by his son Karna. 

Garigeya was an ardent Saiva. According to the Bhera-Ghat inscription of Nara- 
siihha,6 he erected a matchless temple of the Meru type, which was probably dedicated to 
Siva. His Piawan rock inscription also seems to have recorded the installation of a 

^ Garigeya introduced the Lakshml type of coinage, which became very popular in North 
India. The obverse of these coins is wholly occupied by the king’s name in bold Nagari 
characters in three lines, and the reverse, by the figure of Lakshmi sitting cross-legged. 
Garigeya’s coins exist in all the three metals, gold, silver and copper, and in four denomina- 
tions which Smith calls dramma, half-dramma, quarter-dramma and one-eighth dramma.s 

1 /. B* T. S,, Vol. I, pp. 9 fF, 

" See Nos. 56 and 57, v. 12. 

3 Kalachuri inscriptions make no mention of Garigeya’s encounter with Mahmud of Ghazni, whose 
contemporary he was. Prof. Hodivala makes the ingenious suggestion that Kabakan, who ruled the country 
bordering on the territory of Nanda (i.e., the Chandella Ganda) and who sent some wonderful presents to 
Mahmud after the latter’s generous treatment of the Chandella ruler, was Garigeya. He is said to have been 
a master of 1000 elephants. S. L M. H., pp. 73 

See Nos. 5 6 and 5 7, v. 1 1 . 

^ Ep. Ifid.y Vol. I, p. 222. 

® No. 60, V. 9. 

’ Appendix, No. i. 

« Ind, Ant,, Vol. XXXVII, p. 147. 



The Lakshmi type introduced by Gahgeya was subsequently copied by the Chandellas, 
the Gahadavalas and the Tomars, and was introduced even in distant Kashmir.^ 

As stated above, Gahgeyadeva was succeeded by his son Karna in 1041 A.C. From 
several inscriptions of his reign as well as from references in literary records, Sanskrit and 
Prakrit, we can form a general idea of the main political events of his reign. 

The Rewa stone inscription^ dated in K. 800 (1048-49 A.C.) shows that in the first 
seven years of his reign, Karna attained remarkable victories in the east, south and west. 
He seems to have first proceeded to the east. Verse 26 of the aforementioned inscription 
states that the ship of the king of the eastern country, being driven by the storm of un- 
paralleled arrogance, was submerged in the ocean of Karna’s forces, its joints being rent 
by dashing against the promontories of the mountains which were his elephants. This 
verse clearly implies that Karna obtained a decisive victory over the king of the eastern 
country, who lost his life in the encounter. Who was this king of the eastern country ? 
He could scarcely have been the contemporary Pala king; for, the kingdom of the Palas, 
as shown by their own inscriptions and those of their contemporaries, was restricted to 
parts of Bihar and North-West Bengal. From the Bhera-Ghat inscription of Narasirhha,^ 
on the other hand, we learn that when Karna gave a full play to heroism, the Vahga trembled 
with the Kalihga. Karna’s victory seems, therefore, to have been obtained over the king 
of Vanga or Eastern Bengal. The tenour of the description suggests that the ruling family 
was supplanted and the kingdom was either annexed by Karna or placed in charge of his 
own nominee. As a matter of fact, we find the Vermans supplanting the Chandras in 
Eastern Bengal in the eleventh century A.C. Govindachandra, the last king of the Chandra 
dynasty known from inscriptions found in Bengal,^ is also mentioned in the Tirumalai 
rock inscription^ of Rajendra Chola I as the ruler of Vahgala-desa. He was defeated in 
circa 1021 A.C. by Rajendra I, the illustrious Chola Emperor (1014 — 1044 A.C.). When Karna 
invaded Eastern Bengal, either this prince or his successor was on the throne. After the 
overthrow of the Chandra king, Karna placed Vajravarman in charge of the newly acquired 
territory and gave his daughter Virakiin marriage to his son Jatavarmanto cement the 
political alliance. The latter distinguished himself in one of the later campaigns of Karna 
in the country of Anga.® The Rewa inscription shows that the dynastic revolution must 
have been effected in any case before 1048-49 A.C. 

Karna next turned his attention to the south. Verse 25 of the aforementioned Rewa 
inscription describes Karna’s southern campaigns in a figurative style. It states that ‘over- 
running the district of Kanchi, he thoroughly enjoyed the southern direction in which the 
fortune of the Kuntala was shaken by forcible seizure and the low Pallavas were destroyed, 
as though covering the hips of a woman he was ravishing her, the beauty of whose hair 
was marred by forcible seizure and whose tender lower lip was wounded (by kissing).’ 
It is difficult to say how far this figurative description correctly represents historical facts. 
Besides, the Pallavas, over whom a decisive victory is claimed for Karna in this verse, 
had long ceased to be supreme in the south, their kingdom having been annexed by the 
Cholas in 890 K.CP A branch of the Pallavas, no doubt, continued to rule in the Nolamba- 

1 /. N. S. L, Vol. in, p. 26. 

2 No. 51. 

® No. 60, i. 10. 

* H. B., Vol. I, p. 196. See the Paikpara inscription of his reign Ind. CuL, Vol. VII, pp. 405 iT. 

s J-. I. L, Vol. I, p. 99- 

® I. B., Vol. Ill, p. 20. 

^ K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Cholas, Vol. I, p. 136. 



vadi 32000 down to the eleventh century A.C.d but they had no control over the territory 
round Kahchi and a victory over them would not have brought much glory to Karna’s 
arms. Besides, Karna’s victory over the Pallavas is not referred to in the fairly long list 
of his conquests in the records of his descendants. So far as the reference to the Pallavas 
is concerned, the description in the verse appears to be more fanciful than real. 

The reference to the invasion of the district of Kanchi is perhaps intended to signify 
the defeat of the Cholas; for, though the capital of the Cholas had been removed to Gahga- 
purl or Gahgaikondacholapuram since its foundation by Rajendra Chola I, Sanskrit poets 
continued to mention Kanchi as the Chola capital.^ Karna’s victory over a Ch5la kin g is 
intimated in a verse in the Karanbel inscription of Jayasirhha.^ R. D. Banerji conjec- 
turally identified the Chola king defeated byKarna with Virarajendra Rajakesarivarman, 
who was reigning between 1062 and 1067 A.C. The reference to the invasion of Kanchi 
in verse 25 of the Rewa inscription, if historically true, would show that the victory had 
already been attained in 1048-49 A.C. Karna’s adversary must, therefore, be identified 
with Rajadhiraja I, the son and successor of Rajendra Chola I, who ruled from 1044 to 
1054 A.C. 

While Karna was in the south, he seems to have encountered the king of Kuntala. 
As already observed, Kuntala was then under the rule of the Later Chalukyas of Kalyani. 
The battle does not seem to have ended in a decisive victory for either side ; for, both the 
belligerants claimed success for themselves. As stated above, the Rewa inscription speaks 
of the fortune of the Kuntala king being seized by Karna. Bilhana, on the other hand, 
records in his VikTUifidnkcidcvdchdxitd that Ahavamalla (/.^., Somesvara I) utterly destroyed 
the power of Karna, after which glory never embraced the country of Dahala.^ 

Karna seems to have come into conflict with the king of the Gurjara country also. 
Verse 27 of the Rewa inscription says that when Karna approached the Gurjara country, 
tears mixed with collyrium flowed on the cheeks of Gurjara women living in the neighbour- 
hood and colour-marks indicative of their non-widowhood slipped, as it were, from their 
foreheads. This description indicates that Karna had raided Gujarat before 1048 A.C. 
This is also corroborated by an Apabhramsa verse in the Vrdkrita-Vaingala which states 
that Karna had exterminated the forces of a Gurjara king. This* may have been followed 
by negotiations for peace as subsequent events show. 

Though Karna had thus raided different parts of India in the first seven years of 
his reign, he was not yet able to annex any territory to his kingdom. His success during 
the next two or three years was much greater. His contemporary on the throne of Malwa 
was the illustrious Bhoja, who was as much distinguished for valour as for learning. He 
had also raided different countries and defeated the rulers of Karnata, Lata, Gurjara, Kohkana 
and others. The defeat he had inflicted on Gahgeyadeva must have been rankling in 
Karna’s mind. The latter, therefore, formed an alliance with Bhima of Gujarat.^ The 
allied forces invaded Malw^a from the east and the west. Just about this time Bhoja died 
and as he did not leave any son, the kingdom was in a state of disturbance owing to the 

^ i. i.j pp. 571-2. 

^ See .. VDCH Canto I, v n,; Canto HI, v. 76; Canto IV, v. 28 etc. Btlhana mentions Garina- 
kundapura also as a Lhola capital., Canto VI, vv. 21-24, ^ 

^ Appendix, No. 3, 1 . 10. 

^ VDCH.y Canto I, w. 102-3. 

« Meruturiga in his PCH. (p. 5 1) states that Karna, promising Bhima a half of the Malava kint^dom 
invited him to attack Bhoja in the rear. Though xMeruturiga’s account contains much fanciful matter this 
statement may be true. Somesvara’s ah 18) states that Bhima spared the life of Bhoia though 
the latter had fallen into his hands. * ^ 



risings of the scions of the Paramara family. It fell an easy prey to the invaders, who soon 
captured Dhara, the capital of Malwa,^ and dethroned Jayasirhha, the successor of Bhoja.^ 
According to Merutuhga’s account, Karna violated the previous agreement and annexed 
the whole of Malwa.^ This enraged Bhima, who invaded the Chedi country. Hema- 
chandra in his Dvyasrajakdvja states that Bhima, penetrated to the capital of the Chedi 
country; but Karna made peace with him by presenting him horses, elephants and the 
golden mandapika of Bhoja which he had carried away.^ 

Karna next turned his attention to the Chandella kingdom. The Chandella dynasty 
had produced several powerful princes, some of whom such as Yasovarman, Vidyadhara 
and Vijayapala had exacted submission from the Kalachuris. But at this time the throne 
was occupied by a weak ruler named Devavarman, son of Vijayapala. The only inscrip- 
tion of his reign is a copper-plate record® discovered at Nanyaura in the Hamirpur District 
of Uttar Pradesh. It registers the grant of a village which Devavarman made in 
V. 1 107 (105 1 A.C.) on the occasion of the anniversary of his mother’s death. Soon after 
this, he seems to have succumbed to an attack by Karna. Bilhana, in his l^ikramafika- 
devacharita {Q-mto XVIII, v. 93), speaks of Karna as ‘Death to the lord of Kalanjara’ who 
was evidently Devavarman.® After this victory, Karna incorporated the country of 
Jajjhauti into his own dominion. 

About this time Karna also invaded North-Western Bengal. This was his second 
invasion of the Pala kingdom. On this occasion he pressed as far as Paikore in the Birbhum 
District of Bengal. His route must have lain through South Bihar. The Pala king, who 
must have been Vigrahapala III, seems to have soon capitulated to the invader. Karna’s 
invasion of the Pala dominion is attested to by the discovery of an inscribed decorative 
pillar which the Chedi king dedicated to a goddess during his stay at Paikore.^ The 
Karanbel stone inscription® intimates that the king of Gauda submitted to Karna. Hema- 
chandra® records that the Icing of Gauda entreated Karna to save his life and throne in 
return for a large treasure which he presented to him. The ^dmacharita of Sandhyakara- 
nandin (Canto I, v. 9), however, claims a victory for the Pala king Vigrahapala. What- 
ever may have been the actual result of the war, the two families were afterwards united 
by a matrimonial alliance. Karna gave his daughter Yauvanasri in marriage to 
Vigrahapala and thus turned the Pala adversary into a faithful ally.^® 

1 PCH. p. 51. The Vadnagar pras'asd also states that with his cavalry Bhima captured Dhara, 
the capital of the Malava Chakravartin. Ep. Ind,, Vol. I, p. 297. 

^ In the VDCH. (Canto III, v. 67) Bilhana states that the king of Malava, evidently Jayasirhha, 
sought the help of Somesvara when he lost his kingdom. 


* DiC., Canto IX, V. 57. Merutuhga also quotes a traditional verse which states that Bhima received 
from Karna, w/er <?&, a golden mandapika. See PCH., p. 51. The 'wot&.s rajnd Peva na langhj-Mi, which 
occur in v! 54 of Canto IX in DK., have been taken by Mr. A. Ghosh to mean that the king (Karna or Bhima) 
promised not to cross the Narmada. Ind. CuL, Vol. VII, p. 17. This is incorrect. The words occur in the 
speech of Karna addressed to Damodara, the ambassador of Bhima. Karna says that he would have gone 
forth to meet and receive Bhima, but the astrologers had advised him not to cross the Reva. 

6 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 204 ff. 

« V. Smith thought that it was Kirtivarman, the brother of Devavarman, who was driven by Karina 
from the throne. But the description in the VDCH. and the PCHU. clearly indicates that Karna not 
only drove the lord of Kalanjara from the throne but also exterminated him. He could, therefore, be 
none other than Devavarman; for, Kirtivarman lived to regain his throne as described below. 

’ No. 49, 1. 5. Cf. the Apabhrarhsa verse cited below, p. xcvii, n. i. 

* Appendix, No. 3, 1. ii. 

® DK., Canto IX, v. 38. 

1" RCH., Canto I, v. 9. This kaiya states that Vigrahapala vanquished Karna, but saved him by 
making with him a treaty of peace which an old commentator of the work calls kapalasandht. In this 
sandhi a large sum of money is required to be paid the conqueror. See RCH., Introd., p. x. 



In 1052 A.C. Kama was thus at the height of his power. He had under his sway 
practically the whole of Central India including the erstwhile kingdoms of the Pratiharas, 
the Paramaras and the Chandellas. In the east the Pala and Varman kings were matri- 
monially allied with him. In the north his authority was recognized as far as the Kangra 
valley/ the ruler of which had submitted to him. In the west, the only foe worthy of his 
steel was Bhima of Gujarat; but as stated already, Karna had made peace with him. In 
the south, he had inflicted a defeat on the Cholas and the Chalukyas, though his 
campaigns do not seem to have resulted in the permanent annexation of any territory. His 
authority was in any case unquestioned in North India,^ and if Bilhana’s account can be 
believed, the mere sound of his horses’ hoofs routed the forces of his enemies.® 

To proclaim his attainment of the position of Chakravartin or Universal Emperor, 
Karna seems to have crowned himself again in the Kalachuri year 804 (1052-53 A.C.). 
His regnal year, mentioned in the Rewa stone inscription* of his general Vappulla, is 
counted from this second coronation. 

On account of his ambition and successful military campaigns, Karna is called Hindu 
Napoleon. And like the great French Emperor, he suffered serious reverses in the latter 
part of his career. He could not retain his hold on Malwa for a long time. Jayasirhha, 
the successor of Bhoja, who was dethroned and driven out of Malwa, sought the Chalukya 
kin g Somesvara I-Ahavamalla’s aid against the powerful confederacy of Bhima and Karna. 
The Chalukyas and Paramaras were inveterate foes, and their hostilities continued for several 
generations. Ahavamalla had himself previously stormed Dhara, from which the king 
Bhoja had to flee.® But on this occasion Ahavamalla thought it politic to reverse his 
policy towards the Paramara house; for, he realized that if Karna was allowed to retain 
possession of the Paramara territory, he would become a menace to the northern frontier 
of the Chalukya kingdom. He, therefore, resolved to support the cause of Jayasirhha, and 
directed his valiant son Vikramaditya to lend his aid to Jayasirhha to regain his throne.® 
It would appear that in his northern campaigns, Vikramaditya was not always successful; 
for, an Apabhrarhsa verse mentions Karna’s victor)^ over the mighty Vikrama, evidently 

1 See Appendix, No. 3, 1. ii. 

2 In his DK. (Canto IX, vv. 3 3 ff), Hemachandra makes Bhima’s ambassador Damodara refer to 
several other victories of Karna, r/^., those over the rulers of Dasarna and Kalihga and the kings Bhadra- 
bhata, Yanti, Nanti, Ganti, Hand, Vanti and Aland. Hemachandra seems to have distorted the names of 
kings to illustrate grammatical rules. It is also not unlikely that these are altogether ficdtious names. 

® HDCH., Canto XVIII, V. 93. As Mr. A. Ghosh has already pointed out, tukkhara'ixx this verse 
does not mean any race, but denotes a particular breed of superior horses, probably the Tokharian horses. 
Ind. Cult., Vol. VII, p. 19. 

^ No. 53. The date of this inscription is Sarhvat 812, Thursday, the tenth day of the bright fortnight 
of Magha in the ninth regnal year. This date regularly corresponds to Thursday, January 4th, 1061 A.C. 
As this date fell in the ninth regnal year, Karna must have been crowned a second time in 1052 A.C. Some 
scholars have attempted to reconcile this date with the first coronadon which occurred in 1041 A.C. (See 
below, pp.239 ff.) D.R. Bhandarkar thought that navame in the Rewa inscription of Vappulla was a mistake 
for navadah and that the inscription was put up in the nineteenth regnal year. But the month of Ala^ha in 
the nineteenth regnal year should fall in K. 811, not in K. 812; for Magha of the first regnal year felHn K 
793, as the Kalachuri year began in Kartdka. A. Ghosh has suggested that the regnal year is correctly men- 
tioned, but the figures of the sa/iivat were wrongly written as 812 instead of 802. This explanation also is not 
of any help; for, the month of Magha in the ninth regnal should fall in K. 801, not in K. 802. We must 
therefore, suppose that the second coronation of Karna did take place some time in 1052 A C 

® VDCH., Canto I, vv. 9I-94- 

* Ibid., Canto III, v. 67. 



Vikramaditya VI, the son of Somesvara I-AhavamallaF However, Vikramaditya 
eventually succeeded in placing Jayasirhha on the throne of Malwa. He carried his victo- 
rious arms even as far as Gauda and Kamarupa,^ for which he must have overrun the 
Chedi country. These encounters must have occurred before 1055 A.C.; for, we find 
Jayasiriiha secure on the throne in the month Ashadha of that year.^ 

The Chandella kingdom also soon shpped out of Karna’s hands. Kirtivarman, the 
brother of Devavarman, soon succeeded in regaining his ancestral territory. Verse 26 
of a Chandella inscription discovered at Mahoba^ records the victory of Kirtivarman over 
Lakshmikarna in the following words — “Just as Purushottama (Vishnu), having produced 
the nectar by churning, with the mountain (Mandara), the rolling (milk) ocean, whose high 
waves had swallowed many mountains, obtained (the goddess) Lakshml together with 
the elephants (of the eight regions), — he Kirtivarman), having acquired fame by crush- 

ing with his strong arm the haughty Lakshmikarna, whose armies had destroyed many 
princes, obtained splendour in this world together with elephants.” Lakshmikarna is, 
no doubt, identical with the Kalachuri Karna. In the Ajayagadh rock inscription^ of the 
Chandella Viravarman (dated V. 1317), Kirtivarman is described as the pitcher-born (Aga- 
stya) in swallowing the ocean in the form of Karna, and as the lord of Creatures (Brahma) 
in creating anew (his) kingdom. The Prabodhachandrodaya, which also refers to this event 
in its prologue, calls this Karna Chedipati (Lord of the Chedi country). From this work 
we learn that Kirtivarman’s victory was mainly due to the bravery of his Brahmana general, 
Gopala. The play was performed before Kirtivarman to commemorate this brilliant 
victory of the Chandellas. In the prologue of the play, Gopala is eulogised as the Great 
Boar who raised the earth which was submerged in the great ocean of world-destruction 
in the form of a multitude of powerful kings.® In another passage he is said to have 
obtained the goddess of victory after exterminating the army of Karna, even as Vishnu 
obtained Lakshmi by churning the ocean of milk.'^ In a third passage, Gopala’s anger is 
said to have been roused to re-establish on the earth the sovereignty of the kings of the 
lunar race, which (sovereignty) had been uprooted by the lord of Chedi who was Rudra 
and Kalagni (the Fire of world-destruction) to the families of all kings.® In a subsequent 
passage of the same prologue, Gopala is said to have caused the rise of the illustrious 
Kirtivarman after vanquishing the powerful Karna, even as discrimination leads to right 
knowledge after dispelling strong delusion.® The multiplicity of references to this victory 
suggests the stupendous nature of the task accomplished by Gopala. Another chief who 
also claimed credit for saving Kirtivarman from Karna was mentioned in a fragmentary 
inscription^® found at Jh^si; but, unfortunately, his name is lost. 

The date of the restoration of Chandella power cannot be definitely fixed; for, the 
only known date of Kirtivarman’s reign is that furnished by a rock inscription at the Deo- 
garh Fort, V. 1154 (1098 A.C.)d^ This inscription states that Vatsaraja, the chief 

1 cf. ^ I t-otr’ Rh? R' 

U ^f'^krita Pawga/a^ I, iz6. 

2 VDCH,, Canto III, v. 74. 

2 See the date of his Mandhata grant; Ep, Ind,^ Vol. Ill, pp. 46 

^ Ibid.y Vol. I, p. 222. 

® Ibid.y Vol. I, p. 327. 

^PCHU.y p. II. 

^ Ibid.y p. 18. 

® Ibid.y p. 19. 

• Ibid.y pp. 21-22. 

10 Ep. Ind,y Vol. I, p. 216. 

Ind. Anty Vol. XVIII, pp, 237 ff. 




ministet of Kirtivarman, wrested the surrounding district from the enemy and built the 
fort which he named Kirtigiri, evidently in honour of his lord Kirtivarman. The unnamed 
enemy is probably Karna himself. Karna’s defeat must, however, have occurred long 
before the date of this inscription. Vincent Smith approximately dates the accession of 
Kirtivarman in 1060 A.C.^ If this date is correct, Karna must have been in occupation 
of the Chandella kingdom for seven or eight years. 

Towards the close of his reign, Karna made another attempt to wipe out the neigh- 
bouring state of Malwa. The political situation in the Deccan had considerably changed 
in the meanwhile. Ahavamalla was dead and was succeeded by his eldest son Somesvara II. 
The latter was afraid of his ambitious younger brother, Vikramaditya VI, and, therefore, 
must have readily allied himself with the powerful Kalachuri Emperor and helped 
him in his invasion of Malwa. This time the allied arms attained a greater success. The 
Nagpur Museum stone inscription very graphically describes in verse 3 z the terrible disaster 
that befell the Malava country at the time. It says that when Bhoja had become Indra’s 
compamon and when the realm was overrun by floods in which the sovereign was sub- 
merged, his brother Udayaditya became king. Delivering the earth which was troubled 
by kings such as the lord of Karnata and Karna, who swept over it hke great oceans, this 
(prince) did indeed act like the holy Boar.^ The expression rajye cha kuly-dhde in this 
verse is significant. Besides the meaning given above, it signifies another, w^., that the 
kingdom was in a state of disturbance owing to the rising of the scions of the (Paramara) 
family. Even though Jayasirhha had ascended the throne with the help of the Ch^ukya 
king Ahavamalla, it seems that there were some members of the Paramara family (kuljas) 
who did not acquiesce in it. It is not known how Jayasimha was related to Bhoja. In 
his records he, no doubt, describes himself as meditating on the feet of Bhdja, but this 
does not necessarily indicate that he was his son. Perhaps he was his brother as conjec- 
tured by Dr. Altekar.^ In that case there may have been other members of the Paramm 
family who thought that they had an equal or even a better claim to the throne. So long 
as Jayasimha had the support of the powerful Ch^ukya Emperor, Somesvara I-Ahavamalla, 
they could not do anything; but on the death of the Emperor, they must have risen in 

fomented by the ambitious Kalachuri Emperor Karna, 
who had so far been foiled in his attempt to annex Malwa permanently. When he found 
t at t e Ma wa kingdom was torn by a civil war, he made his alliance with Somesvara II, 
the son of Ahavamalla, and invaded Malwa. The wording of the aforementioned verse 
o t e agpur Museum inscription shows that the invaders were more than two. This 
IS corroborated by a stone inscription of the Paramara prince Jagaddeva, recentlv dis- 
covered at Dohgargaon in the Yeotmal District of Berar, which states that Malw; was 
mvaded by a confederacy of three kings.^ Two of these were, of course, the Kalachuri 

j-rw, vui. 

V XI, p, 14 ^, 

J^elhorn^read the second hemistich of this verse (32) as 

WHfmrr „ Q V. Vaidya ingeniously conjectiS 

Nagpur Museum that tSis^r th^ aTtuli^rS'^s 

It shows that Malwa was invaded at that time by a confederacy of more tha^^^^l/”'^ ^ 

b, fte Wg.«o™pdon of J^gadda™ (Ep. I.l, Vol. XXVI. p. smld .bole 

^ Vol. XXin, pp. 132 ff. 

Vol. XXn ^ ^ || ibid.. 



Kama^ and the Kamata king (Somesvara II)^ as stated in the Nagpur Museum inscrip- 
tion. The third member of the confederacy was probably the Western Ganga king Udaya- 
ditya. From several records in the Kanarese country, we know that this Udayaditya and 
his feudatory, the valiant Hoysala prince Ereyariga joined Somesvara II in his attack on 
Malwa. Ereyahga, in particular, is said to have trampled down the Malava army, plundered 
the Malava king’s fort, and burnt and devastated Dhara.^ 

Jayasirnha succumbed to this attack, and for a time it seemed as if the Paramara kingdom 
had been completely wiped out. The terrible disaster which befell the Malava country 
at this time is graphically described in the Nagpur Museum inscription, which likens it to 
the catastrophe of the destruction of the world when mighty oceans sweep over and sub- 
merge the earth. The Udaipur prasasti compares it to the dense darkness which envelopes 
the world when the sun sets.^ Both the similes indicate the gloom of despondency which 
had then overpowered the adherents of the Paramara family. This invasion of Malwa 
occurred early in the reign of Somesvara II (1069-1075 A.C.), in circa 1070 A.C. 

It is not known how the invaders divided the spoils . Karna may have annexed Malwa 
and given the country to the south of the Narmada to Sdmesvara 11 .® The Kalachuri 
Emperor could not, however, retain his hold on Malwa for a long time. Udayaditya, 
one of the brothers of Bhoja,® rescued the country from the grip of Karna. The Nagpur 
Museum inscription compares him with the primeval Boar who uplifted the earth at the 
time of pralaja. The Udaipur prasasti describes him as another Sun, as it were, who, destroy- 
ing the dense darkness, namely, the exalted foes, with the rays issuing from his strong 
sword, gladdened the hearts of the people by his splendour. In the latter half of the pra- 
sasti recently discovered at Udaipur, Udayaditya is credited with the total destruction 
{samhdrd) of the king of Dahala {DahalddhiJa), who is plainly the Kalachuri Karna.^ The 
restoration of the Paramara rule in Malwa may be dated in circa 1073 A.C.® The Jabalpur 

^ Latterly the view has been advanced that he was the Chaulukya king Karna of Gujarat, the successor 
of Bhima. Some late Sanskrit works, no doubt, state that the Chaulukya Karna defeated a king of Malwa, 
but they do not state that the latter was Jayasirnha. On the other hand, the Kalachuri Karna’s extermination 
of the royal family of Malwa is mentioned in an Apabhrath^a verse cited in the Frakrifa-Paingala, This 
view is again corroborated by the latter part of the recently discovered Udaipur praiasii which states 
that Udayaditya inflicted a crushing defeat on the lord of Dahala. D. C. Ganguli’s statement that Udaya- 
ditya, by defeating Gurjara Karna, obtained Malava (H. P. D., p. 132 and L H. Vol. XVIII, p. 266) is 
based on a wrong interpretation of a verse in the Prithvlrdjavijaya. 

2 The Sudi stone inscription dated Saka 996 (1075 A.C.) mentions Sdmesvara II as a blazing fire 
to the ocean which is the race of the Malavyas. The reference is clearly to his extermination of the 
Paramara Jayasirnha. 

® H. P. D., pp. 128-29. 

^ Ep, Ind,y Vol. I, p. Z36. 

^ Siyaka seems to have extended his kingdom to the south of the Narmada. In the time of Mufija 
the Godavari was the southern boundary of the Paramara dominion, and though Tailapa may have annexed 
some territory to the north of this river, it was soon recovered by Sidhuraja as stated in the NSCH., 
Canto I, v. 74. A copper-plate inscription of Bhdja’s feudatory Yasdvarman has been found at Kalvan in the 
Nasik District (Ep. Ind,y Vol. XIX, pp. 69 ff), indicating that the country continued to be held by the Para- 
maras. After this time no records of the Paramaras except those of Jagaddeva have been found in Mahara- 
shtra. Jagaddeva is now known to have been a feudatory of Vikramaditya VI. Ibid,, Vol. XXVI, pp. 177 ff. 

® It was believed for a long time that Udayaditya was a distant relative of Bhoja; but the Dongar- 
gaon inscription, which calls him the bbrdfd of Bhoja, has put the matter beyond doubt. 

7 A, R. A, D, G, S. (1925-26), p. 13. 

* The earliest known date of Udayaditya is V. 1137 (1080-81 A. C. ) furnished by the Udaipur inscrip- 
tion (Jnd, Ant,, Vol. XX, p. 83). An earlier date (V. 1116) of the king also occurs at the same place; but it 
is given by a very late record of the i6th century A. C., which Dr. F. E. Hail calls ‘a horribly incorrect scrawl" 

(j. A, o. i*., Vol. vn, p. 35). 



and Khairha plates of Yasahkarna state that Karna himself crowned his son YasahkarnaT 
We do not know why he abdicated the throne in favour of his son. It may be because of 
discomfiture at the failure of his schemes to bring the whole of India under one royal 
umbrella; or, he may have been forced to do so by the powerful rulers of Malwa, Jajjhauti 
and Gujarat, all of whom were now up in arms against him. His reign seems to have come 
to an end in 1073 A.C.; for, the earUer of the two known grants of his son Yasahkarna was 
made in 1076 A.C.^ As it mentions Yasahkarna’s expedition against an Andhra king, 
the Kalachuri emperor must have come to the throne at least two or three years earfier. 
We may, therefore, place his accession and the abdication of his father in circa 1073 A.C. 

Karna was the greatest king of the Kalachuri dynasty. In the early part of his career, 
he seems to have carried everything before him and to have become the undisputed Chakra- 
vartin of North India.^ In the Goharwa plates, which he issued in the seventh regnal year 
(1047 A.C.), he is seen to have assumed, besides the usual imperial titles, Varamahhattaraka^ 
Mahdrdjadhirdja and Paramesvara, two high-sounding ones, vi^., Prikalingddhipati (Lord of 
the Three Kalihgas) and NijabktJ-opdrjit-dsvapati-gaJapati-narapati-rdJa-traj-ddhipati(tjd)y 
(he who by his arms has acquired overlordship over the three rdjds, w^., the lord of horses, 
the lord of elephants and the lord of men). Of these two titles, Trikalingddhipati seems to 
have been first assumed by his ancestor Yuvarajadeva I.^ It may have been revived by 
Gahgeyadeva after his conquest of Utkala;® for, some contemporary kin gs of the Soma- 
vamsi dynasty ruling over Kosala and Utkala proudly mention this title in their records.® 
The other title ‘Overlord of the three Rdjds etc.’ was for the first time assumed by Karna.’ 
It continued to be used not only by his descendants® but by several kings of other dynas- 
ties also, such as the Gahadavalas,® the Senas^® and the Chandellas.^i Originally, it seems to 

Nos. 5 6 and 5 7, verse 1 6. This seems to conflict with the statement in the latter part of the Udaipur 
praJasti which speaks of the total destruction of Karna by Udayaditya. Karna may have been killed on the 

2 The plates give the date (K.) 823; but the details do not work out satisfactorily, and it seems that their 
correct date is (K.) 827. Besides, if Yasahkarna really made the grant in K. 823 (1172 A. C.), we shall have 
to suppose that Somesvara II’s accession, his alliance with Karna and invasion of Malwa, the devastation of 
Dhara and kiUing of Jayasimha, the defeat of the alUes by Udayaditya, Karna’s abdication of the throne, 
Yasahkarna’s coronation and subsequent invasion of the Andhra country— all these events happened in the 
brief period of four years from 1068 A.C. (the accession of Somesvara II) to 1072 A.C. (the supposed date 
of the Khairha plates). This seems to be extremely unlikely. 

3 He is caUed the seventh Chakravartin of the world in the Gopalpur stone inscription. Appendix 

No. 5, 1 . 9. r > 

^ See above, p. Ixxviii. 

^ See above, p. xc. 

6 See, the Sonpur grant of Mahasivagup^ {]. B. 0 . R. S., Vol. II, pp. 45 ff.). This grant describes 
the king as the self-chosen lord of Kahnga, Kongoda, Utkala and Kosala, and further as the lord of Trikaliiiva 
which he conquered with his own arms. This makes it clear that Trikahhga was different from the other 
countries named in it. According to R. C. Majumdar, Trikalihga denoted ‘the hilly tract to the we.r 
Kahnga.’ Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIII, pp. 69-70. He has drawn attention to some passages in which TnhaUhea 
(or Trikahhgatavi) has been coupled with Vehgi. A similar expression (viz., sa-Ka/inga-lrayadj VeM 
occurs in the Parbhani plates (S. 888) of Arikesarin (G. H. Khare’s S. AL H. D., Vol. II p 49) * 

’ Prof Rapson who has examined this question in detail (IF. C. K, pp.’i96 ff.), has come to the con 

A ^ the overlord of the 

^ahabad District, the region of the once famous kingdom of Kausambi, and that it passed bv cononcsr 

from ^e possessor of this region to the next ’ It may, however, be noted that Karna’s Ln BanLas phtS 
dated K. 1042, do not mention this ude though he undoubtedly held AUahabad at the time ^ ’ 

* See, e. g.. No. 56, 11 . 23 ff; No. 61, 11 . 3 ff; No. 63, 1. 21. 

used this^dtle.’ Gahadavala kings from Govindachandra to Harischandra 



have signified Kama’s suzerainty over the Gurjara-Pratiharas of Kanauj, the Gahgas of 
Kalihga and thePalas of Bengal. The Gurjara-Pratiharas maintained a fine cavalry and are 
sometimes referred to in inscriptions as Asvapati or Hajapati?- Kalihga was known 
for its breed of elephants.^ Its rulers are occasionally referred to as Gajddhlsas or Lords 
of Elephants.^ The king of the east received, according to Yuan Chwang, the title 
of the lord of men.^ As we have already seen, Karna had vanquished all these kings and 
in his case the title was significant; but in the case of his descendants and of some kings 
of the other dynasties who imitated him, it was clearly an empty boast. 

According to the Kdsamdld, one hundred and thirty-six kings were in attendance 
upon Karna.® The Bhera-Ghat inscription of Narasirhha states that the Pandya and 
Huna kings and the mlers of Murala, Kuhga, Vahga, Kalihga and Kira were panic-stricken 
when Karna gave a full play to his valour.® The Karanbel stone inscription says that 
Choda, Kuhga, Huna, Gauda, Gurjara and Kira used to wait upon him.'^ It may be that 
the names of some of these kings have been inserted in the verses by the writers of the 
prasastis for the sake of alliteration; but the foregoing account of Karna’s conquests based 
on incontrovertible inscriptional and literary evidence testifies to the general correctness 
of the description. In the records of his enemies, Karna’s whirl-wind campaigns are 
likened to the flooding waters of the oceans at the time of world-destruction. On account 
of the aggressive and mthless policy which he pursued towards contemporary rulers, he is 
called Rudra and Kalagni (Fire of world-destruction) in the Sanskrit play Prahodharhandro- 
daja. These similes and metaphors vividly portray the terror he struck in the hearts of his 

Great as Karna was in war, he was greater in peace. He gave a liberal patronage to 
religion and literature. At Banaras he built a high twelve-storeyed temple called Karna- 
meru, which w’as probably dedicated to Siva;® for, he was himself a Saiva and called him- 
self paramamuhehara in his grants. He built ^ghdt called Karna-ththa at Prayaga where his 
Goharv^a grant was made. He established a settlement of learned Brahmanas, which he 
named Karnavati after himself. This place is generally identified with Karanbel, now a 
small village adjoining Tewar; but from the description in the grants of Yasahkarira that 
it was, as it were, the crown of the heavenly river (Gahga), it would appear that it was 
situated somewhere on the bank of the Ganga. Though Karna thus extended his patronage 
to the Vedic and Puranic Hinduism, he was no sectarian. There was religious toleration 
in his kingdom. The Sarnath stone inscription® dated K. 8io shows that Buddhist monas- 
teries continued to flourish during his reign. 

Karna made the holy city of Banaras his capital. It was at Banaras that the Sanskrit 
poet Bilhana met him.^® Learned Brahmanas received liberal gifts at his hands. A verse 
which is repeated in both of his known grants states that the world was deafened by the 
engraving of copper-plates which he granted to Brahmanas.^^ Even now stories about 

1 See above, p. Ixxiv, n. 2. 

^ KAS., Prakarana 20. 

® See, e.g.. No. 100, v. 8. 

* B. R. IF. IF., Vol. I, p. 13. 

® RM., Vol. I, p. 89. See also PCH., p. 50. 

® No. 60, v. 12. 

Appendix, No. 3, v. 21. 

® Nos. 56 and 57, v. 13. 

® No. 52. 

w VDCH., Canto XVIII, v. 93. 

No. 50 V. 30 and No. 51, v. 32. The same verse with a slight change in one expression and the 
substitution of Chandra for Karna occurs in the Chandravati plates (V. 1150) of the Gahadavala Chandradeva. 
Ep. Ind. Vol. XIV, p. 195. 



the munificence of Kama Daharia are current in Banaras.^ Bilhana, the well-known 
Sanskrit poet of Kashmir, received a great honour in his court. He says that he defeated 
one Gangadhara and composed a beautiful kdvya'm. praise of Rama while at Karna’s court.^ 
Other poets of Karna’s court, known from Sanskrit anthologies, are Vallana, Nachiraja, 
Karpura and Vidyapati. Several verses of these poets are included in the Kavindravachana- 
samichchaja and other anthologies.® Karna patronised Prakrit poets also. Some anonym- 
ous Maharashtri and Apabhramsa verses in praise ofhim are cited in the Vrdkrita-VaingalaJ^ 
Kanakamara, the author of the Apabhramsa kdvya Karakandachariu, says in his concluding 
verses that he used to delight, by his verses, the mind of the kin g Karna.® 

Karna married a Huna princess named Avalladevi.® Huna kings are kn own from 
references in the records of several kings. They appear to have been ruling somewhere in 
Central India; for, there are occasional references to defeats inflicted on them by Pratihara, 
Paramara, Pala and Kalachuri kings or their feudatories. But the exact location of their 
kingdom has not been fixed. Karna had, from AvaUadevi, a son named Yasahkarna, who 
succeeded him. Two of his daughters Virasri and Yauvanasri are also known. The for- 
mer, who is named in the Belava plates of Bhojavarman,^ married Jatavarman of Eastern 
Bengal. Yauvanasri is mentioned as the wife of Vigrahapala of North-East Bengal in 
the Kdmacharita of Sandhyakaranandin.® 

Yasahkarna succeeded his father in circa 1073 A.C. Only two records of his reign 
are known, w^., the Khairha® and the Jabalpur plates.^® Both contain an identical eulogistic 
portion which was first drafted in Banaras. The only historical event which they mention 
is Yasahkarna’s invasion of the Andhra country. Verse 23 of these grants says that 
‘extirpating with ease the lord of Andhra, the graceful movements of whose arms were 
flawless, he (i.e., Yasahkarna) worshipped, with the offerings of many ornaments, the 
holy Bhimesvara, near whom the Godavari with her dancing eye-brows of waves sings 
his glory with the seven notes of her streams, sweet with the cries of intoxicated swans.’ 
There are several temples of Bhimesvara in the Godavari District, but the foregoing des- 
cription suits especially the temple at Draksharam in the Ramchandrapuram tdlukd, ^hich. 
contains a particularly big ^w^-linga, fourteen or fifteen feet high. The temple is not on 
the bank of the Godavari as suggested in the above verse, but the reference may be to the 
tank at Draksharam which is called Sapta-Gdddvari and which is popularly supposed to 
contain the waters of the seven mouths of the Godavari. The Andhra king defeated by 
Yasahkarna was probably Vijayaditya VII, who ruled from 1061 to 1076 A.C. In this 
campaign, Yasahkarna seems to have been aided by Jajalladeva I of the Ratanpur branch 
of the Kalachuri dynasty ruling over Dakshina Kosala; for, the latter in his Ratanpur 

1 For an interesting story about Karna which Sir G. Grierson heard in Banaras, see Ind. Ant. Vol 

XVI, pp. 46 S. • • 

2 VDCH., Canto XVIII, vv. 93-94. 

2 KVS. (ed. by F. W. Thomas), Introd., pp. 100 ff. A subhashita mentions Vidyapati as the court 
poet of Karna. See Snhhashitavali (ed. by Peterson), v. 186. Merutunga also mentions Vidyapati Karoura 
and Nachiraja as poets at Karna’s court. ^ ^ ^ 

4 See C. IF. jB., Vol. II, pp. 334 E 
^ Karakandachariu (ed. by Prof. H, Jain), p. 107. 

® See Nos. 56 and 57, v. 15. 

7 L J 3 ., Vol. Ill, p. 20. 

® RCff., Canto I, v. 9, 

»No. 56. 

No. 57 and Appendix, No. 2. 



inscription dated K. 866 boasts that the lord of Chedi had sought his friendship by means 
of presents.^ 

Soon after Karna’s death, Yasahkarna seems to have lost Kanauj and the surround- 
ing territory. The Basahi plate says that when king Bhoja became a guest of the eyes of 
the celestial damsels and Karna existed only in renown, and when the earth was sorely 
troubled, the husband whom she chose from love and took with confidence as the protec- 
tor was Chandradeva.2 The aforementioned Ratanpur inscription of Jajalladeva dated 
K. 866 (1114 A.C.) mentions the king of K^yakubja as different from the lord of Chedi. 
This clearly indicates that the latter had lost his control over Kanauj, as it had passed into 
the possession of the Gahadavalas. 

As stated before, the eulogistic portion of the Jabalpur plates is an almost exact copy 
of that of the Khairha plates. The date of the former is now lost as the second plate is 
not forthcoming, but there are grounds to suppose that it was K. 836 (1084 A.C.).^ If 
the description in the plate could be rehed on, Yasahkarna was master of Banaras till that 
date. Soon thereafter, he seems to have lost that city also to the Gahadavalas; for, the 
Chandravati plates, which record the earliest grant of the Gahadavalas found in the Banaras 
District, are dated V. 1148 (1090 A.C.).^ 

In the latter part of his career, Yasahkarna seems to have made a supreme effort to 
regain his lost possessions in the north. He carried his arms as far as Champaranya (modern 
Champaran in Bihar) and devastated the country;® but he did not probably succeed in 
annexing any territorj^; for, after 1090 A.C. we have several grants of the Gahadavalas 
from the Banaras District, which shows that they were securely established there.® This 
conclusion receives an additional support from a copper-plate inscription dated V. 1177 
(1122 A.C.) which records the sanction of the Gahadavala king Govindachandradeva 
to the transfer of two villages in the Antatalapattala {i.e., Antarvedi or Gahga-Yamuna 
Doab) which had been previously granted by Yasahkarna to the Saiva ascetic Rudrasiva.’ 
This clearly shows that the Kalachuris did not succeed in regaining possession of the Doab 
during the reign of Yasahkarna. 

With the loss of the northern provinces, the kingdom of Yasahkarna seems to have 
shrunk to the home province of Dahala, and Tripuri again became his sole capital. 
From the Nagpur prasasti we learn that the city was stormed by the Paramara king 
Lakshmadeva {circa 1086-1094 A.C.),who annihilated his warlike and spirited adversaries, 
and encamped on the bank of the Reva, his elephants allaying the fatigue of the battle 
by bathing in the stream of the river.® 

Yasahkarna seems to have suffered another defeat at the hands of the Chan della 
Sallakshanavarman {circa iioo-iiio A.C.); for, in an inscription of the latter’s descendant 
Viravarman, Sallakshanavarman’s sword is said to have robbed the Chedis of their 

^ No. 77, V, 20. 

2 Ind. Ant., VoL XIV, p. 103. 

2 See below, pp. 301 ff. 

* Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 304 ff. 

® For a possible motive of this raid, see below, p. cxiv. 

* Jayaswal, who thought that the Jabalpur plates of Yasahkarna were dated in K. 874 (1122 A.C.), 
advocated the view that Yasahkarna regained Banaras some time after the 21st July, 1122 (the date of Govinda- 
chandra’s Kamauli plate H, Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. no) and before the 14th August 1124 A.C. (the date of 
Govindachandra’s Banaras grant), but this does not seem to be correct. 

2 J. A. S. B., Vol. XXXI, p. 123. 

® Ep. Ind., Vol. n, p. 186. 



fortune.' Yasahkarna was also unsuccessful in his encounter with the Chalukya 
Vikramaditya VI.^ 

It is difficult to state definitely the limits of Yasahkarna’s reign. The earlier of his 
two grants seems to have been issued in K. 827.® He must have been reigning then for 
about 3 years and, therefore, may have come to the throne in circa K. 824. The only date 
of his son and successor Gayakarna is K. 902. Gayakarna’s reign seems to have closed 
soon thereafter; for, in K. 907 he was dead and his son Narasiriiha was on the throne. So 
the period of about 80 years (K. 824 to K. 904) is covered by only two reigns. It seems 
probable that Yasahkarna had a longer reign than his son, of whose achievements very 
little is known. He may, therefore, be referred to the period K. 824 to K. 874 (1073-1123 

Yasahkarna assumed the same imperial titles as Karna; but he had neither the ambition 
nor the military genius of his father. During his reign the Kalachuri kingdom lost the 
northern provinces of Kanauj, Prayaga and Banaras, and became very much circum- 
scribed. He tried to regain his possessions by forming alliances' and even invaded nor- 
thern and southern countries; but his raids produced no permanent effect and did not extend 
the limits of his dominion. The Paramara invasion of his capital must have dealt a shatter- 
ing blow to his power and prestige. 

Yasahkarna was succeeded by his son Gayakarna. Only two inscriptions of his 
reign are known. The earlier® of these, dated K. 902, which was discovered at Tewar, 
records the erection of a temple dedicated to Siva by the Pasupata ascetic Bhavabrahman. 
The second inscription® is from Bahuribandh in the north of the Jabalpur District. It 
has partially lost its date.'^ It mentions Golhanadeva of the Rashtrakuta family as the 
Mahasdmantddhipati (Chief Feudatory) of Gayakarna. He was evidently a descendant of 
a scion of the Rashtrakuta family which had settled in the Chedi country in the 8th or 9th 
century A.C., when the Kalachuris and the Rashtrakutas were matrimonially connected. 
The proper object of the inscription is to record the erection of a temple of the Jina 
Santinatha by a private individual named jSIahffihSja. 

These inscriptions, both of which come from the Jabalpur District, do not help us 
in determining the extent of Gayakarna’s kingdom. The discover}"® of a hoard of the 
Chan della Madanavarman’s silver coins at Panwar in the Teonthal tahsil of the former 
Rewa state in 1910 seems to indicate that Gayakarna had lost the territory north 
of the Kaimur range. That he had come into a conflict with the Chandellas is clear from 
an inscription found at Mau which says that ‘the Chedi king, being vanquished in a fierce 
fight, runs away in haste at the mention of Madanavarman’s name.’® As Madanavarman 
was ruling from circa 1124 A.C. to 1 164 A.C., the Chedi king defeated by him was probably 

1 E/>. Ind., Vol. I, p. 327. 

^ A. R. A. S. AL (1929), pp. 1 3 5 and 1 3 7. The Alahamandalesvara Achugi II, a feudatory of Vikrama- 
ditya VI, is said to have conquered the Male or Highlands of the Ghats and to have defeated a king 
of Dahala. ^p. hid.,Vo\. XIX, p. 230. As Achugi II vas ruling in 1122-23 A.C. {Bomb. Yol. 

I, part ii, p. 452), the king of Dahala defeated by him must have been Yasahkarna. 

^ See above, p. c. n. 2. 

« Notice the expression aina-sangraha-krila apphed to him in the Ratanpur inscription of Jajalladeva I, 
No. 77, v. 20. 

* No. 58. 

* No. 59. 

’’ For a discussion of its date, see below, p. 310. 

*/. A. S. B. (N. S.) (1914), pp. 199 ff. 

* Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 198. 



Gayakama seems to have suflFered another defeat at the hands of Ratnadeva II of 
Dakshina Kdsala. The latter belonged to an offshoot of the Kalachuri house of Dahala. 
The early princes of this branch owed allegiance to the Kalachuri Emperors ruling at Tripuri 
and fought their battles. We have already seen that in his war against the king of Utkala 
(Orissa), Gahgeyadeva received valuable help from Kamalaraja of Tumm^a.i Prithvi- 
deva I, the earliest prince of this branch whose inscriptions have been found in Chhattis- 
garh, does not claim in his Amoda plates a higher title than Mahdmandalesvara?‘ He was 
plainly a feudatory of the contemporary ruler of D^ala. But his descendants began 
gradually to assert their independence. Jajalladeva I, the son of Prithvideva I, boasts 
in his inscription that the contemporary lord of Chedi, who was Yasahkarna, sought 
his friendship, and that the rulers of Kanyakubja and Jejabhukti honoured him with pre- 
sents of wealth.® The crushing defeat that Ratnadeva II, the son and successor of Jaj^la- 
deva I, inflicted on the mighty Gahga king Anantavarman Chodagahga^ increased his 
power and prestige. He seems to have openly renounced subordination to Gayakarna. 
The latter sent a large force against him; but it suffered an ignominious defeat. In a Ratan- 
pur inscription dated V. 1207 (1149-50 A.C.), Ratnadeva II is described as the fierce sub- 
marine fire to the matchless ocean of the arrayed and hard-to be-subdued hosts of the Chedi 
king.® The latter must have been no other than Gayakarna. 

Gay^arna married Alhanadevi, the daughter of Vijayasirhha, the Guhila prince 
of Pragvata or Mevad and Sy^aladevi, who was herself the daughter of Udayaditya, 
the lord of the M^ava mandala.^ This alhance, which in a way united the royal families of 
the Kalachuris and the Paramaras, healed the sores of many generations. Alhanadevi had 
two sons, Narasirhha who succeeded his father, and Jayasirhha who ‘hke Lakshmana did 
marvellous service to his elder brother.’ Gay^arna’s spiritual preceptor was Saktisiva.’ 

As stated before, Gayakarna’s reign seems to have come to a close soon after K. 
902 (1151 A.C.); for, when the Bhera-Ghat inscription was incised in K. 907, he was 
already dead and his son Narasirhha was on the throne. 

Only three inscriptions of the reign of Narasirhha have been discovered so far. 
The aforementioned Bhera-Ghat inscription, dated K. 907 (1155 A. C.), records the 
construction, by Alhanadevi, of a temple of Siva under the name Vaidyanatha 
together with a monastery, a hall of study and a row of gardens attached to it. She 
endowed the temple with the gift of two villages and placed it in charge of the Pasupata 
ascetic Rudrarasi. The other two inscriptions were discovered north of the Kaimur 
range — one®, dated K. 909 (1158 A.C.), at Lai Pahad near Bharhut, and the other®, dated 
V.1216 (1159 A.C.), near the foot of Alha-Ghat, ‘which is one of the natural passes of the 
Vindhya hills by which the Tons river finds its way from the table land of Rewa to the 
plain of the Gahga.’ The former of these records the construction of a vaha or water- 
channel by one Ballaladeva, who was the son of an officer of Narasiihha, while the second 
registers the erection of a temple of Ambika and the construction of a ghat by the Kanaka 
Chhihula. The discovery of these lithic records north of the Kaimur range indicates 
that Narasimha succeeded in recovering from the Chandellas a portion of his ancestral 

^ Above, p. xc. 

2 No. 76, 1 . 25. 

® No. 77, 11 . 19-20. 

^ No, 93, 1 . 6; No. 97, L 4; No. 98, 1 . 6. 

sNo. 93, 1. 3. 

« No. 60, U. 5 ff. 

’ No. 64, 1 . 10. 

® No. 61. 

• No. 62. 



dominion which had been lost by his fathet . He continued to use the same high-sounding 
titles as his ancestors Karna and Yasahkarna had done, though his kingdom had become 
very much circumscribed. 

Like his ancestors, Narasiriiha was a devotee of Siva. His spiritual preceptor was 
Kirtisiva, the disciple of Saktisiva, who is said to have contributed to his prosperity .1 A 
stone inscription from Jabalpur states that his fame had spread in all directions. He is 
identical with Kirtisambhu, the disciple of Saktisambhu mentioned as the head of Golaki 
Matha in an inscription discovered at Malkapuram in the Guntur District.^ 

Narasirhha was probably an old man when he came to the throne; for, his father 
Gayakarna and grandfather Yasahkarna had unusually long reigns. He seems to have 
died without a son, as he was succeeded by his brother Jayasirhha. As the earliest known 
date of the latter is K. 918, Narasiriiha seems to have ruled from K. 905 to K. 915 (1153- 
1163 A.C.). 

Jayasirhha seems to have been a brave and ambitious prince. The Jabalpur plates 
of his reign have the following verse about him which is also found repeated in the Kumbhi 
grant of his son Vijayasiriiha:— “On hearing of the coronation ofthe illustrious Jayasirhha- 
deva, the Gurjara king disappeared, the Turushka lost the strength of (his) arms, the lord 
of Kuntala suddenly renounced all love-sports, and other kings also leaving the earth 
through apprehension crossed the ocean. We have no means to ascertain whether 
Jayasiriiha actually raided the countries of these kings. But that he led at least one 
expedition is known from an inscription at Sheorinarayan. 

This invasion was directed against Jajalladeva II, the contemporary ruler of Ratanpur. 
The Sheorinarayan inscription tells us that Ulhanadeva, who was descended from a collat- 
eral branch of the Ratanpur Kalachuris, routed with his arrows the army of the Chedi- 
king. Seeing that his forces were being exterminated, the Chedi king Jayasiriiha, whose 
name is partially preserved in the inscription, advanced in person, being highly enraged 
like a serpent trodden under foot.^ From the subsequent description it appears that 
Ulhanadeva lost his life in the fight. It is not stated how the battle ended. Probably 
Jayasiriiha was defeated and had to sue for peace; for, there is no mention of this battle in 
the subsequent records of the Kalachuris of Tripuri. The battle must have been fought 
soon after Jayasiriiha’s accession which we have conjecturally placed in K. 915; for, the 
aforementioned Sheorinarayan inscription, which describes it, is dated K. 919. 

Five inscriptions of the reign of Jayasimha have been found. The earliest of them 
is his Jabalpur grant.^ It is dated K. 918 and records the gift of the village Agara which 
Jayasiriiha made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse which occurred on the full-moon day of 
Asvina (the 30th September 1167 A.C.). Another Jabalpur inscrip tion^ of his reign is 

dated K. 926 (1174-75 A.C.). The proper object of it is to record that Vimalasiva, the 

spiritual preceptor of Jayasirhha, erected a temple of Siva under the name of Kirtisvara, 
and that Jayasiriiha endowed it with certain villages on the occasion of a solar eclipse. 

Like his elder brother, Jayasiriiha continued to hold to the last the valley ofthe Tamasa 
or Tons; for, the Rewa plate of the Mahdrdnaka Kirtivarman, the ruler of Karkaredi 
which is dated K. 926, mentions him as suzerain with full titles of paramountcy.^ 

^ No. 64, 11 . 1 1 -1 2. 

2 7. A, H. R. S., Vol. IV, pp. 1 52 ff. 

2 No. 63, 11 . 18-19; Appendix, No. 4, v. 23. 

^ No. 98, 11 . 16 ff. The name of the king is partially preserved in line 16 

s No. 63. 

« No. 64. 

7 No, 65, 11 . 2-4. 



The latest date of Jayasirhha’s reign is K. 928, which is furnished by a stone inscrip- 
tion at Tewar recording the erection of a temple of Siva by a private individual named 
Kesava.^ The next known date is K. 944, which belongs to the reign of his son and suc- 
cessor Vijayasirhha.2 Jayasiihha, therefore, seems to have reigned from K. 915 to K. 940 
(1163-1188 A.C.). Towards the close of his reign Jayasiriiha seems to have been forced 
to pay homage to the Chandella king Paramardin. In a fragmentary Mah5ba inscription 
dated V. 1240 (1184 A.C.), it is stated that the lord of Tripuri fainted whenever he heard 
the songs of the valour of Paramardin’ s arms.® Paramardin flourished from circa 1165 A.C. 
to 1203 A.C. The Kalachuri king who submitted to him was probably Jayasiriiha. 

Like his predecessors, Jayasirhha assumed the imperial titles VaramahhaUdraka, 
Mahdrdjddhirdja and Paramsvara as well as ‘Lord of Trikaliriga’ and ‘Overlord of the three 
Rdjds, the lord of horses eic’ These titles had then become quite conventional and 
meaningless. He was a devotee of Siva^ and as stated before, made some gifts of villages 
to that deity. His spiritual preceptor was Vimalasiva.^ 

Jayasirhha had two queens — Kelhanadevi mentioned in his Jabalpur plates,® and 
Gosaladevi known from the Kumbhi plates® and the Bhera-Ghat inscription.'^ The 
village Gosalapur, about 19 miles north by east of Jabalpur, was evidently founded in the 
name of the latter queen. 

As stated before, Jayasirhha was succeeded by his son Vijayasirhha. It seems that 
in the beginning of his reign the ruler of Karkaredi attempted to throw off his yoke. As 
we have already seen, Kirtivarman, who was ruling over Karkaredi in K. 926, was a vassal 
of Jayasirhha. His brother Salaksharia, who succeeded him, revolted against his overlord, 
but he was promptly subdued by Malayasirhha, another feudatory of Vijayasirhha, in the 
battle of Karkaredi. This event is mentioned in the Rewa stone inscription® of Vijaya- 
sirhha, dated K. 944 (1193 A.C.). In the Rewa plate, issued two years later in V. 1253 
(1195 A.C.), Salakshanavarman acknowledges the suzerainty of Vijayasirhha and names 
him with the usual Kalachuri titles of paramountcy. 

The aforementioned Rewa stone inscription states that Malayasirhha routed 
another chief named Vikrama; but the latter cannot be identified as no further details 
are given. 

The last record of Vijayasirhha’ s reign is the Rewa stone inscription, the date of which 
is partially effaced.® From the first two figures which are not altogether illegible, it seems 
that the record was incised in K. 96 (x). As the Dhureti plates^® show that the Chandella 
Trailokyamalla or Trailokyavarman was in occupation of the territory round Rewa in 
K. 963 (1212 A.C.), Vijayasirhha seems to have lost the northern portion of Baghelkhand 
in K. 961 or K. 962. 

Vijayasirhha seems also to have submitted to the Yadava king Simhana. In the 

1 No. 66. 

2 No. 67. 

® ' '' iftrTffr ^ ^ biMfi ’T fe 1 ^ ’ft# 11 in 1. 7 of the MahSba stone 

inscription {BK. p. 438). Therels a play on the word murchchhand used in the verse. It means (i) a swoon 
and (2) a melody. So the other meaning is that the king of Tripuri sings a melody in praise of Paramardin. 

« No. 64, 11 . 14 ff- 
® No. 63, 1 . 22. 

* Appendix, No. 4. 

7 No. 69, 1 . I. 

® No, 67, 1 . 12. 

^ No. 70. 

No. 72. 



Pulunja stone inscription^, which seems to be dated in 1200 A.C., Simhana is called Ddhala- 
hrit-ktituhala ‘a very curiosity of the heart of (the people of) the Dahala country . The 
expression is perhaps intended to signify that when Sirhhana invaded Dahala, the people 
of the country flocked together out of curiosity to see him. 

It is not known when Vijayasiihha’s reign came to an end. The Kumbhi plates^ 
and the Bhera-Ghat inscription^ mention Ajayasirhha as Maharajahw/dra, or crown prince. 
He was plainly Vijayasiihha’s son, but whether he actually ascended the throne is not 
known. Vimalasiva seems to have continued as 'Rdjagiirii during the reign of Vijayasirhha.^ 

We have already seen that towards the close of his reign, Vijayasiriiha lost the northern 
portion of Baghelkhand. The western portion, consisting of the Saugor and Damoh 
districts, was also soon occupied by the Chandellas.® A stone inscription® dated V. 
1344 (1287 A.C.), found at Hindoria, ii miles from Damoh, states that the local chief 
Vaghadeva owed allegiance to Bhojavarmadeva of Kalanjara. Another stone inscription, 
found at BamhanT in the same district and dated V. 1364(1308 A.C.), mentions the same 
chief as a feudatory of Hammiravarman of Kalanjara, who had in the meantime succeeded 
Bh5javarman. No inscriptions of the Chandellas have, however, been discovered in the 
Jabalpur District in which Tripuri, the Kalachuri capital, was situated.® If the Kalachuris 
retained their hold on this district, they must have owned the suzerainty of the Chandellas. 

The recently discovered Purush 5 ttampuri plates® of the reign of the Yadava king 
Ramachandra, dated Saka 1232 (1310 A.C.), state that Ramachandra had defeated in a 
moment the king of the great and extensive Dahala country. The inscription does not 
name the king, nor does it state to which royal family he belonged. Perhaps the Chandella 
king Hammiravarman who had a large part of Dahala under his sway was the king defeated 
by Kamachandra. 

In the meanwhile, Muslim power was slowly penetrating Baghelkhand. Nasirud-din 
Mahmud (1246-66 A.C.) appointed Malik Julachi Governor of the Chedi country. 
The latter’s son Hisam-ud-din, placed Jallala Khoja in charge of the country now comprised 
in the Damoh District. An inscription of the latter, dated V. 1385 (1328 A.C.), has been 
discovered at Batihagarh, 21 miles north-west of Damoh.i® The discovery of this inscrip- 
tion in the vicinity of Damoh indicates how precarious was the hold of the Chandella rulers 
on Dahala. After 1310 A.C. we have no records of the Chandellas or the Kalachuris from 
the Chedi or Dahala country. 

1 y. M. H. D., Vol. II, p. 62. 

2 Appendix, No, 4. 

^ No. 69, 1 . 5. 

« No. 70. 1 . 12. The Kumbhi plates (Appendix, No. 4), however, mention Vidyadeva as the Raja- 
guru of Vijayasirhha, 

5 A stone inscription found at Rahatgarh (Saugor District, Madhya Pradesh), dated V. 1312 (1256 
A.C.) mentions Mahardjddijlraja Jayavarman II of Dhara. Ind. AnL, Vol. XX, p. 84. This shows that the 
Paramaras had penetrated earlier into the Saugor District. 

® 7 . C. P. B. (second ed.), p. 56. 

Ep, Ind,y Vol. XVT, p. 10, n. 4. 

8 The Malkapuram stone pillar inscription dated 8. 1185 (1261 A.C.) states that the Saiva Acharya 
Visvesvarasambhu was the diksha-guru oi the Kalachuri kings. He was second in spiritual descent from 
Vimalasiva, the Rajaguru of Vijayasiriiha. If the statement of the Malkapuram inscription is correct the 
Kalachuris may have been holding Tripuri and the surrounding territory till 1240 A.C. at least A fra 
mentary inscription incised in characters of about the 12th century A. C. found at Tewar ' mentions 
Bhimapala. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 85. But this name is not noticed in any genealogies of the period 

8 £/). Ind., Vol. XXV, p. 21 1. F • 

I. C. P. B., p. 58. 



A btanch of the Kalachuri family which established itself in the Sarayupara country 
is known from two records. One of them is a stone inscription found in the Buddhist 
ruins at Kasia (ancient Kusinagara) where Gautama Buddha entered the Mahaparinirvana, 
while the other is a copper-plate grant discovered at Kahla, a few miles to the north of the 
Ghogra (ancient Sarayu) in the Dhuriapar pargand of the Gorakhpur District. The copper- 
plate grant contains three dates, 1051, 1077 and 1079 A.C., the details of which work 
out quite regularly. The stone inscription is, unfortunately, very sadly mutilated in the 
lower portion. If it contained any date, it is now lost for ever; but on the evidence of paleo- 
graphy, it can be referred to the loth century A.C. The two places Kasia and Kahla where 
these records were discovered are only about 40 miles distant from each other. Vrima 
facie, therefore, the two Kalachuri ruling families mentioned in them should be related 
to each other, if not identical; but no points of contact have yet been noticed.^ To 
facilitate comparison, the genealogies mentioned in the two records are given below — 

Kasia Stone Inscription 



Kahla Plates 






Lakshmana I 
(obtained the country 
of Saivaya) 


(conquered Svetapada) 

(In his family) 



Sivaraja I 




Bhimata I 



Lakshmana II alias Rajaputra 







Sivaraja II 

Sivaraja I 



(Name lost) 

Sankaragana I 

(m. Bhuda) 





Gun^bhodhi (or Gunasagara I) 

Lakshmana III 

(m. K^chanadevi) | (m. Madanadevi) 

(m. Kanchana^) 

J ^ d ^ 


(son) (son) 


UUabha Bhamana I 

Bhimata 11 

(m. Dehattadevi) 

1 D. R. Sahni remarked in his edition of the Kasia inscription in the Bp., Ind., “This is the only 
record so far known of the branch of the Kalachuri family to which it belongs.'’ Following him, H. C. 
Ray calls this branch ‘Kasia Kalachuris’ to distinguish it from the other branch which he names ‘Kahla 
Kalachuris’. See D. H. iV. L, Vol. 11 , 742. 

® Verse 26 of the Kasia inscription which mentions this lady is almost completely obliterated. So 


Bhamana I 
(m. Dehattadevi) 


Sankaragana II alias Mugdhatunga 
(m. Vidya) 



Gunasagara II 
(m. Rajava) 


Sivaraja II alias Bh^ana II 
(m. Sugalladevi) 


Sankaragana III 
(m. Yasolekha) 



Bhima alisa Gunasagara III 
(m. Lavanyavati) 


Vyasa alias Maryadasagara 
(accession in 1031 A.C.) 



(1077 and 1079 A.C.) 

A careful examination of the two genealogical lists reveals some connecting links. 
The Kahla plates state that the ornament of the Kalachuris who had conquered K^anjara 
and Ayomukha^ gave the kingdom to his younger brother Lakshmanaraja, who, in his turn, 
conquered the country of Svetapada. The Kasia stone inscription makes similar state- 
ments about the third king, Lakshmanaraja I, of its list. Verse 17 of the inscription which 
is sadly mutilated refers to two uterine brothers, of whom one, probably Lakshmanaraja I 
mentioned in the preceding verse, out of love made over a fortress (Kalanjara ?), evidently 
to his brother, and afterwards conquered the mountainous country of Saivaya, the home 
land of the famous legendary king Sibi, The similarity in the two descriptions is certainly 
striking. It suggests that the two Lakshmanarajas were identical. This Lakshmana- 
raja’s brother, who is unfortunately not named in either record, was probably Vamaraja 
as suggested before. 

The genealogical lists show agreement in some other places also. Thus Rajaputra 
and his son Sivaraja I, mentioned in the Kahla plates, are plainly identical with Lakshmana- 
raja II and his son Sivaraja II, described in the Kasia inscription; for, the latter inscription 
says that Lakshmanaraja II was, on account of his merits, known by the other name of 
Kdjaputra.^ This Sivaraja’s son is called Sankaragana in the Kahla plates; but his name 

her relationship to Lakshmana III mentioned in the preceding verse is uncertain. But a comparison with 
the corresponding portion of the Kahla grant leaves no room for doubt that she was his wife. 

1 Prof. Kielhom’s statement that the Kalachuri king subdued the Krathas is based on a mislection 
for which see below, p. 383, n. 2. 

2 H. C. Ray’s conjecture that ^Rajaputra Lakshmana probably did not reign’ does not appear to be 
correct; for, according to the Kahla plates, the title was given to Lakshmana on account of his merits. 



is lost in Kasia inscription. The latter does not, therefore, give any clue to identification. 
Sivaraja’s grandson is named Lakshmana in the Kasia inscription and GunambhSdhi (or 
Gunasagara I) in the Kahla plates. The latter is apparently a biruda. This conjecture 
receives support from the fact that the wives of both were named K^chana. Bhimata II, 
the son of Lakshmana III, mentioned in the Kasia inscription, may not, therefore, be 
different from UUabha, the son of Gunambhodhi, named in the Kahla plates. The 
names of Bhimata’s successors are lost owing to the mutilation of the Kasia inscription; 
but the agreements noticed above leave no room for doubt that the two royal families were 
identical. From the information derived from the two records, we can, therefore, form 
the following combined genealogy — 

Sankaragana I 






Lakshmana I 

(conquered Svetapada or Saivaya) 



Sivaraja I 



Bhimata I 

I ■ 


Lakshmana II alias Rajaputra 



Sivaraja II 



Sankaragana II (m. Bhuda) 

(m. Kanchanadevi) 


Lakshmana III alias Gunasagara I^ 

(m. Madanadevi) 


UUabha alias Bhimata II 


Bhamana I 
(m. Dehattadevi) 



Sankaragana III alias Mugdhatunga 
(m. Vidya) 



Gunasagara II 
(m. Rajava) 

1 The Kahla plates give the biruda as Gunambhodhi which is a synonym of Gunasagara (an ocean of 
excellences). As Gunasagara is repeated in the later stages of the genealogy, I have called this king Guna- 
sagara I. 



Gunasagara II 



Sivaraja III alias Bhamana II 
(m. Sugalladevi) 



Sadkatagana IV 
(m. Yasolekha) 



Bhima (or Bhimata III) alias Gunasagara III 
(m. Lavanyavati) 



Vyasa alias Maryadasagara 
(accession in 103 1 A. C.) 




(1077 and 1079 A. C.) 

Lakshmana I, the founder of this Sarayupara branch of the Kalachuri dynasty, was 
the thirteenth ancestor of Vyasa. As the latter came to the throne in 1031 A.C., we may 
place the accession of Lakshmanaraja I in circa 700 A.C., taking 25 years as the average 
duration of each generation. Similarly, Lakshmanaraja III alias Gunasagara I, the seventh 
ancestor of Vyasa, may have begun to reign in circa 850 A.C. This date is supported by 
the description in the Kahla plates that he defeated a Gauda king and obtained some terri- 
tory from Bhojadeva. This Bhoja is no other than the Pratihara king Bhoja I, whose known 
dates range from 836 to 882 A.C. We know that he was engaged in a prolonged war with 
the contemporary Pala king Devapala {circa 810-850 A.C.). The dates conjecturally assign- 
ed to the members of this branch may, therefore, be taken to be substantially correct.^ 
We have reviewed before the political conditions in North India which led to the 
establishment of this branch so far to the north.2 After consolidating his position in the 
hill-fort of Kalanjara, Vamaraja overran Ayomukha, (modern Partapgarh and Rai Barelli 
Districts of U.P.) which he afterwards made over to his younger brother Lakshmanaraja I. 
Using Ayomukha as his base, Lakshmanaraja invaded the country to the north of the 
Sarayu, the home land of the legendary king Sibi, famous for his liberality .3 There he 
ultimately established himself. The dynasty he founded reigned over the Sarayupara 
country for at least fifteen generations. ^ 

1 According to the dates proposed above, Lakshmana II alias Rajaputra was reigning in the oeriod 

circa 775-800 A.C. Kielhom also was of the opinion that Rajaputra cannot be placed later than the berinnin. 
of the 9th century A. C. E/>. Vol. VH, p. 88. a me beginning 

2 See above, pp. bdii ff. 

* The n^e of the country conquer^ by Lakshmanaraja is given as Svetapada by the Kahla plates 
andasSaivayahythe Kasia inscription. The latter record again states that it was the home land of <ihT 
the son of Usinara. From Mahdhhdrata (Vanaparvan, adhyaya ixo v 20^ S'h* ^ 

W »li„g in 4e Paninb. Thn Enddhis. m.nuon Mt.hapn.a aid je,„..a,a Is 

Sibl country. Elsewhere, the capital of Sibi is said to be 8ivipura. As Dr. Vom! bo. cl, V 

Shorkot in the Panjab marks the site of ancient Sivipura. Ep. Ind. Vol. XVI n r C modern 

derived from Svitapada through the intermediate stages of Scdvad^xxA ’sevaya. The context show"" 
province of Svetapada was included in Sarayupara, and there may have been a tradition wrong of courts 
associating it with the anaent king Sibi, ‘the paragon of charity and self-sacrifice.’ ^ course. 



'l^e KaUa plates begin the royal genealogy with this Lakshmanaraja I; but the 
Kasia inscription carries it two generations backward and names Sahkaragana and 
Nannaraja as the grandfather and father respectively of Lakshmanaraja I. We have already 
stated the reasons for our view that these two kings were ruling not in Sarayupara, but 
in their home province of Anupa. 

We have no knowledge of the political events in the reign of Sivaraja I and Bhimata I, 
who succeeded Lakshmanaraja I, one after the other. The description of them, given by 
the Kasia inscription, is quite conventional.^ Bhimata I was succeeded by Lakshmana II, 
who, on account of his merits, was known by the second name of 'Rdjaputra. About 
this prince the Kahla plates say that he took captive Vahali, the Lord of horses, gave no 
respite to the king of the East and by his achievements lowered the fame of ancient princes 
Uke Arjuna.2 Vahali is not otherwise known. He was probably a feudatory of the Prati- 
haras of Kanauj, who were noted for their fine cavalry. The king of the East against 
whom Lakshmana fought must have been a king of the P^a dynasty, perhaps Dharmapala, 
who was his contemporary. 

About Sivaraja 11, who succeeded Lakshmana II, we have nothing but conventional 
praise in both the records. His son Sahkaragana II is mentioned in the Kahla plates. His 
name is lost in the Kasia inscription, which, however, supplies the information that his 
wife was Bhuda. This Sahkaragana is probably identical with the homonymous prince 
who received protection from Kokalla I of Tripuri.^ Perhaps his country was threatened 
at the time by his eastern neighbour, the P^a king Devap^a. Sahkaragana wisely allied 
himself with the powerful kings of the time, Bhoja I of Kanauj and Kokalla I of Tripuri, 
to stem the tide of the P^a invasion. He sent his son Lakshmana III alias Gunambhodhi 
(or Gunasagara I) to fight in the Pratihara Emperor’s campaigns against Devapala. If 
the description in the Kahla plates can be rehedupon, Lakshmana took away the fortune of 
the Gauda king and received as reward some territory from Bhojadeva who can be none 
other than Bh5ja I of Kanauj. 

From his wives Kanchana and Madanadevi, Lakshmana III had the sons, Ullabha 
and Bhamana I respectively. The former, who was apparently elder, abdicated the throne 
in favour of Bhamana I. Bham^a came into conflict with the contemporary king of 
Dhara and inflicted a crushing defeat on his forces. The Paramara adversary is not 
named, but he may have been Munja {circa 974-995 A. C.). Perhaps the Kalachuri king 
Yuvarajadeva II had asked for his help when his territory was invaded by the Paramara kin g ^ 
and it was now the turn of the Sarayupara family to go to the rescue of the main house. 

From his queen Dehattadevi, Bhamana had a son named Sahkaragana III, who suc- 
ceeded him. He had the biruda Mugdhatuhga. From his wife Vidya, Sankaragana had a 
son named Gunasagara II. The latter’s son from his queen Rajava was Sivaraja III, also 
called Bhamana II. His son from Sugalladevi was Sahkaragana IV. The latter’s son from 
Yasolekha was Bhima (or Bhimata III). We have nothing but conventional praise in the 
case of all these kings. 

^ Klrti which occurs in v. 16 was taken by Sahni as a proper name. Ep. Ind., Vol. XV 111 , p. 137, 
n. 4. Ray has suggested that he might be the Chandella KIrtivarman (£). H. N. I., Vol. II, p. 730); but the 
identification is impossible as KIrtivarman flourished long after. Kirfi in that verse is not a proper name. It 
has the ordinary sense of ‘fame’ or ‘glory’. 

® Kiritin in v. 7 of the Kahla plates is taken by some to be the name of a historical personage; but the 
intended sense seems to be that by his valour Rajaputra eclipsed the fame of the illustrious kings of yore like 

® See above, p. Ixxv ff. 

* Above, p. Ixxxvii. 




It seems that there was some trouble during the reign of Bhima which caused him 
the loss of his throne. The nature of the trouble is, however, not known.^ Perhaps, 
there was an invasion of the country by some enemy. When the enemy retired or was 
ousted from the country, Vyasa, the son of Guiiasagara, got himself crowned at the 
capital of G 5 kulaghatta on the 31st May 1031 A.C. 

Kielhorn identified Gunasagara, the father of Vyasa, with Gunasagara II, who was 
the great-grandfather of Vyasa’s predecessor Bhima.^ Vyasa would thus have come to 
the throne after his grand-nephew. This seems improbable. Besides, Vyasa apparently 
began to reign when young; for, his successor Sodhadeva was ruling at least till 1079 A.C., 
which date is 48 years later than that of Vyasa’s accession. It seems better, therefore, 
to suppose that Gunasagara was a biruda of Bhima, the predecessor of Vyasa.® This 
conjecture receives support from the description in the plates that Vyasa was established 
on his father’s throne. 

Vyasa alias Maryadasagara was succeeded by Sodhadeva who issued the Kahla plates 
on the occasion of the Uttarayana-Sahkranti in 1077 A.C. In these plates both he and his 
father are mentioned with full imperial titles, vi^., Varamabhattdraka, Mahdrdjddhirdja and 
'Paramesvara. The period of their rule falls in the heyday of Kalachuri imperialism when 
the mighty emperors Gahgeyadeva and Karna had extended their dominion to the Banaras 
District, south of the Sarayu. The assumption of imperial titles by these rulers of 
Sarayupara plainly indicates that they did not owe allegiance even to Gahgeya and Karna. 
The use of the Vikrama instead of the Kalachuri Sarhvat in dating the Kahla grant points 
to the same direction. The relations of the two Kalachuri families may, however, have 
continued to be friendly and they may have gone to each other’s rescue in times of 

Sodhadeva is the last known prince of this Sarayupara branch. Soon after the issue 
of his Kahla plates, he seems to have lost the support of the Tripuri Kalachuris; for, Yasah- 
karna was then ousted from the Banaras District by the Gahadavala king Chandradeva. 
The Chandra vati plates dated V. 1 148 (1090 A.C.), which are the earliest record of the Gffia- 
davalas discovered in the Banaras District, plainly indicate that Yakhkarna had lost Banaras 
to Chandradeva before that date.^ The Gahadavalas may have next pressed further to 
the north and supplanted the Kalachuris in the Sarayupara country. Perhaps the Rashtra- 
kutas ruling on the other side of the Gandaki played® their part in the extermination of 
their neighbours. Yasahkarna’s raid against Champaranya, which was plainly directed 
against these Rashtrakutas and in the course of which he devastated their country, may 
have been prompted by a feeling of vengeance. Yasahkarna did not, however succeed 
in restoring the Sarayupara country to his kinsmen. This Kalachuri family thus dis- 
appeared from history in the last decade of the eleventh century A.C. 

1 The Kahla plates ascribe the loss of the throne to the misfortune of Bhima. If there was an invasion 
of the country, it may have been by Maharajadhiraja Gahgeyadeva, a Rashtrakuta king ruling over the neigh- 
bouring country of Tirabhukti on the other side of the Gandaki. A MS. of the Kishkindha-kanda of the 
RSmayam deposited in the Nepal Durbar Library mentions the date, V. 1076 (1019 A.C.) of this kin ’s 
reign. For the identification of this Gahgeyadeva, sec A. B. O. R. 1 . (Silver Jubilee Number) pp 2 iff 
and above, p. kxxix, n. 5. 

2 Ep. Ind., Vol. Vn, p. 86. 

* Another similar case is that of Maryadasagara which from 1.35 of the Kahla plates appears to be 
biruda of Vyasa, though this is not stated explicitly in the plates. 

* Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 50Z ff. 

® I have shown elsewhere that a Rashtrakuta family was ruling over Tirabhukti (modern Tirhutl 
in the tenth and eleventh centuries A.C. A. B. O. R. I. (Silver Jubilee Number), p. joj, ' 




In ancient times Dakshina Kosala (South Kosala) comprised modern Chattisgarh 
and the adjoining territory in the State of Orissa up to the boundary of the Katak District.^ 
In the Puranas this country is mentioned with Traipura (the tract roimd Tripuri near 
Jabalpur), Kalihga (part of the State of Orissa) and Mekala (the region near the source of the 
Narmada).^ These countries are further said to be situated on the back, t.e.^ the table- 
land of the Vindhya mountain. To distinguish this Kosala from another territory of the 
same name, the capital of which was Ayddhya in the State of Uttar Pradesh, it was called 
Dakshina Kosala or South Kosala. The feminine form of the name, KSsala, is 

occasionally met with in literature and inscriptions.^ The ancient capital of this country 
was Kusavati, founded by Kusa, the elder son of R^a, the hero of the 'RJmdyana. This 
city, the Pur^as tell us, was situated on a peak of the Vindhya mountain, but its exact loca- 
tion has not yet been determined. 

Our knowledge of the history of Chattisgarh before the advent of the Kalachuris 
is very meagre. In the beginning of the sixth century A.C., the country was ruled by 
Bhimasena II whose copper-plate grant dated in the Gupta year 182 (501-2 A.C.) has been 
discovered at Arang.^ He or his successor was ousted by a king of the Sarabhapura 
dynasty. Maha-Pravararaja, the last known king of this family, was overthrown by 
Indrabala of the Somavamsa. The Somavarh^is ruled in Chhattisgarh for some genera- 
tions. Mahasivagupta alias Balarjuna, the last known king of this dynasty, flourished 
in the beginning of the seventh century A.C. He had a long reign of more than 57 years 
and was on the throne when the Chinese traveller Yuan Chwang visited Dakshina Kosala.^ 

About this time, Pulakesin II of the Early Ch^ukya dynasty invaded Kosala after 
conquering the three Maharashteas. The Aihole inscription of his reign, dated 654 A.C., 
states that the people of Kosala, like those of Kalihga, were overawed by the invading 
forces.® The ruling king Evidently submitted to the mighty emperor, who allowed him 
to govern his kingdom as his vassal. 

Some time after Pulakesin II’s invasion, the Somavarhsis were ousted from the Raipur 
District by their southern neighbours, the Nala kings, who held the Bastar District of Madhya 
Pradesh and the adjoining parts of the Vishakhapatam District of the Madras State. A stone 
inscription of this dynasty, stiU existing at Rajim in the Raipur District, mentions three 
kings, w^., Prithviraja, Viruparaja and Vilasatuhga. The last of these erected the temple 
of Rajivalochana at Rajim for the rehgious merit of his son who had died. The inscrip- 
tion can be referred to about 700 A.C. on the evidence of palaeography.’ 

We do not know how long the rule of the Somavarhsis and the Nalas lasted in Chhattis- 
garh. An inscription on the architrave of the door of the sanctum in an exquisitely carved 
temple of Siva at Pali, about 12 miles north of Ratanpur in the Bilaspur District, records 
the construction of the temple by Vikramaditya, son of Malladeva. This inscription, 
which was deciphered by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar fifty years ago, has not received from 

^ The SomavamS kings whose copper-plates record grants of land in the former Patna State and 
Sambalpur District call themselves ‘lords of Kosala’. 

® Vdyupurana, adhyaya 45, v. 133. 

® MBH; (Cr. Ed.), Aranyakapatvan, adhyaya 83, v. 10; Ep. InJ., Vol. DC, p. 271. 

* Ep. ItuL, Vol. IX, pp. 342 and plate. I have shown that the correct reading of the date is G. 182, 
corresponding to 501-2 A.C. Ibid., VoL XXVI, p. 228. 

6 Ibid., Vol. XXm, pp. 118 ff.; VoL XXVn, p. 325. 

• Ibid., VoL VI, p. 6. 

! Ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 49 ff. 



scholars the attention it deserves.^ As the names Malladeva and Vikramaditya occur in 
the dynastic list of B^a kings, Dr. Bhandarkar made at the time the ingenious suggestion 
that this Vikramaditya might be one of the Bana kings. ^ He could not, however, definitely 
identify him ; for, no such Vikramaditya, son of Malladeva, was then known. From 
the Gudimallam plates® discovered later. Dr. Hultzsch has shown that there were three 
Vikramadityas in the Bana dynasty, of whom the first, also called Jayameru, was the son 
of Malladeva. He is identical with the Bma Vidyadhara mentioned in the Udayendiram 
plates. As the known dates of his son Vijayaditya Prabhumeru range from Saka 820 
(898-99 A.C.)^ to Saka 831 (909-10 A.C.),® Vikramaditya I may be referred to the period 
870-895 A.C.® 

The Bana kings are known from records found in the North Arcot District. The 
province over which they ruled is called Perumb^-appadi in later Tamil inscriptions.'^ As 
R. B. Venkayya has shown, this province extended from Punganur in the west to Kalahasti 
in the east.® It is, however, surmised that the Banas were originally settled further north 
in the Telugu country. From there they seem to have penetrated further to the north and 
carved out a kingdom for themselves in the Bilaspur District of Chhattisgarh, from where 
they ousted the Sdmavarhsis, who were obliged to move to the east and settle at Vinitapura 
(modern Binka in the Sonpur State). This invasion of the country to the north of the 
Godavari appears to have occurred in connection with the northern campaign of Udaya- 
chandra, a general of the Pallava king Nandivarman II — Pallavamalla {circa 710-775 A.C.)®. 
The Udayendiram plates^® state that Udayachandra pursued a Nishada chief called 
Purushavyaghra, who, desiring to become very powerful, was running after the horse of 
the Asvamedha, defeated him and ordered him out of the district of Vishnuraja, which he 
subjected to the PaUava king. This Purushavyaghra may have been ruling over the country 
now comprised in the Bastar District.^i Vishnuraja, whose country he had invaded, has 
been identified with Vishnuvardhana III (709-746 A.C.). The Bana chiefs, who were 
feudatories of the Pallavas, seem to have pressed still further to the north and established 
themselves in the Bilaspur District with Pali as their capital. We have no record of the early 
Bana kings who founded this kingdom. Nandivarman is the earliest king known from 
the Udayendiram plates.^® As shown above, his great-grandson Vikramaditya I was 
ruling from chca 870 A.C. to 895 A.C. Nandivarman may, therefore, have flourished about 
800 A.C. Either he or his father may have been the founder of the B^a kingdom in 

1 1 drew attention to its importance in an article entitled ‘An Ancient Dynasty of Mahakosala’ 
published in P. I. H. C. (1939), pp. 319 ff. 

2 P. R. A. y., ir. C. (1903-4), p. 52. 

» Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, pp. 1 ff. 

« Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 227. 

® See No. 99 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1899. 

_ « Sewell says that Vikramaditya I’s accession date (872 A.C.) is derived from an inscription which 
mentions the year Vijaya (873-74 A.C.) as being in the second year of Bana Vidyadhara H I S I p uS 

He has, however, not given the exact reference of this record. T. V. Mahalingam places Vikramadityr I in 
the period 850-895 A.C. ^ 

^ Ep. Ind.y Vol. XI, p. 230. 

8 Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 238. 

® See H. P. K., p. 119. Jouveau-Dubreuil gives the reign-period as 717—770 A C 
w hd. Ant., Vol. Vin, pp. 274 ff ‘ ‘ 

_ _ n com^e the name Vyaghraraja of the ruler of Mahakantara mentioned in the Allahabad pillar 

CL/., Vol. Ill, p. 7. ™sMah5k.nt,ra probably corresponds to tie 

Bp. Ind., Vol. Ill, pp. 74 ff. 




M<l€S ^0 

B. Oh. CHFrApftA. 

Reo. No 3977 E 36-778’53 



Find-spots of Copper plates. 

Find -spots of Stone inscriptions. 

Printed at the Surrey o= Is,dia Otf-ces (P L O 



Qihattisgarh. His descendants seem to have held the country down to the time of Vikrama- 
ditya I, who built the aforementioned temple of Siva at Pali in the Bilaspur District. 

In many records^ of the Ratanpur branch of the Kalachuri dynasty, it is stated that 
KokaUa had eighteen sons, of whom the eldest became the lord of Tripuri and made his 
brothers the lords of mandalas in the neighbourhood. In the family of one of these younger 
brothers was born Kalihgaraja, the first known king of the Ratanpur branch. Kalihga- 
raja’s son was Kamalaraja, who was a contemporary of Gahgeyadeva, whom he helped in 
his campaign against the king of Utkala. The wording^ of the passage describing the 
relationship of Kalihgaraja to Kokalla show’s that the former was separated from the latter 
by some generations. This Kokalla, therefore, is the first king of that name who ruled 
from circa 850 A.C. to 890 A.C. This conclusion receives confirmation from a statement 
in some inscriptions of the Tripuri branch. As we have already seen, the BUhari stone 
inscription states that Mugdhatuhga, the son and successor of K 5 kalla I, conquered the Unes 
of countries along the eastern sea-shore and took (the country of) Pali from the lord of 
Kdsala.® The Banaras plates of Karna say that Prasiddhadhavala (who is none other than 
Mugdhatunga) took possession of Pah, thinking that in his family there would be born 
men, eminent on account of greatness in this world.'* This plainly means that the Kala- 
churi king conquered Pali to provide an adequate field for the activities of the illustrious 
princes who would be bom in his family. The country of Pali which was conquered 
from the king of Kosala was probably the territory round Ratanpur ; for, the village of 
P^i which contains the aforementioned exquisitely carved temple of Siva with an inscrip- 
tion of the Bana king Vikramaditya I lies only 12 miles to the north of Ratanpur.® The 
kin g of K5sala from whom the country of Pah was wrested is not named in the afore- 
mentioned Kalachuri inscription, but the foregoing discussion must have made it plain 
that he was probably a B^a king. As Mugdhamhga-Prasiddhadhavala flourished from 
circa 890 A.C. to 910 A.C., his B^a adversary may have been Vikramaditya I {circa 870- 
895 A.C.). 

After conquering the country round Ratanpur, Mugdhatuhga placed it in charge 
of one of his yoruiger brothers. There is a gap of nearly a century in the history of this 
Kalachuri branch, for which no records have come to light. We do not, therefore, know 
even the name of this founder of the Kalachuri branch of Dakshina Kosala. But from a 
statement in the Ratanpur stone inscription® it seems that the Kalachuri capital in that 
age was Tumm^a, which has been identified with TurnM, a small village in the former 

* No. 76,; No. 77, 1.6; No. 83, 1.8, etc. 

2 Almost all the early inscriptions say that Kalihgaraja was born in the family of a younger son of 
Kokalla, thus indicating that a long period of time separated him from Kokalla. (See, e.g.^ No. 76,; 
No. 77, 1.6; No. 83, 1.8 etcl) Only two records, the Sheorinarayan plates of Ratnadeva II (No. 82), and 
Kharod stone inscription of Ratnadeva in (No. 100), make Kalihgaraja a son of Kokalla himself. Mr. A. 
Ghosh ingeniously suggests that Vahkd-Tummdna-hhuhhujab in 1. 9 of No. 82 is a mistake for vamse Tummana- 
bbiibhujah. D. R. Bhandarkar Volume, p. 261, n. 2. 

® No. 45, 

* No. 48, 1.13. 

® It is supposed by some that this temple was erected by Jajalladeva 1; for, there are five inscriptions 
of the king in the mandapa of the temple. Two of these inscriptions are incised on the walls of the mandapa, 
one on a stone built into the rebuilt doorway of the temple and another on a pilaster to support a broken beam. 
The inscriptions are identical in wording and purport to register some ktrfi (meritorious work) of JajaUa- 
deva. Their positions clearly indicate that they were meant to record the repairs, not the construction, of 
the temple by JajaUadeva I. As a period of more than two centuries had passed since the time of the Bana 
Wing Vikramaditya I, it is not surprising that the temple had fallen into disrepair in the time of Jajalladeva I. 

® Verse 7 of No. 77 says that Kalihgaraja chose Tummana as his capital because it had been made 
the seat of their government by his forefathers. 


Lapha Zamindaii of the Bilaspur District. The Kalachutis seem to have reigned there 
for two or three generations (from circa 895 A.C. to 950 A.C.), but were ultimately ousted 
by some enemy, perhaps a Somavamsi king ruling over the eastern parts of Dakshina 
Kosala. The Kalachuri prince, when ousted from Chhattisgarh, apparendy returned to 
his ancestral country of Dahala. From the Bilhari stone inscription we learn that 
Lakshmanaraja II {circa 945-970 A.C.) defeated the rulers of Kosala and Odra. Lakshmana- 
raja’s campaign may have been undertaken to punish the king of Kosala and his aUy, the 
kin g of Odra, for having ousted the scions of his family from Kosala. His victory was not, 
however, a decisive one and does not seem to have led to the re-establishment of Kalachuri 
power in Chhatdsgarh. 

It was probably in the reign of Kokalla II that the Kalachuris renewed their attempt 
to conquer Dakshina K 5 sala The Ratanpur stone inscription of Jajalladeva I states that 
in order to augment his unimpeded prowess and treasure, Kalihgaraja, descended from a 
younger son of Kokalla I, left his ancestral country (evidently D^ala)^ and conquered the 
country of Dakshina Kosala by the prowess of his arms.^ As Kalirigaraja’s son Kamala- 
raja was a junior contemporary of Gahgeyadeva {circa — -1040 A.C.), Kalihgaraja’s 

conquest of Dakshiaa Kosala may be dated in circa 1000 A.C. 

Kalihgaraja selected the old Kalachuri capital Tummma as the seat of his govern- 
ment. As the Ratanpur inscription says, while staying there, he destroyed his enemies and 
increased his splendour. During his reign there was an invasion of the countrv by Sindhu- 
raja, a weU-known Paramara king of Dhara {circa 995-1015 A.C.). Some years later, he 
led a second expedition in connection with a love affair which forms the theme of the 
beautiful Sanskrit kdvya Navasdhasdnkacbarita of his court-poet Padmagupta alias Parimala.® 
The story of the kdtya briefly told is as follows : — 

“Sindhuraja, while hunting on the slopes of the Vindhya mountain, sees and falls 
in love with Sasiprabha, the daughter of the snake king Sankhapala. After her meeting 
with the king, Sasiprabha is carried away by invisible snakes to Bh5gavati in the nether 
world. The king flings himself into the stream of the Narmada to follow her and on the 
other side reaches a golden palace. The river goddess Narmada receives him hospitably 
and tells liim how he should win Sasiprabha. When she was born, it was predicted that 
she would become the wife of a ruler of the middle world and bring about the death of 
Vajrahkusa, a mighty enemy of the snakes. Her father had laid down the following 
condition for her marriage, that her suitor should bring the golden lotus flowers, 
which grow in the pleasure garden of Vajrahkusa. Narmada tells Sindhuraja that at a 
distance of fifty gavyiitis lies the town of Ratnavati built by Maya, the architect of Asuras 
where reigns Vajrahkusa, the prince of demons. Finally, Narmada prophesies that the 
king will meet the sage Vahku on his way to Ratnavati. Then the king, accompanied 
by his minister Yasobhata, also called Ram^gada, starts for Ratnavati. On the way they 
reach the grove of the sage Vahku. There they converse with the sage and meet Sasi- 
khanda, the son of Sikhandaketu, king of the Vidyadharas, who had been transformed 

1 Owing to a wrong pada-chcbbeda in w. 4 and 6 of No. i-j, it was supposed by Kielhorn and other 
scholars who followed him that Kalihgaraja hailed" from the country of Tritasaurya. But no such country 
is known. See Kane Feslscbrift, pp. 290 ff. 

2 The country under the rule of the Kalachuris is called Dakshina Kosala in some records and 
Tummana-desa in others. See No. 77, v. 6; No. 93, v. 8; No. 100, v. 5, etc. Tummana was, of course, 
included in Dakshina Kosala, but sometimes the latter denoted the eastern part of it under the rule of the 
Sdmavaihsis. See, e,g,y No. 77, v. 23. 

* For a detailed discussion of the historical data of this kdvja, see my article in the Ind Ant Vol 
LXn, pp. loi ff. • o . 



into a monkey, but regained his original form by the favour of Sindhuraja, In gratefulness 
Sasikhanda brings his troops to help the king in his expedition. The allied armies 
surround the town RatnavatL A batde is fought. Ramahgada, the minister of Sindhu- 
raja, kills Visvankusa, the son of Vajrankusa. The king himself kUls Vajtahkuja. The 
town Ratnavati is stormed and taken. A snake youth named Ratnachuda is made the 
Governor of the kingdom of the Asura king. The king takes possession of the golden lotus 
flowers and proceeds towards Bhogavati. He presents the golden flowers to Sasiprabha 
and marries her. Sahkhap^a makes the king the present of a crystal Sivalinga made by 
Tvashtri. The king returns to Ujjayini and then to Dhara where he establishes the crystal 

The foregoing brief analysis of the Navasahasdnkacharita will show that the poem was 
intended to celebrate Sindhuraja’s victory over Vajr^kusa in which he was aided by a 
Vidyadhara prince and a Naga chieftain, and his matrimonial alliance with the latter. This 
campaign of Sindhuraja must be placed late in his reign, probably towards the end of the 
first decade of the eleventh century A.C.; for, he is described in this work as having already 
vanquished the kings of Kuntala, Kachchha, Lata, Aparanta and K5sala as well as a Htina 
prince.i The poet’s description that he had to cross the Narmada on the way shows that 
the country of Vajrankusa lay to the south of the river. Vajrankusa was not a prince of the 
demons, but a chief of the aborigines, perhaps Gonds, whose capital Ratnavati must be 
looked for in the hilly regions not far from the Narmada; for, we have a valuable hint for its 
location in the speech of the river goddess that it lay at a distance of gavjiltis ot loo krosas, 
t.e., about 200 miles from the place where Sindhuraja crossed the river. Like Rajasekhara, 
Padmagupta seems to have slighdy altered the names of the historical characters and places 
that figure in his poem. Vajrankusa, the demon king, is, therefore, probably identical 
with Vajjuka^ (also called Vajuvarman in one record®), the lord of the Kom5 mmdala. He 
was a powerful chief, as his matrimonial alliance with the Kalachuris is mentioned in several 
Kalachuri records. He flourished in the same period as Sindhuraja ; for, his daughter 
Nonalla was married to Ratnaraja, the son of Kamalaraja who, as we have seen, was a 
contemporary of the Kalachuri Gahgeyadeva.^ 

The identification of Vajjuka with Vajrmkusa is rendered probable by the m.ention 
of the hermitage of the sage Vanku, which lay on the way to Ratnavati, the capital of 
Vajrankusa. The name of the sage appears to be connected with that of the god Vahkesvara 
whose temple was erected in Tummana.® Knowing as we do that the names of deities 
ate often derived from those of the individuals who instal them or erect temples in their 
honour, we can easily conjecture that Vahkesvara may have been installed by some one 
named Vahku and that he may well have been a sage as stated in the Navasclhasclnkacharita. 

Vajr^kusa’s capital was Ratnavati, which it is tempting to identify with the Kalachuri 
capital Ratnapura, but the identification is open to the objection that Ratnapura was founded 
by Ratnadeva I® and hence it could not have been in existence in this period. According 

NSCH., canto X, w. 14-20. 

2 No. 77, 1 . 15. 

s No. 76, 1.17. 

* The identification may be open to the objection that if Vajjuka was killed in battle as stated in the 
NSCH., canto XVII, v. 69, he covild not have given his daughter to Ratnadeva I who flourished two 
generations later. Perhaps Vajrankusa is meant to represent the grandfather of Vajjuka, who may have 
borne the same name. In India grandsons are often named after their grandfathers. 

5 Vankesvara was the tutelary deity of the Kalachuris of Dakshina Kosala. They believed that they 
owed their kingdom to the grace of the god. See I.23 of No. 76. Chakravarti has shown that Varika is a 
Prakrit form of Sanskrit Vakra, a name of Siva. Ep. Ind., XIX, Additions etc., p. viii. 

® See V. II of No. 77. 



to a tradition recorded by Mr. Beglar,^ the ancient name of Ratnapura was Maniputa, which 
is mentioned in the Mahahhdrata as the capital of a Naga king.^ As our poet has slightly 
changed the names of places, Ratnavati in the Navasdhasdnkacharita may represent ancient 
Manipur^ which came to be known as Ratnapura when Ratnadeva made it his capital. 
IfSindhuraja crossed the Narmada near Mandhata,® Ratanpur would be about 200 miles 
from the place as described in Padmagupta’s poem. 

In his battle with Vajrankusa, Sindhuraja’s ally was the Vidyadhara prince Sikhanda- 
ketu. He probably represents the Silahara king Arikesarin alias Kesideva, the ruler of 
North Konkan ; for, the Silaharas traced their descent from Jimutavahana, the mythical 
prince of the Vidyadharas.^ The similarity of the names Kesideva and Sikhandaketu 
confirms the identification. 

Finally, the Naga king Sahkhapala. whose daughter was loved and ultimately married 
by Sindhuraja, was probably a ruler of Chakrakotya in the Bastar District. The princes 
of Chakrakotya call themselves Nagavarhsis and lords of Bhogavati, the best of towns. 
This dynasty produced some powerful rulers towards the end of the eleventh and the begin- 
ning of the twelfth century A.C. Their capital Chakrakuta or Chakrakotya often figures 
in inscriptions and literature.^ This shows the strategic importance of that territory.® 
These Naga princes were often at war with the Kalachuris of Ratanpur. The existence 
of a Naga chieftain, ruling in the Bastar District in the beginning of the tenth century A.C., 
who was hostile to VajrMkusa or Vajjuka of the Komo mandala, is not, therefore, unhkely. 

The historical basis of the Navasdhasdrikacharita thus seems to be that the Naga ruler 
of Chakrakotya sought the powerful Paramara king Sindhuraja’s aid against Vajjuka of the 
Komo mandala, with whom the Kalachuri prince Kalihgaraja was probably allied. Sindhu- 
raja seems to have welcomed this opportunity to strengthen the south-eastern frontier 
of his kingdom against a possible Chola invasion ; for, owing to the debacle of the Later 
Chalukyas of Kalyani after the death of Satyasraya, the power of the Cholas, their rivals 
for supremacy in the south, was increasing. As we shall see later, RajendrachPla I’s general 
did indeed attack Kosala a few years later during his victorious march to the north. It 
was probably to check the Chola power that Sindhuraja, with a commendable foresight, 
entered into a matrimonial alliance with the king of Chakrakotya. He marched against 
Vajjuka, whom he slew in battle. Afterv’-ards he placed a Naga prince in charge of Vaj juka’s 
territory and married the daughter of the Naga king of ChakrakStya. 

The Kalachuri king Kalingaraja, who was probably allied with Vajjuka, must have 
also suffered a defeat at the hands of Sindhuraja. But he seems to have soon rehabilitated 
himself by driving out Sindhuraja’s protege from the Komo mandala. We have, however, 
no further knowledge of any political events of his reign. The description of him in the 
records of his successors is purely conventional. 

Kalihgaraja was succeeded by his son Kamalaraja about 1020 A.C. He also ruled 
from the old capital Tumm^ta, and acknowledged the supremacy of the Emperor of 
Tripuri. During his reign, Gahgeyadeva of Tripuri undertook an expedition against the 
king of Utkala (Orissa). He seems to have marched through the territoty of Kamalaraja, 

1 C. A. S. I. R., Vol. X, p. 216. 

2 (Chitrasala Press ed.), Adiparv'an, adhyaya 215, v. 13; Asvamed]iikapar\'an, adhyaya 79, v. 3. 

® It may be noted that some records of the Paramaras were issued after bathing in the Narmada at 
this holy place. To the east of Mandhata lay the country of Chedi, which Sindhuraja does not seem to have 
entered on this occasion. 

^ See, e,g,, the Bhandup plates of Chhittarajadeva, Ep, Ind., Vol. XII, pp. 250. ff. 

5 See, e.g.y 'Vikramdnkadevacharitay canto IV, v. 30. 

•It is worthy of note that the atuck on Kosala foUowed the victor)^ at Sakkarakottam (Chakrakotya). 



whom he called on to join in the campaign. The latter fought for his overlord whole- 
heartedly. The Amoda plates of Prithvideva I state that like the Mandara mountain of yore, 
the brave Kamalaraja churned the milk-ocean which was the king of Utkala, and gave 
Lakshmi (royal fortune) as well as excellent elephants and horses to his lord Gahgeyadeva.^ 
The description suggests that the vanquished king of Utkala had to pay a heavy tribute to 
Gahgeya. Some records of G^geya’s son Karna also refer to this campaign. They say 
that Gahgeya defeated the king of Utkala and made his own arm the pillar of victory on 
the (eastern) sea-shore. 

During this campaign, Gahgeyadeva and Kamalaraja must have come into conflict 
with the contemporary ruler of Eastern Kosala, who was probably Mahasivagupta-Yayati. 
The latter claims in one of his grants^ that he defeated the Chaidyas and devastated their 
country of Dahala.® This may have been a reprisal raid on Dahala during the absence of 
Gahgeya in the campaign against the king of Orissa. 

The king of Utkala, in securing whose defeat Kamalaraja played a prominent part, 
was probably a king of the Kara dynasty, perhaps Subhakara II, ruling over Tbsala on the 
eastern seaboard of Orissa.^ When Kamalaraja returned home after this victorious cam- 
paign, he was followed by Sahilla,“ a military adventurer who sought his fortune inChhattis- 
garh. SahiUa conquered Vivarabhumi, evidently for his lord Kamalaraja. As we shall 
see later, Sahilla’s descendants settled down in Chhattisgarh and helped the Kalachuris of 
Tummana to extend the limits of their kingdom. 

It was probably during the reign of Kamalaraja that the mighty Chola Emperor 
Rajendra I (loi 2-1044 A.C.) sent an expedition to the north under his Dandandtha (General) 
in 1022 A.C. The Tirumalai prasasti^ which was composed in the twelfth year of 
Rajendra’s reign, states that Rajendra’s general first sei2ed Sakkarakottam which is plainly 
identical with Chakrak 5 tya in the Bastar State. Thereafter, he captured or destroyed 
some other countries and places like Madurai-mandalam and Namanaik-konam and defeated 
and took Indraratha, the ruler of Adinagara, prisoner. This victory led to the capture of 
‘the Odda-vishaya (Orissa) which was difficult of approach on account of its dense forest 
defence, and the good Kosalai-nadu, where Brahmanas assembled.’ The prasasti does 
not name the ruler of Kosala. He may have been either Kamalaraja ruling over the western 
part, or Mahasivagupta-Yayati who held the eastern part of Kosala. As Rajendra’s general 
next proceeded against Dandabhukti (parts of Midnapore and Balasore Districts), it would 
appear that the king he defeated was the ruler of Eastern Kosala. In any case, this Chola 
invasion did not produce any lasting effect ; for, we have no evidence of the Ch 5 la occupa- 
tion of any part of K5sala in this period. Perhaps, the vanquished king of Kosala, whoever 

1 See No. 76, 11 . 12-13. 

2 J. A. S. B., N. S., Vol. I, pp. 4 f- 

® The age of the Somavamsis of Kosala is stiU undetermined as their records are singularly lacking 
in historical details and hear only regnal dates. The contemporaneity of Gahgeya and Mahasivagupta-Yayati 
suggested here would, if accepted, serve as a landmark in the history of the Somavamsis. 

* Soon after this, the Karas seem to have been overthrown by the SomavamsI Uddyotakesarin, who 
transferred his capital to the eastern coast and gave the kingdom of Kosala to Abhimanyu. 

s The Rajim inscription of Jagapala dated K. 896 (1145 A.C.) states that this Sahilla was a spodess 
nmoment of the family of the iUustrious Rajamala. I have suggested that this Rajamala is identical with 
Rajamalladeva who had given valuable support in re-establishing the power of the Karas after the death of 
the ruling prince who was probably Subhakara’s father Lalitabhara. If this identification is accepted, Sahilla 
would be his son or possibly his grandson. This squares with the description of him given in the Rajim 
inscription as well as the period here assigned to him. 

« Ep. Ifid., Vol. IX, pp. 229 fif. See also/. 0 . R., Vol. VII, pp. 207 ff. 



he was, was obliged to pay tribute to the Qiola Emperor for some years, as daimed in the 
Manimahgalam inscription^ of Rajadhiraja, dated 1046 A.C. 

Kamalaraja was succeeded by his son Ratnaraja I in circa 1045 A.C. He married 
Nonalla, the daughter of Vajjuka or Vajuvarman, the lord of the Komo tnandala^ This 
mandala seems to have comprised the territory round Komo-Chauki, about 24 miles west of 
Tumm^a, the then Kalachuri capital. This marriage is mentioned in most of the subse- 
quent Kalachuri records much in the same way as the marriage of Samudragupta with the 
Lichchhavi princess Kumaradevi is mentioned in Gupta inscriptions. It seems to have 
considerably strengthened Ratnadeva^s position in Chhattisgarh.^ Judging by the con- 
quests made by subsequent kings, the Kalachuri kingdom in Chhattisgarh was very much 
circumscribed during the reigns of Kalihgaraja and Kamalaraja. Ratnadeva made some 
conquests and annexed some territory to his dominion. The three sons of the aforemen- 
tioned Sahilla — ^Bhayila, Desala and Svamin— fought his battles and conquered the 
countries of Bhattavila and Vihara for him. These countries have not, however^ been 

RatnadSva beautified the capital Tumm^a with gardens, mansions and temples. 
He erected a temple in honour of Vankesa, the tutelary deity, and another dedicated to the 
god Ratnesvara whom he seems to have installed and named after himself. Ratnadeva 
founded a new city called Ratnapura, to which he shifted his seat of government. The 
Sreshthin Yasa is said to have been its Mayor.^ This city was enlarged and beauti- 
fied by his successors from time to time, and continued to be the capital of the royal family 
until its overthrow by the Marathas in the eighteenth century A.C. 

Ratnadeva I may have closed his reign in circa 1065 A.C.^ The earlier of the two 
grants of his son and successor Prithvideva I is dated K. 821 (1069 A.C.) 

Prithvideva I is the earliest ruler of the Ratanpur branch whose inscriptions have been 
found in Chhattisgarh. In his Raipur and Amoda plates he calls himself Mahdmandalesvara 
and claims to have obtained the right to panchamahasabdaJ^ Both these indicate his feuda- 
tory rank. Like his predecessors, he seems, therefore, to have acknowledged the suzerainty 
of the Kalachuri Emperor of Tripuri. In his grants he uses the Kalachuri era, which he calls 
the era of the Lord of Chedi.® This also indicates his subordinate position. He seems 
to have considerably extended his small principality ; for, he claimed to be the lord of the 

^ L 7 . 7 ., Vol. in, p. 57. This inscription states that the king of Kausalar ( i,e, Kosala) among 
many others unremittingly paid tribute to the Chola king Rajadhiraja. 

2 It may be noted that the Ratanpur inscription of Jajalladeva I states that Ratnadeva I married Nonalla 
‘together with royal fortune.' No. 77, v. 13. 

3 He continued to hold the same position during the succeeding reign of Prithvideva I also. See 
No. 76, V. 16. 

^ Mr. Amalanand Ghosh has suggested the identification of Ratnadeva I with Singan, (the king) of 
the w’arlike Kdsalai, who was cut to pieces by the Ch 5 la king Virarajendra in the battle of Kudalasangama in 
circa 1066 A.C. He finds corroboration of this event in the passage 'Katnaraje yudhi ripu-jajini svar-gate 
in the Ratanpur inscription of Jajalladeva I (No. 77, v. 15), which he takes to mean ‘When Ratnaraja went 
to heaven in a victorious battle.' R.K., p. 265. The proposed identification is very doubtful. Singan 
evidently a corruption of Simba. (Cf. Sihganan mentioned in the same inscription, who is identical with 
Jayasirhha.) Singan may have belonged to the S 5 mavarhsl family. Some members of this family bore names 
ending in kesarin which is a synonym of simba. Besides, the construction of the above passage pro- 
posed by Mr. Ghosh is impossible, because in Sanskrit (a fight) is feminine in gender. 

^ No. 75, i. 6; No. 76, 11 . 23 and 25. 

® No. 76, 1. 41. The era seems to have been then newly introduced into Chhattisgarh and, therefore 
had to be specified in this manner. 



entire Kosala country It is, however, highly doubtful if his sway extended to the Sambal- 
pur District and the former Sonpur and Patoa States which were previously under the mle 
of the Somavarhsis ; for, no inscriptions of him or even of his successors have been dis- 
covered in that part of the country. As we have already seen, this territory was included 
in Kosala. The aforementioned title is, therefore, an empty boast. This does not, how- 
ever, mean that he made no conquests. According to the Rajim inscription, Jayadeva, the 
son of Svamin and grandson of the aforementioned military adventurer Sahiha, conquered 
D^dora. His younger brother Devasiihha acquired the Komo mandala. Jayadeva was a 
contemporary of Prithvideva I, for whom, we may suppose, these countries were conquered. 
Of them, the former has been identified with the District of Sarguja, north-east of the 
Bilaspur District, which was once called B^s Dand 5 r (Dandbr 22), as it contained twenty- 
two ZamindMs. The Komo mandala, though situated close to the Kalachuri capital, seems 
to have maintained its independence since the time of Vajjuka. The latter’s successors were 
either too weak or too overbearing to be allowed to remain independent. They were, 
therefore, subdued, and their mandala was annexed to the Kalachuri kingdom. 

Prithvideva I married RajaUa. She bore him a son named Jajalladeva I, who 
afterwards succeeded him. He had a younger brother named Sarvadeva, who obtained the 
territory round Sonthiva (Sonthi in the Bilaspur District) as his patrimony (ddjdd-amsd)? 
Vigraharaja, one of his ministers, and Yasa, who continued to hold the post of the Mayor 
of Ratnapura, are named in his Amoda plates.^ Another minister Sodhadeva is mentioned 
in a later stone inscription.^ Prithvideva was a devotee of Siva. At Tummana he 
dedicated a temple to the god under the name Vrithvidmsvara and also provided the old 
temple of Vahkesvara with a chatushkikd or a haU resting on four piUars. On the occasion 
of its dedication, he made a land-grant dated K. 831 (1079 A.C.). At Ratnapura he con- 
structed a large ‘ocean-hke’ lake. He reigned from circa 1065 A.C. to 1090 A.C. 

Jajalladeva I, who succeeded Prithvideva I, was one of the great kings of this family. 
Soon after his accession, he embarked on an ambitious scheme of conquest. He subdued 
the neighbouring chiefs of Vairagara, Lanjika, Bhmara and Talahari. Vairagara is modern 
Vairagarh in the Chanda District. I.anjika and Bhanara correspond to Lanji and Bhandara 
in the Balaghat and Bhandara Districts respectively. Talahari comprised probably the 
southern part of the Bilaspur District and the northern part of the Raipur District. The 
subjugation of these places shows that the kingdom of the Kalachuris in the previous reigns 
was very much circumscribed. Jajalladeva carried his arms even as far as Dandakapura 
(Midnapur District) in South Bengal, Andhra and Kimidi in the Ganjam District. Dak- 
shina Kdsala, which also he is said to have conquered, seems to refer to the eastern portion 
of it comprising the Sambalpur District and the former States of Patna and Sonpur. The 
rulers of aU these countries and also of Nandavali and Kukkuta, which still remain un- 
identified, were made to pay him an annual tribute. His general Jagap^a, descended from 
the above-named Sahilla, vanquished Mayurikas® (perhaps rulers of the Bhanja dynasty) and 
Samantas (ancestors of the Saontas in Bilaspur District). These conquests brought him 

^ In his Amoda. grant he is also called ‘the sole lord of twenty-one thousand villages.’ The number of 
villages in Kosala is variously given. The Kuruspal inscription (E/. Ind., Vol. X, p. 50) mentions that the 
Naga king Somesvara of Bastar conquered six lacs of villages in Kosala. 

2 No. 98, V. 15. 

® No. 76, 1 . 34. Vigraharaja is named also in the Raipur plates of the same king. No. 75, 1 . 13. 

* No. 90, U. 11-12. 

® A Mayurika family is mentioned in the Bayana (former Bharatpur State) inscription of Chitralekha 
(Ep. Ind., Vol. XXn, pp. 120 ff.). It was ruling in the north and does not seem to have been connected 
with the Mayurikas defeated by Jagapala. 



into conflict with Somesvara, the Nagavaihsi king of Chaktakotya. The latter was a foe 
worthy of his steel. He had defeated the rulers of Udra (Orissa) and Vehgi, and had carried 
fire and sword into L^ji and Ratnapura.i He is said to have captured six lacs of villages 
together with the tract called Shannavati (96 villages) of Kosala and assumed the imperial 
tides Mahdrdjddhirdja and Paramesvarad' The Kurusp^ inscription describes him as a 
huge elephant which destroyed the lotuses namely the towns, Lanji and Ratnapura. 

Jajalladeva was not slow to take revenge. He marched against the Naga king, slew 
his immense army and took him captive together with his wives and ministers. Ultimately, 
at the bidding of his mother, Jajalladeva set them free. His Ratanpur inscription proudly 
asks, ^^Have you seen or heard of another such prince on this earth ? ^ This event must 
have occurred some time before iiio A.C., which is the approximate year of Somesvara’s 
death. ^ 

Jajalladeva’s fame spread to distant lands. The contemporary king of Chedi, who was 
Yasahkarna, the erstwhile suzerain of the Tumm^a branch, had to court his friendship. 
He probably sought his aid in his campaign against an Andhra king, which, as we have seen, 
occurred early in his reign.^ In the Ratanpur inscription Jajalla boasts that he was 
honoured as an ally by the rulers of Kanyakubja and Jajabhuktika with presents of wealth 
‘because he was valiant’. The ruler of Kanyakubja w^as probably the ambitious G^ada- 
vala king G5vindachandra, who, even while njmardja, had wielded considerable authority. 
He came to the throne about 1 1 10 A.C. and was thus a contemporary of Jajalla. The other 
ruler who sought Jajalla’s alliance was plainly a king of the ChandeUa dynasty. Three 
Chandella princes Kirtivarman, Sallakshanavarman and Jayavarman ruled contem- 
poraneously with Jajalla.® Of these, Sallakshanavarman was probably Jajalla’s ally. 
This contact with the Chandellas is reflected in the Kalachuri coinage as shown below. 

These rulers of distant Northern countries sought Jajalla’s friendship because 
his kingdom occupied a strategic position on the route of communication between the 
north and the south. Earlier conquerors from the north like Samudragupta and Isana- 
varman had to pass through Dakshina Kosala in the course of their southern digvijaya. 
Similarly, Rajendra Ch5la I’s general had to conquer K5sala before he penetrated into 
Bengal. The object of this alliance with Jajalla was probably to check the advance of the 
Chola Emperor Kulottuhga I (1070-1122 A.C.). By his occupation of the Chola throne, 
Kulottuiiga had already united the kingdoms of the Eastern Chalukyas and the Cholas. 
He entertained aggressive designs of North-Indian conquests, in pursuance of which he 
had subjugated Vairagarh and Chakrakotta.^ In some records he is said to have measured 
swords even with the Paramara king of Malwa. The aforementioned northern powers 
must have regarded Jajalla as a bulwark against a possible Ch5la invasion of North India. 

We have seen above that Jajalla defeated the king of Dakshina Kosala. The latter is 
probably identical with Bhujabala, the lord of Suvarnapura, modern Sonpur, the chief 

1 Ey». Ind., Vol. X, p. 29. 

® Loo ti/., p. 30. Shannavati as the name of a territorial division occurs in a grant of Mahativagupta- 
Yayati. See also J. A.. S. B. Vol. I, pp. 19 ff. 

® No. jj, V. 22. 

* Somesvara was living at the time of the Barsur inscription dated 1108 a.c. {Ep. Ind., Vol. Ill, p. 
314; Vol. IX, p. 162) and had died when the Narayanpal inscription was put up in iiii a.c. {ibid., Vol. 
IX, pp. 161 ff.) So he seems to have died in circa iiio a.c. 

5 See above, p. cii. 

« V. A. Smith has given the following approximate dates for these three kings— Kirtivarman, 1060- 
iioo A.C., Sallakshanavarman 1 100-1 no a. c. and Jayavarman nio-1117 a.c. Ind. Ant.,YoL XXXVII, 
p. 127. 

’’ S. 1 . 1 ., Vol. Ill, part ii, pp. 13 2-34- 



town of the former Sonpur State.^ This king is not known from other records, but he pro- 
bably belonged to the Somavarhsi dynasty, and might be the son and successor of Abhi- 
manyu who founded a feudatory state in that part of Dakshina K5sala, when Uddyotakesarin 
conquered Utkala and removed his capital to the eastern seaboard.^ Jajalladeva seems to 
have followed up this victory and also deposed the king of Utkala. But his cause was 
espoused by his neighbour, the mighty Anantavarman Chodagahga, who reinstated him . 
The earhest record which mentions the reinstatement of the Utkala king is the Korni plates 
of Anantavarman, dated Saka 1034 (1113 A.C.).® This record does not mention the name 
of the enemy who had deposed the king of Utkala, but the foregoing discussion must have 
made it dear that he was probably Jajalladeva I. 

Jajalla seems to have repudiated the political subjection of his house to the Kalachuris 
of Tripuri and declared his independence. To announce his independent rank, he struck 
gold and copper coins in his own name. His gold coins are partially modelled on the issues 
of Gahgeya. They have the king’s name in bold Nagari letters in three lines on the obverse 
as on GMgeya’s coins. The reverse, however, shows the figure of a hon attacking an 
elephant,^ instead of Lakshmi sitting cross-legged. His copper coins are imitated from 
those of the Chandella SaUakshanavarman, with whom he was alhed. They have the king’s 
name on the obverse and the figure of Hanum^ facing left on the reverse. Both these 
types were continued by his successors. 

Jajalla founded a city in his own name, called Jajallapura, which is probably identical 
with modern J^jgir (Jajallanagara). He constructed there a temple and a monastery, 
which he endowed with the gift of some villages. He also excavated there a large tank 
and raised a mango grove. He repaired the ancient temple of Siva at Pah by erecting cross- 
walls and giving supports to a broken beam.® These repairs are memorised by short in- 

Jajalla married Lachchhalladevi,® from whom he had a son named Ratnadeva II, 
who succeeded him. His religious preceptor was Rudrasiva. It is interesting to note 
that the latter was conversant with the work of Dihnaga, a famous Buddhist logician who 
flourished in the fifth century A.C. Vigraharaja, who held the position of a mantrin in 
the previous reign, became his Sandhivigrahika. Another minister of the Gauda race, who 
was descended from the Kayastha minister of the illustrious Karna of Tripuri, was mentioned 
in the Ratanpur inscription of his reign, but his name is now lost. A third minister, who 
distinguished himself in all his wars, was Purushbttama, the son of Sodhadeva who had 
served Prithvideva I in the same capacity.’ The writer of his Ratanpur inscription was 
Kirtidhara, the owner of the village Jandera.® He and his descendants were the official 
scribes of the Ratanpur royal family.® They have written their records on copper-plates 
and stone-slabs in beautiful letters. 

Ratnadeva II seems to have succeeded his father in circa 1120 A.C.; for, the earliest 
inscription of his reign is dated K. 878 (1127 A.C.). He followed his father’s pohcy and 

1 No. 100, 1 . 6 . The gold coins of Jajalladeva I and his successors have been found in the Sonpur 
State. Vol. XIH, pp. 199 ff. 

® Ep. Ind., VoL Xn, p. 240. 

® J. A. H. R. S., Vol. I, pp. 106 S. 

* It symbolises his victory over the contemporary Gahga king, ‘the lord of elephants.’ 

® Jajalladeva himself did not erect the temple of P^, as was previously supposed. See below, p. 418. 

* See No. 84, v. 8. 

’ No. 90, V. 23. 

® No. 77, V. 34 and No. 83, v. 35. 

9 See below, p. 458, n. 3. 



struck gold and copper coins in his own name, indicating his independence. The Kala- 
churi Emperor of Tripuri could brook this impertinence no longer. He sent a large and 
powerful army against him, but Ratnadeva routed it completely. In the Ratanpur 
inscription dated V. 1207 (1149-50 A.C.), he is described as the fierce submarine fire to 
the matchless ocean of the arrayed and hard-to-be-subdued hosts of the Chedi king. The 
Chedi king, though not named in the record, was plainly Gayakarna, who ruled from 
circa 1123 A.C. to 1153 A.C., and was thus a contemporary of Ratnadeva II. 

Another memorable event of Ratnadeva’s reign which, though not referred to in 
his own inscriptions, is often mentioned in the records of his successors and their feudatories 
is the invasion of his country by Chodaganga.^ The latter was evidendy the mighty 
Gariga king Anantavarman-Chodagahga, who had a long reign of 70 years (1078-1147 
A.C.). This aggressive Gahga king reinstated the deposed king of Utkala and raided 
the northern country up to the bank of the Gahga. He is said to have laid under tribute 
aU countries between the Gahga and the Godavad.^ In the course of his whirlwind cam- 
paign he seems to have attacked the Kalachuri kingdom in Kosala. The Pendrabandh 
plates mention Ghkarna as his ally in this campaign.^ The latter was a feudatory of 
Chbdagahga as stated in his inscription at Gudiwada in the Bimblipatam tdlnka of the 
Vishakhapatam District.^ Ratnadeva inflicted a crushing defeat on the invaders and obtained 
a large booty of gold, horses and elephants.® A Ratanpur stone inscription describes 
Ratnadeva II as ‘Rahu in seizing and swallowing the large lunar orb of the mi ghty warriors 
of Chodagahga’.® The Mall^ inscription dated K. 919 speaks of Ramadeva as ‘a fierce 
cloud which extinguished the continuously raging flames of the spreading mighty fire of 
the valour of the king Chddagahga’.’ The battle was a very fierce one and was fought in 
the Talah^-mandala, not very far from Sheorin^ayan.® Jagap^a, a descendant of the 
aforementioned SahiUa, distinguished himself in it by his bravery and became known as 
Jagatsirhha (the Lion of the World).® Vallabharaja, another feudatory of Ratnadeva, 
also seems to have fought in it.^® Anantavarman-Chodaganga, ‘the lord of elephants’, 
suffered an ignominious defeat and had to return home discomfited. Somehow this glorious 
achievement of Ratnadeva is not mentioned in any of his copper-plate grants, but it may 
have occurred in circa 1130 A.C. 

This victory enhanced the power and prestige of Ratnadeva 11 and encouraged him 
to undertake distant campaigns. One of them, directed against the king of Gauda, is 
mentioned in several inscriptions of Vallabharaja. As stated before, this Vallabharaja was 
a feudatory of the Kalachuris. He belonged to the Vaisya caste. His forefathers had 
loyally served the royal family as feudatories or ministers. Vallabharaja was treated by 
Lachchhalladevi, the mother of Ratnadeva II, as her adopted son. He was a contemporary 
of both Ratnadeva II and his son and successor Prithvideva II. The earliest record in 
which the campaign in Gauda is mentioned belongs to the reign of Ratnadeva II, which 

^ No. 93, V. 5. 

2 Bp. Ind.^ VoL XIQ, pp. 150 flF. 

^ No. loi, V. 9* 

* My attention to this record was drawn by Mr. N. L. Rao. 

' Note 

No. 100, V. 8. 

« No. 93, V. 3. 

7 No. 97, V. 4. 

® Note \ No. 98, v. 7. 

• No. 88, V. 14. 

“ No. 84, T. i8. 



shows that it was fought towards the end of it, in circa 1132. Vallabharaja fought very 
valiantly in the presence of his lord and captured a large number of elephants in the enemy’s 
city. The king of Gauda defeated by Ratnadeva is not named. He was probably one of 
the weak successors of R^apala, perhaps Madanap^a of the P^a dynasty, who has been 
referred to the period circa ii 30-1 150 A.C.^ Another minister who won laurels in tliis 
war against the Gauda king was Purushottama, whom Ratnadeva II made his Sarvddhikarin. 
He is said to have threatened the ruler of Dandabhukti and punished Dandapura, which 
may have been its capital. He also conquered Khijjihga and killed Haravohu, who was 
probably its ruler.® Khijjinga is probably identical with the homonymous capital of the 
Bhahja kings, but Haravohu is not known from any other source. 

Ratnadeva was a patron of religion and learning. He made some gifts to pious and 
learned Br^manas. His court attracted learned men from far off lands.® One of his 
gifts, recorded in the Sarkho plates, is worthy of note; for, it was made to an astronomer 
for accurate prediction of an eclipse.^ There was a considerable building activity during 
this reign. VaUabharaja, the aforementioned feudatory of the Vaisya lineage, excavated a 
large tank with a palace of pleasure in the centre of it, and erected a temple of Revanta at 
Vikarnapura. He built another temple of Siva at the same place and gave half the religious 
merit accruing from it to his Uege lord Ratnadeva II.® The latter seems to have endowed 
the temple with some land-grant. 

The aforementioned Purushottama, the Sarvddhikarin oi'K2AmAl\2i II, made several 
benefactions, which are recorded in his stone inscription dated K. 900. He raised several 
groves, erected mathas (monasteries) and mandapas (temples), and excavated a deep tank at 
Ratnapura. He also built a five-shrined temple of Siva at K5ni, about 10 nules south by 
east of Bilaspur.* 

Ratnadeva had two sons. The elder of them, Prithvideva II, succeeded him, while 
the younger Jayasirhha is known only from the fragmentary Raipur Museum inscription 
of VaUabharaja. Ratnadeva was ruling at least tiU K. 885 (1134 A.C.). The earliest date of 
Prithvideva’s reign is K. 890 (1138 A.C.).’ Ratnadeva II may, therefore, have closed his 
reign in circa 1135 A.C. 

During the early part of his reign, Prithvideva II subjugated the petty princes ruUng 
on the borders of his kingdom and annexed their territories. In the Rajim inscription, his 
general Jagap^a is said to have won several victories. He took the strong forts of Sara- 
haraga^a (modem Sarangarh) and Machaka-SUiava, south of Dhamtari in the Raipur Dis- 
trict. Further, he conquered the countries of Bhramaravadra, Kmtara, Kusumabhoga, 
Kanda-dohgara and K^ayara.® Bhramaravadra may be identical with Bhramarakotya 

^ £>. H. N. L, Vol. I, p. 385. This invasion is probably referred to in the Ramacharita, Canto IV, v. 
133. This verse mentions that Madanapala had driven back to the Kalindi (which flowed near the capital 
of Madanapala) ‘the vanguard of the forces that had destroyed a large number of soldiers on his side.’ 

(Dacca University), Vol. I, p. 170. The invader who is not named in the katya was 
probably Ratnadeva II. 

* No. 90, V. 26. 

® For instance, Gangadhara, a learned Brahmana, migrated to Tummana from Madhyade^a and 
received the village of Kosambi from Ratnadeva n. No. 97, v. 13. 

* No. 83, V. 19. 

®No. 85, V. 25. 

* No. 90, w. 32-33. 

^ No. 86, 1 . 26. Ratnadeva II did not continue to reign till 1144 a.c. as A. Ghosh supposes from 
the mention of Jatesvara’s name in v. 8 of the Kharod inscription. B. V., p. 270. Jatesvara is mentioned 
there in connection with the description of Cho^gahga. 

® No. 88, w. 15 -17. 



mandala in the Bastar District, Kakayara is modern Kahker in the same district. The 
extension of Kalachuri rule in this part is indicated by the use of the Kalachuri era in later 
records from Kahker.^ The other places were probably situated in the Raipur District. 
These conquests seem to have brought a large part of modern Chhattisgarh under the direct 
rule of Frith videva 11 . 

After reducing his recalcitrant feudatories and making his home front secure, Prithvi- 
deva planned to take revenge on his Gariga adversary for having invaded the Kalachuri 
kingdom during the reign of his father. He first marched against Chakrakuta (which 
comprised the central part of the Bastar District) and devastated it. This is said to have 
so terrified the Ganga ruler of the adjoining country, probably Anantavarman-Choda- 
ganga, that he realised that the only way to save his fife was to cross the ocean.^ Soon 
thereafter, Anantavarman died and was succeeded by his son Jatesvara alias Madhukam^- 
nava. Prithvideva then raided the Ganga territory, defeated Jatesvara and took him cap- 
tive. If the account in the Kharod inscription® could be believed, the Ganga king had to 
pass some days in the Kalachuri prison before he was released. Ganga records are 
naturally silent about this defeat of Jatesvara, but the account is corroborated by another 
contemporary Kalachuri record. The Ratanpur stone inscription dated K. 915 (1163-64 
A.C.), now in a sadly mutilated condition, describes the fierce battle in which Brahmadeva, 
the ruler of the Talahari tnandala and a feudatory of Prithvideva II, fought valiantly with 
Jatesvara. Verse 17 of the inscription says that Brahmadeva became famous by imprison- 
ing a mighty foe.^ The reference is plainly to the capture of the Ganga kin g. The en- 
gagement seems to have occurred in circa 1150 A.C., soon after the accession of Jatesvara. 
After this no Ganga king dared invade the Kalachuri territory. 

Like his father and grandfather, Prithvideva II also struck gold and copper coins in his 
name. Some of his tiny silver coins are also known. He gave a liberal patronage to men 
of learning. As many as seven inscriptions of his reign record his grants of land to Brah- 
manas .5 A Ratanpur stone inscription of his time states that his rule followed the path 
of good policy and caused the people joy unattended by contact with troubles.® Several 
religious and charitable works were constmcted in his reign. The aforementioned Vaisya 
feudatory, Vallabharaja, excavated a lake to the east of Ratanpur, which stiU exists under 
the name of Kharuhg. He dug two other tanks, one of which he named after his earlier 
lord Ratnadeva II, and constructed a temple of Siva.’ Another feudatory Brahmadeva, 
who has been mentioned above in another connection, erected several temples and excavated 
tanks at different places in the kingdom. He also raised a mango-grove and maintained a 
charitable feeding house at Kumarakota.® Prithvideva’s military commander Jagapala 
repaired the temple of Ramachandra at Rajim and endowed it with the gift of a village.® He 
also founded the city of Jagapalapura. Even private individuals constructed temples. 
The Kayastha Devagana, for instance, erected a temple of Siva at Samba as recorded in his 
Ratanpur inscription. 

Brahmadeva was Prithvideva’s trusted minister. He was previously ruling over the 

^ See the dates of No. ii6 and 117. 

* No. 89, V. II. 

» No. loo, V. 9. This statement in the inscription has not been noticed before. 

^ No. 96, V. 17. 

^ Nos. 86, 89-^2, 94 and 123. 

* No. 93, V. 7. 

’ No. 95, U. 24. ff. 

® No. 96, w. 23 if. 

» No. 88, li. 14 ff. 



Talahati mandala. Prithvideva II specially invited him to his capital, and entrusting the 
affairs of the state to him, obtained great peace of mind. The last known date of Prithvl- 
deva’s reign is K. 915 (1163-64 A.C.). The next known date K. 919 (1167-68 A.C.) 
belongs to the reign of his son and successor Jajalladeva 11 . Prithvideva II may, therefore, 
have closed his reign in 1165 A.C. 

Soon after his accession, Jajalladeva II came into conflict with Jayasirhha, the Kala- 
churi Emperor of Tripuri. The cause of this conflict is not known. Perhaps Jayasimha 
thought that it would be easy to subdue the new king before he consolidated his power and 
that he would thus be able to re-estabUsh the supremacy of his house in Chhattisgarh. He 
personally led the expedition. Jajalladeva was determined to vindicate his right to in- 
dependence. He was ably assisted by his feudatories and especially by the members of the 
collateral branch estabhshed at Sonthiva. A fierce battle was fought. Ulhanadeva, a 
scion of the royal family, fought bravely and decimated Chedi forces. Seeing this, 
Jayasirhha, the Chedi king, himself advanced to the forefront, being highly enraged Hke 
a serpent trodden under foot.^ In the fight that ensued, Ulhanadeva lost his life, but the 
inscription does not state whether Jayasirhha won a victory. Records of the Kalachuris 
of Tripuri are wholly silent about this campaign. Neither Jajalladeva nor his successors 
give any indication of their subordinate rank in their subsequent records. So the battle 
may not have ended unfavourably for Jajalladeva 11 . He treated Amanadeva, the orphan 
son of Ulhanadeva, with special affection, as his father had died on the battlefield, fighting 
bravely for his lord, and as his mother had immolated herself as SatL 

Some time after this, Jajalladeva was caught by an alligator of the variety locally 
known as Thiru.^ He was fortunately able to extricate himself, and by way of thanks- 
giving gave the village Bundera to two Br^manas, the astrologer Raghava and the family- 
priest N^adeva, in the year K. 919 (1167 A.C.). 

As in previous reigns, there was a considerable building activity duriug the time of 
Jajalladeva II. Somaraja, the son of Gahgadhara who had immigrated from Madhyadesa, 
bixilt a temple of Siva at Malika. Several members of the collateral branch of the Kala- 
churi family, estabhshed at Sonthiva, constructed rehgious and charitable works in their 
territory. At Patharia, Rajadeva, the grandson of Sarvadeva, built a temple of Siva, raised 
a mango-grove and excavated a tank. His son Ulhanadeva, who, as stated above, died later 
fighting with the Emperor Jayasirhha of Tripuri, built the temple of Chandrachuda. This 
temple still exists at Sheorinarayan . Ulhanadeva’s son Amanadeva II donated the village 
Chificheli to provide materials for the worship of the god Chandrachuda installed by his father. 

All the three inscriptions of Jajalla’s reign are dated K. 919 (1167-68 A.C)? It 
appears that there was some trouble towards the close of his reign. The Kharod inscrip- 
tion states that when Jajalladeva attained, through accursed fate, union with Brahman 
died), the world became enveloped in darkness on all sides, the people being distressed 
through the loss of their discernment on account of the Kali Age. The cause of the trouble 
is not known. Perhaps the country was invaded by some enemy, in consequence of which 
confusion and disorder throughout the land. In this time of trouble Jagaddeva, 
the elder brother of JajaUa 11 , came hastily from the Eastern country and established peace, 
Qj-der and good government in the kingdom. As the Kharod inscription says, under 
Jagaddeva’s rule thieves disappeared, obstacles vanished, dangers departed and enemies 
took shelter in the corners of mountain caves,'* 

1 No. 98, w. 27 ff. 

^ For other interpretations due to misreading ©f v. 19 No. 99 > below, p. 5 ^9 and n. 2. 

® Nos. 97-99- 

* No. TOO, V. 14. 




It has been suggested that Jagaddeva had been superseded by his younger brother 
Jajalla II and was ruling over some eastern districts during the latter’s life time. But in 
that case the Khar5d inscription of his son Ratnadeva Ill’s reign would not have bestowed 
high praise on the usurper.^ The wording of the verses 13 and 14 of that inscription 
rather suggests that Jagaddeva had voluntarily relinquished his claim to the throne in order 
to fight with the Eastern Gahgas and that he had to return home hastily when the country 
was rent by disorder as a result of some foreign invasion. 

Jagaddeva seems to have had a short reign of about 10 years (K. 920-950 or 1168-1178 
A.C.). He had a queen named SomaUadevi, who bore him a son named Ratnadeva III. 

Ratnadeva III came to the throne about 1178 A.C. The Kharod stone inscription 
dated K. 933 (1181-82 A.C.), which is the only record of his reign, states that he was dis- 
tinguished for a handsome form, learning and charity. During his reign too there was 
some trouble. As the Khar5d inscription states, the treasure was exhausted, the elephant 
force became weak, the people were scattered and the country was infested by a famine 
and reduced to a pitiable state. In this emergency Ratnadeva made the learned Brahmana 
Gahgadhara his Prime Minister. The latter, by his policy, vanquished the enemies of his 
lord everywhere, and freed the kingdom from aU troublesome persons.^ It would appear, 
therefore, that the trouble had been caused by some unnamed enemy. 

Gangadhara, the aforementioned minister of Ratnadeva III, erected religious and 
charitable works at several places in the kingdom. He repaired the mandapa of the temple 
of Lakshmanesvara at Kharod. This temple had been erected by the Somavarhsi king 
Is^adeva more than six centuries before.® Its mandapa may have fallen into disrepair 
owing to the passage of time. Gahgadhara constructed temples at several other places 
in honour of Vishnu, Siva, Ekavira, Durga and Ganapati. Some of them, such as the 
temple of Ekavira at Ratnapura, are still standing. He excavated tanks, raised a garden, 
and established a charitable feeding house at Narayanapura.'^ 

Ratnadeva III was succeeded by his son Pratapamalla in circa K. 950 (1198-99 A.C.). 
He is known from his two land-grants dated K. 965 and K. 969, and some copper coins 
which have the king’s name on the obverse and the figure of a lion and a dagger on the 
reverse. From the description in the Pendrabandh plates that though a boy, he was a 
second Bali in strength, it seems that he came to the throne while quite young. In other 
respects, the description of him given by the plates is quite conventional. 

We have no records of the successors of Pratapamalla until we come to the time of 
Vaharendra towards the close of the fifteenth century A.C. In the records of other dynas- 
ties, there are occasional references to the defeats inflicted on the kings of Kosala, but they 
rarely mention the names of the reigning kings. Hemadri’s Vratakhanda states in its 
Rdjaprasasti that the Yadava king Sirhhana took away troops of rutting elephants belonging 
to the king JajjaUa.® The latter was probably a king of Ratanpur. As he was a contem- 
porary of Siihhana {circa 1210-1247 A.C.), he seems to have succeeded Pratapamalla. He 
sufiered another defeat at the hands of Vishnu, the minister of the Gahga king Anahga- 

1 See No. 100, v. ii. It must, however, be noted that the Peniabandh plates of Ratnadeva Hi’s 
son Pratapamalla omit Jajalladeva II’s name in the genealogical portion ; but that may be because he was a 

2 No. 100, V. 27. 

3 Isanadeva was the uncle of Tivaradeva and flourished probably towards the close of the sixth 
cen, A.C. Bp, Ind,, VoL XXII, pp, 17 ff. and Vol. XXVI, p. 229. 

^ No. loi, w. 30 ff. 

^ See the extract from the Kajaprahsfi I in Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar’s E. H. D., p. 195. Recently some 
coins of Sirhhana have been found in the Raigarh District. J, N, S, Vol. VTII, pp. 148 ff. 



bhima III.^ The Purshottampuri plates of the Yadava R^chandra intimate a victory of 
Sirhhana’s grandson Krishna over the contemporary king of K 5 sala. The latter is not 
named, but he may have been a successor of the aforementioned Jajjalla. 

The next notice of the Kalachuri kings of Ratanpur that we get is from the stone 
inscriptions of the king V^ara. The Kosgain inscription^ of this king mentions the 
following pedigree. 







Ratnasena (m. Gundayi) 



The inscription mentions no political events of the reign of Vahara’s predecessors. 
For Vahara, we have two dates, V. 1532 (1494-95 A.C.), furnished by the Ratanpur 
inscription,® and V. 1370 (1513 A.C.), occurring in the Kosgain inscription.^ He may, 
therefore, have reigned from circa 1480 A.C. to 1515 A.C. Taking twenty-five years as the 
average duration of a reign, the accession of Sihghana, who flourished five generations be- 
fore, may be dated in circa 1355 A.C. This Sihghana is probably identical with Sihgha or 
Sirhhana mentioned in the Raipur® andKhalari® stone inscriptions, who also seems to have 
reigned in the same period ; for, his grandson Brahmadeva was ruling at Raipur and Khalari 
in V. 1458 (1402 A.C.) and V. 1471’ (1415 A.C.). These inscriptions give the following 
pedigree — 


. I 




Brahmadeva (V. 1458 and 1471). 

It seems plain, therefore, that in the last quarter of the fourteenth century A.C., the 
Ratanpur family of the Kalachuris split into two branches. The elder branch continued 
to rule at Ratanpur, while the younger one founded a separate principality with Raipur® 
as its capital. Combining the two pedigrees, we get the following genealogy® — 

1 See the Chatesvara inscription. A. S, B., Vol. LXVTE (1898), pp. 317-27. 

2 No. 105, 11. 6-7. 

® No. 103, l.ii. 

*No. 106, 1.14. 

® No. 107, 1. 13. 

* No. 108, 1.5. 

The inscription contains in I.15 the date V. 1470, but it is a mistake for V. 1471. See below, 

p. 576. 

® Rayapura (the royal city) may have been founded by RamaclJandra. In the time of his son Brah- 
madeva, Khalvatika (modem Khalari) seems to have become a second capital of the royal family. See 
No. 108, 1.8. 

® According to local tradition, Kesava was the founder of the Raipur line and flourished in 1420 
A. C Raipur Distrkt Gazetteer ^ p. 51, 



(Ratanpur branch) 








(1494 and 1513 A.C.) 

As stated before, the inscriptions give no historical information about the reign of 
Vahara’s predecessors. Vahara’s reign, however, was marked by skirmishes with the 
Pathans. The Kosgain inscriptions show that he had shifted his capital from Ratanpur to 
the stronghold of Kosahga (modern Kosgain) probably owing to the forays of the Pathan 
adventurers.^ From there he used to raid Pathan outposts. The Kosgain inscription 
states that when he attacked the Pathans, they, leaving their stations, used to flee to the 
Sona. Madhava, Vahara’s brave minister, is credited with a victory over the Pathans, 
w'hom he despoiled of gold and other metals, elephants, horses, cows and buffaloes. The 
Muslim chroniclers do not mention any incursions of the Afghans, who are evidently 
meant by the Pathans, into Chhattisgarh, wliich, being land-locked, must have been 
comparatively secure from their depredations. From the Tdrikh-i-DdUdt of Abdulla, we 
learn that Sikandar Lodi invaded the territory of the Raja of Bhata,^ devastated the country 
and stormed the fort of Bandhu (Bandhogarh in the Rewah State), ‘the strongest castle 
of the district’, w’hich he, however, failed to reduce. B^dhogarh is about 125 rmles north 
by west of Kosgain. Sikandar’s invasion seems to have occurred about 1496 A.C., two 
years after the date of the Ratanpur inscription of Vahara’s reign. During this expedition 
or some time later, some Afghan adventurers from Jaunpur may have attempted to raid 
the Kalachuri territory, but they were turned back by V^ara. 

We have no inscriptions of the successors of V^ara. Local tradition mentions 
twelve successors^ of Baliar Sahai (evidently identical with Vaharendra of the inscriptions) 
who ruled at Ratanpur until the country was conquered by Bhaskar Pant, the Brahmana 
General of the Bhonslas of Nagpur in 1740 A.C. The reigns of these princes were unevent- 
ful and inglorious. One of them Kalyan Sah^, the successor of Bahar Sahai, is said to 

^ Verse 13 of No. 105 states that Vahara had stored various kinds of food-grains, 
■wealth, fuel and fodder in the fortress evidently to make it sufSciendy strong to stand a siege by the 

2 £. D. H. L, Vol. IV, p. 462. According to General Briggs, he was ^alivahan, the Raja of Panna. 
Loc. ciL, n. 2. C. H. L, Vol. Ill, p. 239, states that he was the Raja of Phaphamau. 

3 In his A. S. I R. Vol. XVIIJ pp. 77 ff., Cunningham gives a list of these kings with approximate 
dates. Replaces Bahar Sahai 101519 A.C., which is not wide of the mark. But the dynastic lists are, on 
the whole, unreliable; for, according to them, the five immediate ancestors of Bahar Sahai were ICamala 
Deva, Sankara Sahai, Mahana Sahai, Dadu Sahai and Purushottama Sahai, but these names do not agree 
with those given by Vahara’s Kosgain inscription (No. 105). 



have proceeded to Delhi to pay homage to the great Akbar d He was absent for about 
eight years and returned to Ratanpur, being invested by the Emperor with the full rights 
of Ra]a and confirmed in the possession of his territory. The ^luslim chronicleSj however, 
do not mention this event. 

The Raipur branch has left two inscriptions® dated 1402 and 1415 A.C., both of which 
belong to the reign of Brahmadeva. The only historical event recorded in them is the 
defeat which Ramadeva (or Ramachandra), the father of Brahmadeva, inflicted on Bhdninga- 
deva, who belonged to the Phamvarhsa or Naga dynasty.® Two Naga families were ruling 
in Chhattisgarh during this period, one in the former Kawardha State and the other in the 
former Bastar State. The last dated record of the Bastar family is of Harikhandra, who 
was ruling in 1324 A.C. The Kawardha family also continued to rule till the fourteenth 
century, as its last dated inscription is of 1349 A.C.® In the absence of subsequent records, 
it is difficult to say to which family Bhomngadeva, defeated by Ramachandra, belonged. 
Perhaps he was ruling over the former Bastar State ; for, the Nagavarhsi chiefs of the 
Kawardha state are known to have been feudatories of the Kalachuris, whose era they 
used in earlier times. Some of them were also matrimonially connected with the 

The conditions in Chhattisgarh at the time of its annexation by the Marathas are very 
well described in the following extract.’ — “The Haihayas merely stood at the head of a 
number of petty Rajas and official chiefs, each of whom was, to a large extent, independent, 
and among whom the whole country was divided. It was an essentially weak system, 
adapted only to an earlier stage of social development, and it would have fallen long ago, 
had any weU organised foreign invasion ever been attempted. When the Marathas came, 
they marched through the whole country without any opposition, and demanded and 
obtained the allegiance of all the surrounding states.” Thus ended the rule of the Kalachuris 
in Chhattisgarh after lasting for more than seven centuries from circa 1000 A.C. to 1740 A.C. 


The records edited here belong to two main periods — the earlier one extending from 
about 250 A.C. to about 750 A.C,, and the later from about 850 A.C. to about 1500 A.C. 
The earlier inscriptions mainly come from Western India comprising Gujarat, Konkan 
and Northern Maharashtra, and the later ones from Northern India and the Chhattisgarh 
Division of Madhya Pradesh. The administrative system, religion, and social and 
economic life in these two periods naturally show wide differences. 

In the earlier period, the largest administrative unit was the desa^ corresponding to the 
province of modern times. The kingdom of the Traikutaka Vyaghrasena, for instance, 
comprised several desas or provinces, only one of which, vi:^., Apar^ta (North Konkan), 

^ According to Cunningham, he went to Delhi in consequence of a dispute with the Raja of Mandla 
and returned in Samvat 1628 or 1371 A.C. 

® Nos. 107 and 108, A copper-plate inscription of Amarasithhadeva, who is said to have belonged to 
the Kalachuri family, was discovered at Arahg. But it gives no pedigree, contains no date and has no 
historical importance. 

® No. 108, 1 . 6 . 

* Ep. Ind., VoL X, pp. 39 ff. 

® I. C. P. B., (second ed.), p. 176. 

® The Mandava Mahal inscription from the former Kawardha State states that Ramachandra 
of the Phanivam^a married AmbikadevI of the Haihaya lineage. Ibid. p. 174. 

Bilaspur District Gas^etteer, p. 48. 



finds a specific mention in his grantd The names of the other desas comprised in the 
Traikutaka kingdom, Mahwashtra, Rishika (Khandesh) and Lata (Central and 
Southern Gujarat) do not occur in the records of the Traikutakas. The next lower 
administrative unit was the vishaja corresponding to the modern district. This term 
was current over a very wide area, Gujarat, Konkan and Maharashtra. Gujarat 
was, for instance, divided into a number of vishayas such as the Sahgamakhetaka,^ 
Antarnarmada,® Nandipura,^ Antarmandali,^ AkrureA^ara,® Bahirika,'^ K^maneya,® 
Trey anna® and Kasakula.^® Some of the vi shay as seem to have changed their names 
in course of time. Thus, when Broach attained a greater importance as the capital of 
the Gurjaras, the name of the Antarnarmada vishaya was changed to the Bharukachchha 
vishayaP- From Konkan we have the vishayas Trikuta, Palludhamba, Amraraji, Mairika, 
Mahagirihara^^ etc. North hlaharashtra had such vishayas as Nasikya^® and Bhoga- 
vardhana.’^^ Sometimes vishaya was used as a synonym for desa. The Kanheri plate, for 
instance, mentions the Sindhu vishaya in the sense of the province of Sindh.^® Similarly, 
the Purl-Konkana vishaya, mentioned in the Anjaneri plates,^® signified the province of 
Konkan. Our records do not state the extent of these vishayas except in the case of Puri- 
Konkana, which is said to have comprised 14000 villages. Puri-Kohkana, however, was a 
desa rather than a vishaya. Other vishayas must have been much smaller in size. This is 
also indicated by the number of vishayas into which Gujarat and North Konkan were divided. 

A vishaya was subdivided into smaller units which were generally called dhdras in 
Central India^'^ and Gujarat, and bhdgas in Maharashtra. Thus we find that the Nagendra 
dhdra comprised the territory round modern firan.i® Several dhdras are mentioned in the 
records from Gujarat, e.g., IksharakP®, Lohikaksha^®, Treyanna^i, Kanhavala^^ and Karma- 
neya.®® In the south the Nasikya vishaya of Maharashtra probably comprised the Vatanagara 

^ No. 9, 1. 2, 

2 No. 19, 1. 9; No. 20, 1. 9. 

3 No. 11,1. 4. 

^ No. 22, 1.17. 

3 No. 8, 11. 2-3, 

* No. 16, 1.35; No. 17, 1.33. 

’ No. 27, 1.16. 

3 No. 29, 1. 21; No. 30, 1. 38. 

® No. 26, 1.20. 

No. 34, 1.9. 

No, 23, 1. II. 

12 Ni. 31, 1. 27. 

13 No. 28,1.14. 

1^ No. 12, 1. 18. 

13 No. 10, 1.2. 

1® No. 31, 1.23. 

i"^ That an dhdra was a sub-division of a vishaja is evident from the explicit statement in the Navsari 
plates of SryasrayaNiladitya (No. 27, 1. 16) that the Kanhavala dhara was included in the Bahirika vishaja. 
Contrast, however, the statement Trejann-ahar-dntarggata-vishaje in Une 20 of No. 26, which seems 
to convey just the opposite. Perhaps the intended statement there was Trejann-dhdra-v]shaj-dntarggata-. 
Cf. No. 29, 1.21 and No. 30, I.38. 

13 No. 1 1 9, 1. 4. 

13 No. 9, 1.8. 

23 No. 24, 1.35. 

21 No. 26, 1. 20. 

22 No. 27, 1. 16. 

23 No. 29, 1. 21 and No. 30. 1. 38. 



bhoga\ for, Vatanagata, modern Vadner, is not far from Nasik. The terms dhdra and bhdga 
are sometimes noticed outside the aforementioned limits also. We find, for instance, that 
Gorajja bhdga was a subdivision of the Bharukachchha vishaya in Gujarat,^ while ^laha- 
girihara in Konkan was probably so called because Mahagiti was the headquarters of that 
dhdra? Some dhdras had the same name as the vi shay as in which they were included, and so 
the two technical terms are often found combined ; see, e,g.^ Karmaney^ahara-vishaya^ 
and Treyann-^ara-vishaya.^ Some sub-divisions of vishayas may have been known as 
rdshtras. Kalachuri inscriptions mention the mahattaras of rdshtras among persons to whom 
the royal order about a grant was to be communicated.® Some rdshtras may have been 
large enough to be known as vishayas. Gopa-rashtra, for instance, is mentioned as one of 
the vishayas of Puri-K5nkana.’^ An dhdra contained smaller territorial units called pathakas. 
Very few pathakas have, however, found a mention in our records. Korilla pathakc? 
and Lohikaksha pathakcfi lay in Gujarat, while Nagarika pathakc?^ was in Khandesh. 
Bahirika,^^ which is mentioned in the Eran inscription as a subdivision of Nagendra dhdra^ 
was probably a pathaka. Bhdgas and pathakas contained several towns^*^ (nagaras or puras) 
and villages (gramas). Capital cities were called rdjadham and were distinguished by pre- 
fixing srI or vijaya to their names.^^ Other towns were called nagaras^ puras or adhishthdfias?^ 
The village was, of course, the smallest territorial unit. The names of villages generally 
ended in kheta^padra^ padraka or palll, as, for example, Pippalakheta,^^ Sirishapadraka^® and 
Suvarnarapalli.^'^ Villages granted to Brahmanas were known as agrahdras\ see Sraddhik- 
agrahara^® mentioned in the Navasari plates. Some of the larger villages had hamlets 
attached to them ; see, e.g.^ Sriparnaka^^ included in Tandulapadraka, and the three 
pallikds^^ attached to Samagiripattana. 

In the later period some of these technical terms fell into disuse and were supplanted 
by others. Desa continued to signify the largest territorial unit, a country or a pro- 
vince.^^ Vishaya^ which in the earlier period was the common term denoting a district, is 
rarely noticed in this period.^^ jts place was taken by mandala in the south and pattala 

^ No. 14, 1 . 19. Vatenagara was also the name of a vishaya which was included in the Nasika 
des'a. Ind. Ant.^ Vol, XI, pp. 156 fF. 

2 No, 15,1. 19. 

® No. 31, 1 . 27. 

^ No. 29, 1 . 21: No. 30, 1 . 38, 

^ No. 26, 1 . 20. 

® No. 12, 1 , 17. 

’ No. 31, 1 . 26. 

® No, 21, 1 . 22. This is probably identical with Korella-chaturasid mentioned in No. 121, 1 . 16. 

® No, 24, 1 . 33. 

No. 2, 1 . 3. 

No. 1 19, 1 . 4. 

Towns which had predominantly a merchant population were called vanin nagaras. 

Cf, Vijay-Aniruddhapurat in No, 9, 1 . i. 

No. 1 19, 1 . 4. 

No. 25, 1 . 20. 

No. 16, 1 . 33 and No, 17, 1 . 3 3. 

No. 19, 1 . 10. No. 21, 1 . 19. 

No. 13, 1 . 8. 32, 1 . 30. 

See Vadahara desa mentioned in No. 88, 1 . i. 

22 Some instances of vishaya are Gunakala vishaya mentioned in the Kahla plates (No. 74, 1 . 36) and 
Anarghavalli vishaya in the Sheorinarayan plates (No. 82, I.19). In some stray records other terms like 
bhumi and uddesa are noticed ; see No. 48, 1.37 and No. 56, U. 27-28. These did not, however, become 




in the north. The records from Chhattisgarh mention several mandalas such as Komo- 
mandala^, Apara-mandala,^ Madhya-mandala,® Samanta-mandala,^ Anarghavalli-mandala® 
(called also Anargha-mandala), Talahari-mandala® etc. Sometimes mandala was used in 
the sense of desa. Notice hlalava-mandala'^ in the sense of Malava-desa in the Bhera-Ghat 
inscription of Narasirhha, and Chedi-mandala in the Ratanpur stone inscription of Prithvi- 
deva II.® A more common term denoting a district was pattald, which was current over a 
wide country. We have, for instance, Kausamba-pattala® from Uttar Pradesh, Deva- 
grama-pattala,^® Khandagaha-pattala,^^ Kuyisambapalisa-pattala,^® Dhanavahl-pattala^® and 
Reva-pattalai^ from Vindhya Pradesh, and Sambala-pattalai®, Nava-pattala^® and Jauli- 
pattala” from the Jabalpur District of Madhya Pradesh. Subdivisions of a pattald are 
rarely mentioned. In the records edited here, we have only two instances of Maladvadasaka^® 
and Korella-chaturasiti,!® which were evidently groups of villages of which M^a and Korella 
were the principal ones. A pattald may, therefore, have been divided into smaller territorial 
um’ts of lo, 12, 40 or 100 villages, but they rarely find a mention in the inscriptions of this 
period. Names of towns ended in nagara or pura and those of villages in grdma or pdtaka. 
See, e.g., Lavananagara,Durlabhapura, 20 Hastigrama, Nikhatigrama,Thiulapatakaand Vania- 
pataka.®^ Some towns were named after the kings or queens who settled them. See, e.g., 
Ratnapura founded by Ratnadeva I, Jajallapura by Jajalladeva I and Gosalapura by Gosala- 
devi. All these are still known by their ancient names which, in some cases, are slightly 

The form of government was monarchical throughout the long period represented 
by the records edited here. At the head of the administrative machinery was the king whose 
authority was supreme. Heappointed viceroys, governors, ministers, and important civil and 
mili tar y officers, and transferred them from one province to another according as he consi- 
dered it desirable. The Chalukya Emperor Vikramaditya I, for instance, appointed his youn- 
ger brother Jayasirhha to govern Gujarat and the Nasik District®^ and placed the Harikhan- 
driya prince Svamichandra in charge of the whole Puri-Konkana.®® The king usually 

1 No. 77, 1. 15. 

2 No. 76, 1. 29. 

^ No. 91, 1. 25. 

^ No, 92, 1. 22. 

^ No. 83, 1.25. 

6 No. 96, 1. 6. 

^ No. 60, 1 . 18. 

® No. 93, 1. 8. 

® No. 50, 1. 37. 
No. 36, 1. 18. 
No. 65, 1 . II. 
^2 No. 68,1. 7. 
No. 72, 1. 10. 
No. 70, 1. 13. 
Below, p. 649. 
^6 No. 64, 1. 26. 
No. 60, 1. 24, 
No. 42, 1. 51. 
No. 121, 1. 16. 
20 No. 45, 1 . 32. 
» No. 74, 1. 37. 
22 No. 27, 1. 9. 

“ No. 31, 1. 6. 



conferred tides and other distinctions such as panchamahahhda for meritorious service.^ 
He was also the Commander-in-chief of the army and himself led important campaigns. 
Some early grants were issued from the victorious camps of kings evidently in the course 
of military campaigns. The king was also the Supreme Judge, and, according to the Smritis, 
it was one of his principal duties to dispense justice either personally or through judges 
appointed for the purpose. His consent was necessary for the transfer of any immovable 
property in the State. The three early inscriptions from Khandesh,^ for instance, record 
the royal assent to certain gifts of land made by private individuals. 

The king’s authority was thus, in theory, unfettered, but in practice there were several 
checks. The education of the princes was so designed as to make them self-controlled as well 
as learned and brave. The high ideals of self-restraint, charity, impartiality, liberal patronage 
to reh'gion and learning, and respect to elders and learned people were constantly kept 
before their eyes and inculcated upon their minds. The princes who were brought up 
in such traditions did not generally belie the expectations of their educators. The earlier 
records of the Traikutakas, the Kalachuris and the Gurjaras give a glowing description 
of the dhhigdmika-gunas (attractive qualities) and other merits of the reigning kings and their 
ancestors. The Surat plates state, for instance, that the Traikutaka king Vyaghrasena shared 
his wealth with learned people, refugees, elders, relatives and good persons, and that his 
enviable fortune was allied with self-restraint worthy of his noble birth.® The Kalachuri 
records state that the illustrious king Krishnaraja wielded his weapon for the protection of 
the distressed, fought to humble the arrogance of his enemies, acquired learning to attain 
humility, and wealth to spend it in charity, made gifts to acquire religious merit and accu- 
mulated religious merit to attain salvation.'* The Gurjara grants say that Dadda III was 
an adept in performing his duty, as he had acquired discrimination by studying the sacred 
treatise of the great sage Manu.® Even foreigners were impressed by the high ideals 
preached by the Hindu Dharmasdstras and Arthasdstras. The Saka king Sridharavarman is 
described in both the records of his reign as dharmavijayin, i.e., a righteous conqueror.® 
This means that he never waged any war for self-aggrandizement. There may be some 
exaggeration in the description of the princes given by their panegyrists, but it undoubtedly 
indicates the ideal set before the rulers, which many of them must have striven to reach. 
In later inscriptions, however, we do not find the same emphasis laid on the virtues of self- 
restraint, learning and humility. The later prasastis abound in glowing descriptions of a 
king ’s bravery and Liberality as well as his construction of religious and charitable works, 
but they rarely refer to his discipline, duties and responsibilities. 

Tile king could not also oppress the people by means of harsh and unjust laws ; for 
his legislative powers were extremely limited. He was enjoined to govern the people and 
to administer justice strictly in accordance with the civil and criminal laws laid down in the 
Smritis. He had no power to enact fresh laws and to issue orders except in matters not 
covered by these works. In ancient times when religion had a firm hold on the minds of 
the people, few kings dared to defy the dictates of the age-old sacred Dharmasastras. 
On Ae other hand, many took pride in stating in their records that they studied these works 
and implicitly followed their teaching in respect of the institutions of the varms (castes) 
and dsramas (orders of life).’ 

^ See above, p. Ixv. 

2 Nos. 2-4. 

® No. 9, 1 . 7. 

* No, 12, il. 8-9. 

5 No. 21, 1 . 8. 

® No. 5, 1 . 2 and No. 119, 1 . 2. 

^ No. 21, 11 . 8-9. 



Besides, the counsellors (mantrins) whom the king was enjoined to consult, the Putohita 
who, by his prayers and religious rites, propitiated gods and secured their help in warding 
off all calamities and attaining success,^ and the Rajagmu who was greatly venerated must 
have wielded considerable influence in controlling the arbitrary actions of the king. - There 
were, again, rich and powerful Srenis (guilds) and Gams (corporations) which maintained 
their own militia.^ The kings were not loth to use this military force in times of difficulty. 
The existence of these powerful self-governing institutions must also have exercised a 
wholesome influence in curbing the oppressive tendencies of a despot. 

Royal power must also have been considerably checked by the existence of powerful 
feudatories. The latter enjoyed considerable privileges. They could make grants of 
land in their own name without referring to the paramount power or even mentioning its 
name in their records.® The Gurjaras of Central Gujarat called themselves Somantas 
and undoubtedly owed allegiance to the Chalukyas of Badami, to whom they must have 
paid an annual tribute ; but in other respects they exercised independent authority and could 
wage war or make peace on their own initiative. The Sendrakas, the Gujarat Chalukyas and 
the Harischandriyas originally obtained their principalities by the favour of the imperial 
Chalukya family of Badami, but in their land-grants they generally make no mention of the 
contemporary Chalukya Emperor. In later times, however, as the power of the central 
authority increased, the feudatories became weak. Most of them were required to be in 
attendance in the Imperial court. The Prabandhachintamani states that as many as 136 
kings were in attendance in the court of Karna.^ It is significant that we have hardly any 
grants made by these numerous feudatories of the Kalachuris of Tripuri. The only instances 
known so far are those made by the princes of Karkaredi,® but they belong to the age 
when the power of the imperial family was declining. 

Kingship was hereditary. The eldest son was generally made the heir-apparent. He is 
called Ytwanja in earlier records, and Mahdrdjaputra or Mahdkimdra in later ones. He helped 
the Idng in the administration of the kingdom and succeeded liim after his death. Sryasraya- 
Siladitya, for instance, was governing South Gujarat on behalf of his father. He could make 
grants of land in his own name and was also authorised to use his own seal for the charters 
he issued.® Sometimes a king himself in his old age crowned his son and himself retired 
from government. Karna, the illustrious Kalachuri king, is said to have himself perform- 
ed the coronation of his son Yasahkarna.'^ Junior princes were often appointed to 
govern outlying provinces. The Gurjara king Dadda II appointed his brother Ranagraha 
to govern a province. The latter could, however, make a grant of land only with the con- 
sent of the reigning king.® KPkalla I had eighteen sons, of whom the eldest succeeded 
him, while the younger ones were appointed rulers of the neighbouring mandalas? 

Later records generally mention the Mahdrqjnl or crowned queen among the persons 
to whom the royal order about a grant of land was to be communicated. It is not known 
whether she took any part in the deliberation of state affairs. She had, in any case, no 
independent authority. The Karitalfi inscription, while recording a gift of Rahada," the 

^ Cf. IV, 50, 7-9 ; NVA,j p. i6o. 

^ Nos. I and 120. 

3 They had their own Department of Peace and War. See No. 16, il. 50-51 
^ P. C. H,y p. 50. 

^ Nos. 65 and 68. 

® See the seal of No. 27. 

7 No. 56,1. 15. 

® No. 18, 1 . 10. 

® No, 76, 11 . 8-9. This is also laid down in SNS.^ adhyaya i, w. 346-48. 



Mahadevi (queen) of Lakshmanaraja 11, expressly states that it had been made by her with 
the consent of the kingd Similarly, the Kumbhi plates state clearly that the village Chora- 
layl was granted by the queen-mother Gbsaladevi with the consent of her son, the reigning 
king Vijayasirhha.2 Still, some queens must have exercised a considerable political and 
reUgious influence. Nohala, the queen of Yuvarajadeva I, greatly influenced the religious 
policy of her husband and invited to the Chedi country several ascetics of the Mattamayura 
clan from her home country. She herself built a lofty temple of Siva under the name of 
Nohalesvara, which she endowed with the gift of several villages.® The dowager queen 
Alhanadevi also caused a temple of Siva, a monastery and a lecture-hall to be constructed 
at Bhear-Ghat and herself granted two villages for their maintenance.^ Both these gifts 
must have been made with the tacit approval of the ruling king. GosaladevI also must 
have exercised a considerable influence during the reign of her son Vijayasirhha. She is 
mentioned prominently with her son and grandson in the Bhera-Ghat temple inscription.® 

The king was assisted by counsellors {m antritis), ministers {amdtyas') and heads of 
departments (adhjakshas). The Sukranltisdra emphasises the importance of the Crown 
Prince and the Council of Ministers by saying that they are the arms, eyes and ears of the 
king.® The Nitivdkjdmrita of Sbmadeva, who flourished in the loth century A.C., re- 
commends the appointment of three, five or seven counsellors.'^ We have, however, no 
definite information about the existence of a mantri-parishad either in the earher or in the 
later age. The Khairha and Jabalpur plates® mention chief counsellors {mantri-mukjas), 
but whether they formed a mantri-parishad, it is difficult to say. Earlier records mention 
very few ministers and high State functionaries. Later records, no doubt, enumerate a 
number of them, but they do not state whether any of them were regularly consulted by 
the reigning king in the important affairs of the State. Again, divergent views were 
held by the authors of the Smritis and the Arthasastras about the number of ministers. 
According to Manu, the king should have seven or eight ministers.® Sukra mentions a 
council of eight or ten ministers.^® Somadeva tells us that the departments entrusted 
to the mini sters {amdtyas) were those of revenue, expenditure, protection of the king’s 
person and the army.^i If there was a council of eight ministers in the age of the 
Later Kalachuris, it may have consisted of the following who are generally mentioned in 
their records : — Mahdmantrin, Mahdmdtya, Mahdsdndhivigrahika, Mahddharmddhikaranika (or 
Mahdpurdhita as stated in some records'), Mahdkshapatalika, Mahdpratihdra, Mahdsd manta 
and Mahdpramatri. The ministers wielded a considerable power. In cases of emer- 
gency they carried on the administration of the State and placed their nominee from 
among the princes on the royal throne.^® The Jabalpur and Khairha plates state, for 
instance, that the Chief Counsellors placed Kbkalla II on the throne of his father 
Yuvarajadeva II evidently in an emergency caused probably by the latter’s sudden death.i® 

^ No. 42, 1 . 29. 

^ See p. 650. 

3 No. 45,1. i8. 

* No. 60, 11 . 25-4. 

3 No. 69, 1 . I. 

* SNS., adhyaya II, v. 12. 

■> NVA., X, 71. 

« No. 56, V. 8; No. 57, v. 8. 

* MSM., adhyaya Vn, v. 54. 

w SNS., adhyaya H, w. 69 fF. 
u NVA., xvni, 6 . 

12 See e.g. No. 48, U. 34-36; No. 36. U. 25-26. 

13 No. 56, V. 8; No. 57, v. 8. 



The cliief among these ministefs was called hlahawantrin (Chief Counsellot). He was 
the right-hand man of the king and wielded a great power. We have no information about 
the Isiahdmantrins of the early kings such as the Kalachuris, the Gurjaras, the Sendrakas and 
the Chalukyas ; for, no grants made by them have yet come to light. For the later period, 
however, we have some inscriptions recording their construction of religious and charitable 
works, from which we can glean some information about their abilities and achievements. 
The Kalachuri king Yuvarajadeva I had an able Counsellor named Bhakamisra, who 
was a Brahmana of the Bharadvaja gotra} He was very learned and pious. His son 
Somesvara, who served Lakshmanaraja II, is highly eulogised in the Karitalai inscription. 
We are told that once when the palanquin of the Mahdmantrin was about to faU owing to 
the exhaustion of the bearer, the king Lakshmanaraja himself put his shoulder to it.^ 
This plainly indicates in what high esteem the king held him. The Mahdmdtya who was 
next in rank was also a very influential minister.^ He was probably in charge of the 
administration of the State. From the Rewa inscription we know of a Idghly cultured 
and valiant Kayastha family which served the Kalachuris of Tripuri for several genera.tions. 
Its founder was Gollaka, also known as Gauda, who was the Amdtya of Yuvarajadeva I.^ 
The Mahddhyaksha , who is mentioned in some records, was the General Superintendent of 
Administration.® Sometimes a Sarvddhikdrin was appointed and invested with supreme 
powers of direction and administration.® The MahdpratJhdra was also an important officer.’ 
He was in constant attendance on the king. He ushered people into the royal presence and 
communicated royal orders to the officers concerned.® 

The Kdjdgmu, though not included among the ministers, exercised a great influence 
in the court of the Kalachuri kings. He was consulted in important matters and was often 
entrusted with various kinds of work befitting his position.® 

The earliest records included here, vi^., the grants of the Maharajas of Khandesh, 
do not mention any royal officers specifically. They refer to them in general terms as 
Ayuktakas?^ The Kalachhala plate, however, mentions Ximdrdmdtya, Uparika, Ddndika 
and 'Dandapdsika, besides those in charge of elephants, horses and men, as well as chatas 
and bbatasM The mention of the first two officers is noteworthy ; for, till now they were 
known to occur first in the records of the Gupta age. The K^akhera inscription mentions 
Mahadandandyaka}^ and the Etan inscription Arakshika and SmdpatiM These three records, 
which are of the pre-Gupta or early Gupta age, show that the Sanskrit technical terms signi- 
fying a hierarchy of officers in the different departments of the State had already been evolved 
before the rise of the Guptas. Later inscriptions such as the Bagh cave plate of Subandhu, 
the Surat plates of Vyaghrasena and the Sunao Kala plates of Sahgamasimha mention 
several more functionaries. From these and other records we can form a general idea of 
the administration of the different departments of the State. 

^ No. 42, 1 . 3. 

2 1. 16. 

2 No. 51, 11 . 22 fF. 

^ Nos. 38-41. 

^ No. 48, 1 . 36. 

® No. 90, 1 . 18. 

’ No. 48, 1 . 55. 

s Cf. No. II, 1 . 24. 

® No. 64, V. 40. 

See, No. 2, 1 , 2. 

No. ii8,I. 3. 

12 No. 5, 1 . 2. 

No. 119, 1 , 6. 



General Administration — ^Early records mention several officers of different grades. 
The Kajastbaniya, who heads the list in the Sunao Kala plates, was probably the highest 
officer.^ As the term signifies a Viceroy, he may have been in charge of a province. 
Under him were the Uparikas, who administered smaller territorial units Uke the modern 
Commissioners’ Divisions. The Vishajapatis corresponded to the modern Collectors or 
Deputy Commissioners and were in charge of vi shay as (districts). Kumdrdmdtya was a 
general term denoting officers of different grades. Some of these terms fell into disuse and 
were supplanted by others in course of time. Uparika and Kumdrdmdtya do not occur 
in the later records of the Gurjaras, the Kalachuris and the Chalukyas. KdjasthdnJya con- 
tinued for a longer time, as it occurs in the Bagumra plates of Allasakti.^ The new terms 
which generally replaced Kdjasthdniya and Uparika were Rdjan and Sdmanta? They 
administered larger territorial units like the modem province or the Commissioner’s Division. 
The Vishayapatis continued to be in charge of the districts. Under them were the Bhogika- 
pdlakas, who probably supervised the work of the Bhogikas.^ The latter were in charge 
of smaller territorial divisions like the bhogas, pathakas and grdmas. The Navsari plates 
mention a grdmabhdgikaP Other records mention the Kdshtrakuta and the Grdmakuta, 
who were evidently the heads of a rdshtra and a village respectively.® The Sthdnalaka, 
who finds a mention in one record,^ was probably a local officer. Similarly, the Drdngika 
was the Mayor of a town.® Subordinate officers were referred to as dyuktakas and vini- 
yuktakasP Later they came to be known as ddhikdrikasP^ 

Revenue Department — The head of this department was probably the Mahdpramdtri 
who is mentioned in the later Kalachuri records.^^ He surveyed all land and fixed its 
assessment. The Mahdkshapatalika was the head of the Records Department.^^ The 
officer who collected the land revenue was called Dityodgrdhaka}^ Villages and lands 
granted to the Brahmanas for the maintenance of temples were exempt from ditya or 
land-tax.i^ The officer who collected other taxes was known as Vishaydddnika?^ 

There were different sources of state revenue. Udranga and uparikara are generally 
mentioned in early inscriptions. They probably correspond to klripta and upklripta men- 
tioned in the V^ataka grants, and to bhdga and bhoga of later records.^® Udranga may 
have been a land-tax. As for uparikara which seems to signify an additional tax, it may 
have included the miscellaneous taxes irrkln3rwhich traders and artisans had to pay. Besides 
these, salt and iron mines, forests, pasture-lands, mango and mahua trees, threshing floors, 
fines imposed for offences, etc. were the other sources of revenue.!^ Rates were levied 

^ No. II, 1. 2 . 

^ No. 26, 1 . 16. 

® No. 12, 1 . 16. The Bagumra plates, however, have both ^djan and K^'astbdniya. 

* No. 13, L 4; No. 18, 1 . 9. 

® No. 30, 1 . 36. 

« No. 26, IL 17-18; No. 28, 1 . 13. 

’ No. 7, 1 . 2. 

® No. 1 1, 1 . 2. Dranga occurs as the name of a territorial division in the Maitraka grants. According 
to some, the Drdngika was an octroi officer. N. H. I. P., Vol. VI, p. 279. 

» No. 7, 1 . 2. 

No. 12, 1 . 17. 

“ No. 48, 1 . 36. 

12 Ibid.. 1 . 35. 

No. 7, L 2. 

“ No. 8, i. 6. 

No. 74, 1 . 35. Here the term occurs as Vishajaddnika. 

No. 48, 1 . 45. 

No. 48, i. 37; No. 42, 1 . 34. 



for the salary of the Vaitakila and the apprehension of criminals {dussadhyas)?- Octroi 
and excise duties were another good source of income.^ They were collected by the 
officers called Satdkikas? The Ghattapati and Tarapati^ mentioned in the Kahla plates, 
looked after the ghats and ferries, and collected a small cess levied for their use.^ 

There were various other taxes. The Anjaneri plates of Bhogasakti mention the 
tax levied on shops in market-places.® Another tax called kovera, imposed on written 
documents {karanas), may have been a fee for registration. Each cart of a caravan had to 
pay a certain octroi duty while entering and leaving a village or a town.® There was also 
a sales tax levied in money or kind on the articles sold in the market-places. The Bilh^i 
inscription mentions that for every elephant sold in the market in a particular town, a tax 
of four pauras, and for every horse, that of two pauras were required to be paid. A small 
tax was also levied on the sale of other commodities, such as salt, oil, betel-nuts, black pepper, 
ginger, bundles of grass, vegetables and egg-plants.'^ Some of these taxes were paid in 
kind. In some cases these taxes were assigned to temples for their maintenance. Other- 
wise, they were collected for the State. 

Judicial Department — There are very few references to Judicial Officers in inscrip- 
tions. Perhaps Dandika who is mentioned in the Kalachhala plate® separately from 
Dandapdsika was a Magistrate. Dandandjaka, however, was probably a military officer.® 

Religious Department— This department is not mentioned in any early record edited 
here. Later, it seems to have attained a greater importance. Its head, the Mahadharmd- 
dbikaranika or Mahdpurdhita, is invariably mentioned among the officers to whom the royal 
order about a land-grant was to be communicated.^® In one record he is called Dharma- 
karmddhikdrin, i.e., the Officer in charge of religious works.^^ The Mahdddnika mentioned in 
the Kahla plates^^ probably belonged to this very department and arranged for the mahdddnas 
(great gifts) when the king desired to make them. The scribe who recorded the royal 
order about a grant was called Dharmalekhin?^ He was also known as DasamfdinP^ 

Military and Police Departments — The army was traditionally divided into four 
members — chariots, elephants, horses and foot-soldiers .1® Each of these must have been 
under a head, but it is significant that the Kalachhala plate, which is the earliest record 
referring to them, mentions only the heads of the elephant-force, cavalry and infantry 
{hasty-asva-Jana-vydprita)}^ Chariots had perhaps lost their importance. The elephant 
force was an important constituent of the army. The strength of the latter was generally 

1 No. 63, 1 . 29. 

^ No. 21, 1 . 27. See also p. 89, n. 2. 

3 No. 74, 1 . 34. 

1. 35. 

6 No. 31, 1 . 33. 

« Ibid., 1. 36. 

’ No. 45, L 31. 

* No. 118, 1 . 3. 

» The Gunji rock inscription mentions the titles Dandanayaka and halddhikrita borne by the same 
person. Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVII, p. ji. MahadandanSyaka m'Ho. 5, 1 . 2 was clearly a military ti tle. 

No. 48, L 35; No. 56, 1 . 25. 

No. 100, L 28. 

No. 74, 1 . 34. 

No. 56, 1 . 44. He is called Adiiamibandbika in No. 74, 1. 57, 

No. 63, 1 . 40. 

Notice the reference to the four-membered army in No. 36, 1 . 8. 

«No. 118,1. 3. 



measured by the number of elephants In it. The elephant-drivers also had a considerable 
importance and had their own gana or corpora tion.i The head of the elephant force was 
called Mahapilupati in early times. Later, he came to be known as Mahdpramattavdra. He 
occupied an influential position in early times and was sometimes appointed even the head 
of a territorial division. Nirihullaka, for instance, who was Mahapilupati, is described as 
Bhogikapdlaka and had a military officer under him.^ Later Kalachuri inscriptions mention 
the Mahasvasddhanikap who was the head of the cavalry, which as a mobile force may have 
attained a great importance in the later age. It is noteworthy that the Rewa stone inscrip- 
tion mentions a Ghotaka-vigraha or Battle of Horses, fought and won by VappuUa, a general 
of the Kalachuri Emperor Karna.^ 

BalddhikritcP and Sendpati^ were the general terms denoting a military officer. Later, 
Sddhanika was used in the same sense. Gaulmikas were officers in charge of a troop of 
soldiers or a battahon of the army. The Commander-in-chief is called Mahdhalddhikritcd in 
earlier records and Mahd sendpati^ in later ones. It is curious that the Commander-in-chief 
of the whole army is generally not mentioned among the officers named in later Kalachuri 
grants.® On the other hand, we find that the Mahdpramattavdra and the Mahdsvasddhanika, 
who were the chief commanders of the elephant force and cavalry, are mentioned speci- 
fically. The reason may be that the kings themselves were the Commanders-in-chief of 
their armies. Military officers are generally mentioned as Dfitakas in early land-grants. 

The DandapdsikcH^ was a Police Officer. The Superintendent of the Police was 
called A.rakshikaM He was generally a military officer. Thus, Satyanaga who erected the 
yashti at Erikina was both Sendpati and Arakshika. The Police Officers who were specially 
charged with the investigation of thefts and apprehension of thieves and other criminals 
were called ChoroddharanikasM The Dushtasddhaka mentioned in the Kahla plates^® 
was probably a Pohce Officer of the same type. The chdtas and bhatas, who are frequently 
mentioned in early land-grants, were pohcemen and soldiers whose duty it was to main- 
tain peace and order in the country and to apprehend criminals. They were often harsh 
and exacting in their ways and were, therefore, forbidden to enter agrahdra villages except 
for apprehending thieves and persons accused of high treason. 

Foreign Department — In ancient times this was called Sandhi-vigraha-ddhikarana (the 
Department of Peace and War). Its head Mahdsdndhivigrahika figures in several early grants 
as the writer of copper-plate charters.^® In fact, it was laid down that such charters should 
be written only by this officer and none else, in accordance with the instructions received 
from the king.^® The reason was that of all the departments of the State, the Department 

^ No. 120, I. 4. 

® No. 13, 1 . 4. 

® No. 48, 1 . 36; No. 50, 1 . 37; No. 36, 11 . 23-26. 

* No. 3 3, 1 . 10. 

® No. 21, L 42. 

® No. 1 19, 1 . 6. 

’ No. 26, L 38. 

« No. 74, 1 . 34. 

» The Kahla plates (No. 74, 1 . 34), however, mention the MahSsenapati among such officers. 

No. 118, 1 . 3; No. 120, 1 . 3. 

No. II, 1 . 2; No. 1 19, 1 . 6. 

No. 24, 1 . 19; No. 36, 1 . 16. 

No. 74, L 33. 

No. 9, 1 . 10. 

No. 9, U. 17-18. 

« See Mitakshara on Ydjnavalkya-smriti, adhyaya I, v. 320; Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI, p. 139. 



of Peace and Wat was most likely to have an accurate information about the conquests of 
the king and his ancestors which were generally described in the initial part of such charters. 

Other Officers — Several other officers are mentioned in later inscriptions. The 
Bhdnilagdrika was the Treasurer. The Mahcibhdnddgdrika corresponded to the modem Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer.! The Mahdsdmanta was the head of the feudatory princes. The 
Mahdkaranika was the head of the Secretariat.^ The Vdsdaka or Vdsdpvaka arranged for 
the residence of strangers and officers on tour.^ Mahdkottapdla was the head of the 
guardians of forts.^ The exact significance of some technical terms denoting officers such 
as KJjandavdla, Balddhira and Mdkutika^ is not known. 

The records do not show that any of these officers’ posts were held on the principle 
of heredity. For instance, Kesava, the Mahdbalddhikrita of Jayabhata III, was the son of 
a mere Bhogika.^ He must have risen to his high post by merit. If in some families the 
same post was held for more than one generation, it must also have been due to merit. 
Thus Sahabhata, the writer of the Anjaneri plates of Jayabhata III, who held the post of 
Balddhikrita,w2sBiQ?,onoit}aQBalddhikritaT>\xt^2}ohaX2Lj Similarly, Somes vara, the capable 
Prime Minister of Lakshmanaraja II of Tripuri, was the son of Bhakamisra who had served 
the royal family in the previous generation in the same capacity There are some other 
instances of the same type in the history of the Ratanpur branch also. We have no reason 
to suppose that any of these posts were monopolised by these families on the principle of 
heredity. In some minor offices, the posts may have been held hereditarily. The post 
of the scribe of copper-plate grants in the Secretariat at Ratanpur was, for instance, held 
by a Kayastha family of the village Jandera for several generations.® 

In towns and villages, the administration seems to have been carried on by royal 
officers with the assistance of the committees called panchakuks. The Sukranltisdra states 
that the officers appointed by the king in every town and village should be six, the 
head of the town or the village, the collector of land revenue, the collector of taxes, the 
magistrate, the scribe (or accountant) and the Pratihara who was probably the head of the 
town or village police.!® Some of these officers are mentioned in our records. The 
mayor of a town is called Draiigika^^ in early records and Burapradhdticd^ in later ones. The 
head of a village was GrdmakMta or GrdmabhdgikaP The Saulkika who collect ed taxes 
and the Dandapdsika who i nfl icted punishment are also named in some records.!^ The 
other officers were generally mentioned as djuktakas in early records. panchakuks were 
committees of persons elected by the residents of a town or a village for the management 
of the several departments.^ The Dhureti plates mention a panchakuk-dharmddhikarana 

^ No. 48, 1 . 36. 

^No. 48, 1.35. He is called Ijkhattadl^aksbam'i^o, 113,1,1. 

® No, 30, 1 . 36. 

^ No. 70, 1 . 12. 

® No. 74, 1 . 35. The Makutika was perhaps a village officer. See below, p. 396, n. i. 

• No. 21, 1 . 42. 

’ No. 22, 1 . 38. 

® No. 42, 11 . 3 flf. 

® Below, p. 458, n, 3. 

^0 SNS., adhyaya II, w. 120-21; 170-75. Nilakantha, in his commentary on MBH., Sabhaparvan, 

adhyaya V, v. 80, mentions five village officers somewhat differently. 

i^No. II, 1 . 2. No. 76, 1 . 34. 

No. 30, 1 . 36. n 

!3 In NVA., XVm, 49, Somadeva mentions the following members of the karana or tanchakula 
of what appears to be the Revenue Department One member receives the offered amount, the second 
records it in the register, the third seals it, the fourth deposits it in the Treasury, while the fifth exercises 
general supervision. 



which was probably the Judicial Department managed by a paftchakula?- The description 
shows that the merchant community had a preponderating representation on it. Other 
departments also must have had similar panchakulas elected for their administration. The 
Anjaneri plates state that when the king Bhogasakti assigned certain taxes ttc, for the 
maintenance of the temple of Bhoge^vara in the town of Jayapura, he laid down that the 
festival of the god should be celebrated by five or even ten merchants in accordance with 
the custom of the town.^ The wording of the passage shows that five was the usual number 
of the members of such committees, on account of which they were usually known as 
panchakulas. In special circumstances, however, a larger number up to ten was elected. 
The panchakulas decided also civil and criminal cases and imposed fines. Some rules 
for their guidance were laid down by the central government.* In other cases, the Anjaneri 
plates state, whatever eight or sixteen Mahallakas would declare after due deliberation 
would be the right standard of punishment.* This shows that sometimes the committees 
consisted of as many as sixteen members. Generally appeals were allowed on the deci- 
sions of the panchakulas, except in the case of agrahdra villages which were donated with 
fuU powers of adjudication.® 

The members of the panchakulas were called Mahattaras (Prakrit, Mahallakas'). 
There were evidently elected, but we have no information about the mode of election or 
the manner of voting. Their head or President was probably called Mahattama. The 
Smritis lay down special qualifications for the post of the Mahattama. A Mahattama should 
be honest, conversant with religion, vigilant, self-controlled and high-bom. Mahattamas 
were also called Vdnchakulikas, heads of panchakulas. The chief of them, called Mahapdn- 
chakulika, is mentioned in the Kahla plates.® He evidently resided in the capital, but 
what department he exactly represented we do not know. 

Another officer who was common to both the town and the village was Gamdgamika? 
He is mentioned in the grants of Subandhu and the Sendrakas. His function evidendy was 
to keep a watch on persons coming into or going out of the town or the village. It is 
interesting to note that the Sukranitisdra also mentions a similar officer. He was specially 
in charge of the pdnthasdld or sarai of the village. He made inquiries about the caste, family, 
name and residence of the traveller, the places he came from and was going to, and after 
taking away his arms if he had any, made arrangements for guarding the sarai at night. 
In the morning the traveller’s arms were returned to him and he was escorted to the 
limit of the village.® 


We shall next proceed to consider the state of religion in the periods represented by 
our records. In the beginning of the earlier period. Buddhism was in the ascendant in 
Gujarat, Konkan and Maharashtra, and claimed many votaries— especially among the 
lower classes as also among the foreigners who were attracted by its catholic spirit. It is 
significant that the first record of the period included here, which belongs to the reign of 
the Abhira king Isvarasena, registers certain endowments made by a woman of the Saka race 

^ No. 72, 1 . 9. 

2 No. 31, 1 . 44. 

® No. 32, 11 . 34 ff. 

« No. 32, 1 . 37. 

^ No. 31, 1 . 41. 

• No. 74, 1 . 34. 

2 No. 7, 1 . 3; No. 25, 1 . 19; No. 26, L 16. 

® StlS ., adhyaya I, w. 270-7. 




to provide medicines for the sick among the Community of the Buddhist monks living in 
the vihdra on the Trirasmi hUl near Nasik. Later, during the time of the Traikutakas we 
find an inhabitant of distant Sindh coming to Krishnagiri in North Konkan and erecting 
a stilpa dedicated to Saradvatiputra, one of the foremost disciples of the Buddha.^ At 
Bagh in the former Barw^ State, a private individual named Dattataka caused a cave to 
be excavated and decorated with beautiful paintings for use by the followers of the Maha- 
yana Buddhism. The ruler of the country, though himself a follower of the Vedic religion, 
made a liberal grant for the worship of the Buddha image, the repairs of the vihdra and 
provision of food, clothing, medicines etc. for the Buddhist monks living there.^ Yuan 
Chwang, who visited India in the first half of the seventh century A.C., states that there were 
about loo monasteries in Maharashtra with more than 5000 monks of the Hinayana and 
the Mahayana Living in them. In the country of Bharukachchha (/.?., Central Gujarat) he 
found more than ten Buddhist monasteries with 300 monks, all adherents of the Mahayanist 
Sthavira school.® Later, Buddhism seems to have gradually declined in strength for want 
of royal patronage. 

On the other hand, Hinduism which had been lying dormant for some centuries began 
to assert itself with the rise of the Gupta and Vakataka dynasties in North and South India 
respectively. This revival of Hinduism was marked by the performance of the Srauta 
sacrifices which had been in abeyance for a long time. In North India Samudragupta is 
credited with the revival of the Asvamedha sacrifice.* In South India the Ikshvaku king 
Santamula I and the Vakataka king Pravarasena I performed several Vedic sacrifices such 
as Agnishtoma, Vdjapeja and Asvamedha.^ Unfortunately we have no official records 
of the Abhiras wherein we could have expected positive information about their religious 
activities. Perhaps on account of their low social status, they were not keen on the per- 
formance of the Vedic sacrifices. The Traikutakas, who followed them, showed a greater 
regard for the Vedic religion. Dahrasena performed an Asvamedha sacrifice to proclaim 
his independent status.® It is noteworthy that this is the first known mention of the 
performance of this sacrifice by a king of Northern Maharashtra after a lapse of nearly 
seven centuries. The Vedic sacrifices were, however, costly and could, therefore, be 
performed by rich persons only. The Smritis also lay down that great Vedic sacrifices 
such as the Somaydga should be performed by such householders only as have in stock 
food-grains sufficient for the maintenance of their dependants for at least three years.’ 
Even among kings, few emulated the example of Samudragupta and Pravarasena I. The 
tendency to perform great Vedic sacrifices did not strike deep root, and after the sixth cen- 
tury A.C., we have hardly any record mentioning them. 

Though the Srauta sacrifices were rarely performed, the grihya rites such as the pancha- 
mahdyajfias continued unabated in Brahmana families. Tire State also encouraged them. 
Most of the grants® of the Early Kalachuris, the Sendrakas, the Gurjaras and the Chalukyas 
were made for the maintenance of the five great sacrifices, devayajha (offerings to gods), 

^ No. 10. 

2 No. 7. For the age of the Bagh caves, see my article in Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXI pp. 79 ff 

= O. y. C, Vol. II, pp. 239 ff. 

* c. 1 . 1 .. VoL in, p. 43. 

6 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 21, 

• No. 8, i 2. 

^ MS., adhyaya XI, v. 7. 

8 The earUer records of the Maharajas of Valkha registered only the royal consent to certain gifts made 
by private persons. The Barwani plate of Subandhu and the Pardi and Surat plates of the Traikutakas do 
not mention any specific purpose for the royal grant. 



pitfiyajm (oflFerings to manes), bhutayajna (oflFerings to creatures), mamshyajajna (reception 
to guests) and brahmayajna (study of one’s Vedic texts). It was believed that the regular 
performance of such rites by pious Brahmanas conduced to the well-being of the State. ^ 

We find that the Puranic Hinduism was making a much greater headway in the earlier 
period. The doctrine of bbakti (devotion) preached in the Bhagavadgita appealed more to 
the popular mind than the cult of the sacrifice. Again, the teaching of that sacred work 
that all worship, whatever may be its object, ultimately reaches the same Supreme Being, 
led to religious eclecticism. Of the several gods of the Hindu pantheon, Vishnu, Siva, 
Karttikeya and Aditya attained a great importance in this period. The Traikutakas were 
Vaishnavas. They describe themselves as Bhagavat-pada-karmahara (servants of the feet 
of Bhagavat) in their grants® and as paramavaishnava (fervent devotees of Vishnu) on their 
coins. Again, the Harischandriya king Bhogaiakti believed that there was no pre-eminent 
god except Vasudeva (Vishnu), who was the cause of the creation, preservation and de- 
struction of the universe. He btiilt a temple dedicated to that god under the name of 
Bhogesvara in the merchant-town of Jayapura, and granted some villages and assigned 
certain taxes for the worship of the deity, the repairs of the temple and the maintenance 
of a charitable feeding house attached to it. The Ydtrd festival of the god was to con- 
tinue for a full fortnight in the month of Margasirsha. The management of the temple 
was entrusted to a committee of five or ten members elected by the merchants of the town. 
In return for this, the merchants living there enjoyed certain immunities and exemptions.® 

Siva was also an equally popular god — ^perhaps more so with the aborigines and 
foreigners who embraced Hinduism. The cult of this god received even a greater royal 
patronage than that of Vishnu. In the absence of the official records of the Abhiras we 
have no definite inf ormation about their religious inclinations, but judging by their names 
Sivadatta and Isvarasena, they seem to have been devotees of Siva. The same appears 
to be true of their feudatories ruling in Khandesh and Central Gujarat ; for, their names 
Svamid^a, Rudradasa and Isvararata unmistakably point to their predilection for the 
Saiva faith. The Katachchuris or Early Kalachuris also were adherents of Saivism. All 
the three Early Kalachuri kings, Ktishnaraja, Sahkaragana and Buddharaja, are described 
in the Kalachuri grants as paramamdbesvara^ i.e.^ fervent devotees of Mahesvara (Siva). 
That they belonged to the Pasupata sect of Saivism is shown by the description of Krishna- 
raja as devoted to Pasupati from his very birth.* Anantamahayi, the queen of Buddha- 
raja, is specifically mentioned as a follower of the Pasupata sect.® The Diitaka of the 
Abhona plates bore the name Pasupata itself.® All this is a clear indication of the influence 
the Pasupatas exercised in the court of the Early Kalachuris. 

The Early Kalachuris must have erected splendid temples for the worship of their 
isbta-devatd, but none have been discovered so far. The magnificent temple of Siva, how- 
ever, carved out of a living rock, now known as Elephanta near the island of Bombay, 
probably belongs to their age. There has been a considerable difference of opinion about 
the age of the Elephanta caves. Burgess placed them about 800 A.C.,’ while Hiranand 
Sastri thought that the sculptures therein were, in all probability, wrought in the Gupta 

1 Inscriptions of this period generally mention bali (offerings to creatures), charu (offerings to manes), 
vaihadeva (offerings to gods) and atithi (reception of guests). See, e.g.. No. 21, 1 . 21. 

* No. 8, IL 1-2; No. 9, 1. I. 

® No. 31, U. 48 ff. 

* No. 12, 1 . 4. 

® No. 14, U. 32-33. 

* No. 12, L 34. 

7 C. T. !•» p- 467- Fergusson placed them sUghtly earlier in firca 750 A.C 



period of Indian history.^ Gupte, on the other hand, who finds certain resemblances 
between the sculptures at Elephanta and those at Badami, would place them in the first 
half of the seventh century A.C.® The last view seems to be neatest to the truth. Now, 
the only great royal family ruling ia Maharashtra and Konkan in the sixth and seventh 
centuries A.C. which could have financed such a magnificent work of art was that of the 
Kalachuris. The Mauryas, who held North Konkan in that period, were only a feudatory 
family which could hardly have commanded the resources necessary for such a great work. 
There is another circumstance which supports this conjecture. The cave temple was 
caused to be carved by the Pasupatas. This is indicated by the figure of Lakulisa, the 
founder of the Pasupata sect, in the recess at the north end of the shrine in the Western 
Court of tlie caves We have seen above that the Kalachuri Emperors were followers 
of the Pasupata sect, which exercised a considerable influence in their court. It would 
seem, therefore, that the Elephanta caves were excavated in the second half of the sixth 
century A.C. when the Kalachuri power was at its peak. 

Saivism must have received further support from the Sendrakas and the Early 
Ch^ukyas, who succeeded the Kalachuris in Gujarat and Maharashtra ; for, they also were 
votaries of that cult. The Sendraka prince AUaSakti made a grant of some nivartanas 
of land in favour of the god Alanghyesvara whose temple was situated at Pippalakheta, 
modern Pimpalner in the West Khandesh District.^ This Alanghyesvara appears to be a 
name of Siva. The object of worship in this temple was probably his phallic emblem.® 
The Chalukya prince DharaSraya-Jayasirhha as well as his two sons, Sryasraya-Siladitya 
and Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin, were also worshippers of Siva. In the Nasik plates Jaya- 
sirhha is described as meditating on the feet of a holy sage whose name ended in Mvtfi 
and who therefore probably belonged to the Saiva, not the PaSupata, sect. 

Of the two sons of Siva, Karttikeya and Ganesa, the former seems to have risen into 
prominence earlier. He is mentioned m the MahabharatiP and the Mahabhashya of Patanjali® 
and is adored in the beginning of the great N^aghat cave inscription.® He was, it seems, 
a favourite god of the foreigners like the Sakas and the Kushanas who embraced Hinduism. 
The Saka king Sridharavarman was his devotee. In the Kanakhera inscription, this god 
is called Mahasena and Mahakumara and is described as the Commander-in-chief of the 
heavenly army. The Early Chalukyas believed that they owed their continuous prosperity 
to his grace. Ganapati, though sculptured in the panel of the Matrikas (Divine Mothers) 
in the Elephanta caves,i® does not appear to have been separately worshipped in this period. 
Needless to say that there is no obeisance to him in the beginning of the inscriptions of this 

The Sun also was a popular god in this period. Many of the Early Gurjara 
kings were his worshippers. They are described as devoted to the feet of the Sun. 

^ Hitanand Sastri, A. Guide to ’Elephanta^ p- ii. 

2 Y. R. Gupte, A Guide to Elephanta (Marathi), p. i. 

® Hirananda Sastri, A Guide to Elephanta^ pp. 33 ff. 

* No. 23, 1 . 24. 

5 Similarly, in the temple of Airamadeva to which a grant was made by the Gurjara king Jaya- 
bhata IV (No. 23, 1 . 10), the object of worship was probably the Siva-lihga. 

• No. 28, 1. II. 


^ MBH., Adiparvan, adhyaya 60, w. 22-23. 

® Mabahhds^a on Panini, V, 3, 99. 

® I have shown elsewhere that Kumdravara in the first line of that 
N. 5 *. I., Vol, XIV, pp. 29 flf. See also Ep, Ind., VoL XXVH, p. 46, n. 
Hiranand Sastri, A Guide to Elephanta^ p. 50, 

inscription refers to Karttikeya. 




Their copper-plate grants have an emblem of solar worship, perhaps an agnikunda, on 
their seals. Some of their grants were made on the occasion of a sahkranti, i.e,, the 
sun’s crossing a sign of the zodiac.^ The later kings of this dynasty from Dadda III 
onwards were worshippers of Mahesvafa, but they continued the old emblem of the 
dynasty and made grants on the tithis sacred to the Sun. Dadda III, for instance, made a 
grant on Magha su. di. 7, known as the Kathasaptami? 

There must have been several temples of the Sun built by the Gurjara princes and 
others in the country of Lata, but none are mentioned in Gurjara grants. We know, how- 
ever, of a temple of the Sun under the name of Jayaditya from a reference in a later grant 
of the Gujarat Rashtrakutas.® It was situated at Kotipura in the territorial division of 
Kapika (modem Kavi) and was probably erected by the Gurjara king Jayabhata II. 

An analysis of the grants of this period would shed an interesting light on the reli- 
gious tendencies of the age. Of the thirty-one grants* of this period, two were made 
to Buddhist vihdras^ and three to Hindu temples.® The remaining twenty-six grants 
were made to Brahmanas, most of them being intended for the maintenance of the five 
great sacrifices. As for the auspicious occasions on which grants were made, we find that 
no particular tithis were observed in the grants to Buddhist viharas. Those to Hindu 
temples and Brahmanas were generally made on some sacred tiihi or parvan. Of the 
twentyfive grants, in which a tithi is mentioned, we find thaj^^ three were made at the 
time of a solar eclipse’ and one on that of a lunar eclipse.® '/ilie purnimd w^ generally 
regarded as an auspicious tithi-, for eleven grants were made on a purnimd. Kdrttiki 
purnimd or the full-moon day of Karttika was regarded as specially holy, probably because 
Siva killed Tripurasura on that tithi. ^ Donations on this tithi are specially enjoined when it 
is joined with the nakshatra Krittika. -Of the eleven grants made on purnimds, as many 
as five were on the Kdrttiki purnimd. ^ In two grants it is called Mahdkdrttikt?-^ Some 
grants were recorded on the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of a month, probably 
^ter the completion of the 'Ekddasi-vrata.^ Grants were rarely made on an amdvdsyd 
unless it was the day of a solar eclipse. Only three such occur in the records of this period.^^ 
The holy tithi Kathasaptami, sacred to the Sun, has already been mentioned. Finally, three 
grants are known to have been made on the occasion of sahkrantis, namely Mesha, 
Karkataka and Tula.^® 

This analysis will show that though the Vedic religion had not lost its hold on the 
people of the age, the Pauranic Hinduism, which laid a stress on the construction of the 
temples of gods as a specially meritorious act, was gradually gaining ground. Buddhism, 
on the other hand, was losing the popular support. 

We shall next turn to the later period and first take up the countries of Chedi and 
Sarayupara. In the fragmentary Karitalai stone inscription which is the earliest official 
record of the Kalachuris of Tripuri, all the three members of the Hindu Trinity, Brahma, 

1 See Nos. 22 and 25. ^ No. 121, 1 . 28. * See Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 144 f. 

* No. 33 and 34 are excluded as the grants are spurious. 

s Nos. I and 7. 

® Nos. 23, 25 and 31. 

’ Nos. 13, 25 and 120, 

® No. 21. 

» Nos. 9, II, 16, 17 and 30. 

^0 The purnimd gets this name when the moon is in Rohini or when the moon and Jupiter are in 

Nos. 8, 14 and 27. 

Nos. 15, 18 and 24. The grant on Asvina amdvdsya is in propitiation of LakshmI. 

Nos. 28, 23 and 22 respectively. 



Vishnu and Rudra, are reverenced^ and praised, a fact which indicates the edectic spirit 
of the age. Temples dedicated to Brahma are, however, very rare and none have yet 
been discovered in any part of the Kalachuri dominion;^ but that the cult of Vishnu was 
widely prevalent and had influential followers in the Chedi country is shown by several 
inscriptions of the loth and later centuries. At Bandhogarh and the adjoining village of 
Gopalpur, GoUaka alias Gauda, the ^imdtya of Yuvarajadeva I, caused to be carved out 
of the rocks huge images of several incarnations of Vishnu such as the Fish, the Tortoise, 
the Boar, Parasurama and Haladhara {i.e., Balarama), besides one of Seshasayin (Vishnu 
reclining on the serpent Sesha).® It is noteworthy that as in some early panels, Balarama, 
not Krishna, is induded among the incarnations of Vishnu.* Somesvara, the Brahmana 
minister of Lakshmanaraja II, who performed several Vedic sacrifices, erected a lofty and 
magnificent temple dedicated to the Boar incarnation of Vishnu under the name of Soma- 
svamin at Karitalai in the Jabalpur District.® The remains of this temple are stiU extant 
at the place. The contemporary Kalachuri king Lakshmanaraja II was himself a devotee 
of Siva; but he granted a village for the maintenance of the eight Brahmatias whom he 
settled there for the worship of the god. His queen Rahada and son Sahkaragana III 
also made grants in favour of the god.® This prince is described as paramavaishnava. 
Qjntrary to the general tendency of the Kalachuris, he was a devotee of Vishnu and erected 
a temple dedicated to that god under the name of Sankaranarayana at Bargaon in the Jabal- 
pur District.’ At Makundpur in the Rewa District of Vtndhya Pradesh, there was an- 
other temple dedicated to Vishnu under the name of Jalasayana (the god who reposes on 
water) by a private individual, the Sreshthin Damodara.® 

Though the cult of Vishnu was thus prevalent in the Chedi country and received a 
considerable patronage from the royal family, it was far outshone by that of Siva, the tute- 
lary deity of the Kalachuris. Vamaraja, the founder of the Later Kalachuri Dynasty, was a 
devout worshipper of Siva. No inscription of his reign has been discovered so far, but in 
some records of his successors® he receives the epithet paramamahesvara indicative of his 
devotion to Siva. He first established himself at Kalanjara, the impregnable fort in the 
Banda District, which from very early times has been sacred to Siva. Later, the family 
divided itself into two branches, one establishing itself in the country of Sarayupara and the 
other in that of Chedi.^® Both of them were devoted to Siva. The Kalachuris of Sarayu- 
para had Nandin, the vdhana of Siva, as their emblem on the seals of their copper-plate 
charters. Though the Kalachuris of Tripuri adopted the Gaja-Lakshmi as their distinctive 
emblem, they did not omit Nandin from the seals of their charters. 

Saivism became the paramount cult throughout the extensive dominion of the 

1 No. 57, 11 . 1-4. 

2 Subsidiary images of Brahma are, however, noticed in several temples of that period. See H. T. M., 
pp. 32, 63 etc. 

® Nos. 38-41. 

Eastern andlndiati School of Mediaeval Sculpture,^. 103. I have noticed the same in the 
prabbavali of an image of Vishnu found at Pavnar in the Wardha District. According to the Bhagavata 
Parana, Balarama represents both himself and his younger brother Krishna. 

® No. 42, L 17. 

* Ibid., 11 . 29-30. 

’ No. 43, 1 . 3. 

® No. 47, 1 . 2. For other temples of Vishnu at Amarakantak and Vaishnava sculptures at Sohagpur, 
see H. T. M., pp. 57 and 99 ff. There was a temple of Vishnu erected by a private person at Karanbel, for 
which, see below, p. 653. 

® No. 36, 1 . 22. 

See above, pp. bdx ff. 



Kalachuiis from the 8th to the 12th century A.C. It received a great fillip during the teign 
of Yuvarajadeva I, who, under the influence of his queen Nohala, invited several Achdryas 
of the Mattamayura clan to the Chedi country and built magnificent temples of Siva and 
monasteries for them at Gurgi, Masaun, Chandrehe, Bilhari, Bhera-Ghat and other places. 
As these Achdryas exercised a profound influence on the political and religious history of 
the period, it would not be out of place to give here a somewhat detailed account of this 

The earliest inscription of the Mattamayura clan, which was discovered at Ranod 
in the former Gwalior State, was edited by Dr. Kielhorn in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, pp. 
351 fif. It gives the following earliest genealogy of the line. It is to be remembered that 
the genealogy is spiritual, i.e., not from father to son, but horn guru to disciple. 

Kadambaguhadhivasin — (the Inhabitant of Kadambaguha) 
Sahkhamathikadhipati — (the Lord of Sahkhamathika) 

Terambipala — (the Protector of Terambi) 

Amardakatirthanatha — (the Lord of Amardaka) 



I . 




I . 


We learn from the inscription that when the king, the illustrious Avantivarman, 
who desired to be initiated in the Saiva faith, heard of the great holiness of the sage Puran- 
data, he attempted to bring him to his own country. He himself went to Upendrapura 
where the sage was practising penance, and with a great difficulty persuaded him to accede 
to his request. The sage founded a matha at Mattamayura, the capital of the king whom 
he initiated in the Saiva faith, and established another matha at Ranipadra (modern Ran5d). 
The last Achdrya mentioned in the genealogy, w;^., Vyomasiva, enlarged and repaired the 
matha, erected temples and excavated a magnificent tank at the same place. ^ 

Another inscription of this line, discovered somewhere in the former Gwalior State 
and now deposited in the Gwalior Museum, gives the same genealogy as above, except 
for the substitution of Rudrariva for Amardakatirthanatha.^ It will be noticed that the 
personal names of the first four Achdryas in the genealogical list have not been given. The 
name of the fourth Achdrya is thus known from the Gwalior Museum inscription. Again, 
this record carries the genealogy one generation further and mentions Patangasambhu as 
the disciple of Vybmasambhu.^ 

The Ranod inscription is undated ; but on palaeographic grounds. Dr. Kielhorn 
referred it to the end of the tenth or the beginning of the eleventh century K.Q? The 

1 1 am indebt^ to Mr. M. B. Garde, late Director of Archaeology, Gwalior State, who first supplied 
to me an account of this inscription. Dr. D. R. Patd, the present Director of Archeology in Madhya Bharat, 

has .also obliged me by sending me an impression of it. 

® The members of this dan who belonged to the Saiva, not the Pasupata, sect bore names ending in 

siva or samhhu. The names of the Pasupatas generaUy ended in rati. 

^ Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 35 3- 



tenour of the description shows that the first four Acharyas of this clan were living at different 
places such as Kadambaguha, Sankhamathika, Terambi and Amardaktirtha, far away 
from the country of Avantivarman, and that Purandara was the first Achdrja who came to 
MattamayiiraA the prince’s town, and founded a matha there, from which this clan derived 
its name Mattamayuravamsa. Upendrapura, where Purandara practised penance, has not 
been identified. Banerji has called our attention to a place of the same name which is 
mentioned as the head-quarters of a mandala in a grant of Naravarman, dated V. 1167 (in o 
A.C.).® This grant mentions Kadambapadraka as situated in the pratijdgaranaka (pargana) of 
Mandaraka in the mandala of Upendrapura. None of these places have yet been identified. 
Mandaraka may be identical with Mundait, about 15 miles north-east of Ujjain. The 
village Kamlikhera, which lies only about a mile to the east, may be the ancient Kadamba- 
padtaka. Whether the latter is identical with Kadambaguha, the traditional original home 
of the Athdryas of this clan, cannot be determined at present. We may, in any case, be 
certain that the earlier Saiva Acharyas of this clan were living in Western Malwa. The 
places Kadambaguha, Sankhamathika, Terambi and Amardaka, from which they derived 
their appellations, must therefore be sought for in Malwa.^ Kielhom identified Kadamba- 
guha with Kadw^a, six miles to the south of Ran 5 d, and Terambi with Terahi, 5 miles 
to the south-east. At both these places some remains of Saiva mathas and temples are still 
extant, but these identifications do not seem to be plausible in view of the description given 
in the Ran5d inscription. Perhaps some places in the kingdom of Avantivarman were 
named after the older seats of the clan in Western Malwa.^ 

Avantivarman who brought the sage Purandara to his capital is not known from any 
dated record, but his age can be ascertained approximately on other evidence. The Bilhari 
stone inscription of Yuvarajadeva 11 {circa 980-990 A.C.) gives the following genealogy 
of the Mattamayuravamsa : — 



Mattamayuranatha (contemporary of Avanti) 




I . 


. i 



1 The Mattamayuras are mentioiied in the MahSbharata as living in Rohitaka (modern Rohtak, 4^ 
miles north-west of Delhi). See MBH., Sabhaparvan, adhyaya 32, w. 4 f. They were, of course, not 
connected with this town of Mattamayura. 

® Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, pp. 105 ff. 

® This is also supported by the following extract from the Panjikd of Brahmasambhu, which I owe 
to the kindness of Mr. S. N. Sen; — 

* This is suggested by the name Uttara-Terambagriha mentioned as the original place of habitation 
of the Acharya Gaganasiva in the Ranipur Jharial inscription. Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV, pp. 240 ff. This 
place seems to be distinguished from the original Terambi by prefixing uUara to its name. It may be identical 
with modern Terahi in the former Gwalior State, 



The insctiptioii tells us that Rudrasambhu belonged to die line of the Siddhas living at 
Kadambaguha and that Mattamayuranatha communicated the supreme splendour to the 
king Avanti. This description shows that the first two Achdryas of this line were identical 
with Amardakatirthanatha^ and Purandara mentioned in the Ranod inscription. This 
identification is further supported by the aforementioned Gwalior Museum inscription 
which names Rudrasiva as the spiritual ancestor of Purandara. 

The Bilhari inscription further tells us that Hridayasiva was a contemporary of a kin g 
of Chedi (probably Lakshmanaraja n mentioned in Ae next verse) who invited him to 
his country. 2 He may, therefore, be referred to circa 950 A.C. T aking 25 years as the 
average duration of a generation, we can place Purandara alias Mattamayuranatha, the fifth 
ancestor of Hridayasiva, in circa 825 A.C. 

Two other inscriptions of this clan, discovered at Chandrehe® and Gurgi^ in Vindhya 
Pradesh, give the following genealogy of the Saiva Achdryas who subsequently came to 
and settled down in the Chedi country : 




{alias Madhumatipati) 



(contemporary of Yuvarajadeva I) 

,1 . 


(972 A.C.) 






(contemporary of Yuvarajadeva I) 


, I I 

Isanasambhu Prab 5 dhasiva 
(Name illegible) 

The genealogy in the Chandrehe inscription begins one generation earlier and that 
in the Gurgi inscription is carried one generation further ; but otherwise the two genea- 
logies are identical. The Chandrehe inscription is dated K. 724 (972 A.C.). It tells us 
that the Kalachuri king Yuvarajadeva, who must evidently be the first king of that name, 
invited Prabhavasiva to his country and induced him to sanctify it with his feet. Prabhava- 
§iva, who flourished two generations before Prabodhasiva (972 A.C.), must have lived in 
circa 925 A.C. He was thus a contemporary of Yuvarajadeva I {circa 915-945 A.C.). 

Comparing the genealogies in the Bilhari and Chandrehe inscriptions, we find that 
Chudasiva of the former must be identical with Sildaativa of the latter ; for, (i) the two 
names are synonyms and (ii) their disciples Hridayasiva and Prabhavativa lived in the same 
period, the latter being a senior contemporary of the former as he was invited by an earlier 
Chedi king, w'^., Yuvarajadeva I. The immediate ancestors of Chudativa and Sikhasiva, 

Madhumateya and Purandara, must, therefore, be identical. Purandara evidently 
obtained the other name Mddhumateya because he Uved at Madhumati. His disciple is called 
Madhumatipati (the lord of Madhumati) in the Chandrehe inscription. Madhumati, 

1 Amardaka is mentioned as the original habitation of the Saiva Acbatyas of the Sopuriya clan. 
Ind.,Yo\. m, p. 266. 

2 No. 45, 1 . 22. 

3 No. 44. 

« No. 46. 



where these A^charyas flourished, was probably situated on the Madhuveni^ (Mohwar 
of the maps), and may be identical with the modern village Mahua which lies only a mile 
to the south of Terahi. This Purandara alias Madhumateya must be distinguished from 
his namesake who founded the matha of Mattamayura and was a contemporary of Avanti- 
varman ; for, the latter flourished four generations before Chudasiva, while the former 
immediately preceded him.^ 

Another Une of Saiva Acharyas is also mentioned in the Bilhari inscription. While 
describing the grants of Nohala,^ the queen of Yuvarajadeva I, the inscription gives 
the following genealogy : — 


(Madhumateya or lord of Madhumati) 



(contemporary of Yuvarajadeva I) 

The known Achdryas of the Mattamayura clan may, therefore, be stated in the form 
of the following table : — 




{alias Rudraiiva) 



{alias Mattamayuranatha) 

Kavachasiva Dharmasambhu 




I . 


Purandara alias Madhumateya 

I . 



Hridayasiva Prabhavasiva 

I . I 

Aghorasiva Prasantasiva 

Tsanas'ambhu Prabodhasiva 

^ The river Madhuveni is mentioned in an inscription at Terahi dated V. 960 (903 A.C). Ind, Ajjt, 
Vol. XVIIj pp. 201 ff. Mahua has the remains of three temples, two of which are dedicated to Mahadeva. 
They are assigned to the seventh century A.C, on the palaeographic evidence of a Sanskrit inscription which 
exists on the porch of one of them. The river Madhumati is mentioned in Bhavabhuti’s Mdlatmadhava 
Act IX. 

2 Banerji identified the two. This has vitiated the genealogy given by him in p. 112. The 

first Purandara was called Mattamayuranatha, while the second was Madhumateya. 

® N5hala donated some villages to Isvara^va as vidyd-dhana. 



Pavanasiva, Sabdasiva and Isvarasiva^ were contempotaries of Purandara, Chudasiva 
and Prabhavasiva, but whether Pavanasiva was a disciple of Sadasiva or of some other 
j^charya of Madhumati is not known. Another Saiva A^chdiya, named Gagana^iva, who 
originally hailed from Uttara-Terambagriha and built a temple of Siva at Ranipur Jharial 
in the former Patna State in Orissa, is known from an inscription recently edited by 
Dr. Chhabra. He probably belonged to the Mattamayura clan, but his exact relation to 
the other Achdryas of the clan is not known. 

Mattamayura, the chief seat of this clan, has not yet been identified. It must have 
been situated not far from Terahi, Ranod and Mahua, where inscriptions, temples and 
monasteries of this clan have been found. It may be identical with Kadwaha, about 15 
miles south of Ranod, which possesses the remains of a Hindu monastery and of not less 
than 14 Brahmanical temples, all belonging to the loth and nth centuries A.C. “Such a 
large group of temples,” says Mr. Garde, “is found at no other single place in the Gwalior 
State. Kadwaha Aus deserves to be styled the Khajuraho or Bhuvanesvara of Gwalior.” 
Such buildings could not have been erected without a continuous royal patronage. Kad- 
waha may, therefore, have been the capital of Avantivarman and his successors.^ 

( Inscriptions give no definite information about the dynasty and age of Avantivarman 
who ruled at Mattamayura. From the evidence of the Chedi inscriptions mentioning the 
Saiva Achdryas of this line, we have inferred above that Purandara who was invited by 
Avantivarman flourished in circa 825 A.C. This is, therefore, the approximate time of 
Avantivarman.^ As regards his dynasty, Kielhom, while editing the Ranod inscription, 
suggested that he might be related to the Chaulukya princes Sirhhavarman, Sadhanva and 
Avanivarman, the ancestors of the Chedi queen Nohala. The suggestion appears quite 
plausible ; for, it was probably owing to the influence of this queen, who was a favourite 
wife of Yuvarajadeva I, that the Saiva Achdryas first obtained a footing in the Chedi country. 
She, her husband Yuvarajadeva I and their son Lakshmanaraja II invited Saiva Achdryas 
of this line to the Chedi country and honoured them with munificent gifts of temples, 
monasteries and villages. It is, therefore, quite plausible that her ancestors were ruling 
over the territory round Mattamayura.^ This suggestion is further supported by the 
reference to a Sulki {i.e., Chaulukya) dynasty ruling in Central India in the 9th and loth 
centuries A.C. A stone inscription iscovered by Mr. Garde at Maser in the Bhilsa District 
mentions a line of Sulki kings^ The progenitor of this line was the sage Bharadvaja. 
He was born of a drop of water which fell from the anjali of the Creator. Hence, the royal 
family descended from him came to be known as Sulki. This tradition differs from that 
described in the Bilhari inscription in connection with the ancestry of the Chedi queen 
N5hala. The ancestors of Nohala belonged to the Chaulukya family, which was so called 
because its progenitor was bom from the chuluka (handful of water) of the sage Bharadvaja 
himself.5 Both these traditions are no doubt fanciful, being intended to give a plausible 
explanation of the dynastic name Sulki or Chaulukya, but they leave no room for doubt 
that the two families were identical. The Maser inscription mentions some kings of this 

^ This Isvarasiva may be identical with his namesake mentioned in a fragmentary inscription at 
Kadwaha. A. R. A* D, G. S. (i 939 )> P- 

^ The old name of the place seems to have survived in the name Murqyatas of an old tank on the south of 
the village, the temples nearwhich are ‘the largest and the most important.’ See Archmologj in Gwalior, p. 96. 

® An analogous instance is that of the Kalachuri queen Alhanadevi, who, hailing from Mewad, placed 
the Pasupata ascetic Rudrarasi of Lata in charge of a temple of Siva and made grants of some villages for its 

maintenance. No. 60, U. 24-25. 

* A. R. A. D. G. S. (1930-3 ij, p. 10. 

6 No. 45, 1 . 14. 



line such as Nafasimha and Kesarin and describes theif wars with the Kalachuris, their 
neighbours on the east, as well as with the rulers of Lata (Central and Southern Gujarat), 
Kachchhavaha and Huna kings. Narasirhha was a feudatory of Krishnaraja who is un- 
doubtedly the same as Krishnapa, the younger brother of the Chandella Dhanga. The 
latter flourished from 950 A.C. to 1005 A.C. These kings, therefore, undoubtedly flourished 
in the loth century A.C. They evidently belonged to the same line as Avantivarman and 
Sirhhavarman. The known kings of this line may, therefore, be stated as follows^ : — 

Avantivarman (825 A.C.) 

Sitiihavarman (850 A.C.) 


Sadhanva (875 A.C.) 

Avanivarman (900 A.C.) 


Narasirhha (950 A.C.) 


/ Kesarin (975 A.C.) 

'^^^e subsequent history of this family is not known ; but as shown elsewhere,® 
the Chaulukyas of Gujarat who flourished from the loth century onwards may have been 
related to these kings. \Jhat the Chaulukyas of Gujarat were staunch supporters of 
Saivisnvds well known)^ 

''-'fhe matha at Mattamayura, being a renowned seat of Saivism, supplied Saiva 
pontifis from time to time to the monasteries in the Chedi country. As stated above, 
Yuvarajadeva I invited Prabhava^iva to his country and made munificent gifts to him. 
His wife Nohala invited another Saiva Achdrya named Isvarariva and donated several 
villages to him. Her son Lakshmanaraja II called Hridayasiva from the matha of 
Madhumati and made over to him the mathas of Vaidyanatha and Nauhalesvara. Hridaya- 
siva placed his disciple Aghorasiva in charge of the latter matha. 

Kalachuri inscriptions mention some other Saiva Achdryas who acted as Kdjagurus. 
They also probably belonged to the Mattamayijra clan. The Jabalpur inscription dated 
K. 926 (1174 A.C.) mentions the following Saiva Achdryas : — 



Purushariva (^jaguru of Ya^ahkarna) 

Saktisiva i^jaguru of Gayakatna) 

Kirtisiva (JRMjaguru of Narasimha) 

Vimalariva (^jaguru of Jayasirhha) 

Two sons of the last Achdrya Vimalariva became sannyasins. The elder was Santa- 
siva, who became the Kdjaguru of the Chandella king TrailokyamaUa, when the latter 
annexed the Chedi country. The younger son was Nadariva. He executed a mortgage 
deed recorded in the Dhureti plates of Trailokyamalla, dated K. 963 (1212 A.C.).® 

^ The dates given against the royal names here are approximate. 

2 See my article ‘Varunasarmaka Grant of Chamundaraja’ in the Bharatiya Vidyd (May 1945), pp. 90 fF. 

3 No. 72, 1. 18. 



A branch of the Mattamayura clan was founded at Bheta-Ghat, about lo miles from 
TripmS. A hypethral temple was erected on a hillock on the bank of the Narmada, where 
sixty-four joginis with Ganapati were installed. Most of the yoginis are of the time of 
Yuvarajadeva I, but some are of a much earUer age.^ The place seems to have been consider- 
ed holy from very early times. The hypethral temple became known as Golaki or the 
Round Temple from its shape. J The matha or monastery estabhshed by its side became well 
known as Golaki matha. The Malkapuram pillar inscription^ says that the Golaki matha 
was situated in the Ddiala mandala between the Bhagjrathi and the Narmada. As stated 
before, Dahala was the home province of the Kalachuris with Tripurj as its capital. This 
matha sent its A.chdryas to distant places for the propagation of its faith. Visvesvaraiambhu, 
who had risen to the position of the chief abbot of this matha, made an agrahdra called 
Visvesvara-Golaki in the Andhra country as stated in the Malkapuram pillar inscription. 
This inscription gives the following spiritual genealogy of Visvesvaraiambhu : — 



Sadbhavaiambhu (contemporary of Yuvarajadeva I) 




Saktisambhu * 



. 1 , 





(contemporary of the K^tiya king Ganapati, 1213-1249 A.C.) 

vJt'-^Ql be noticed that the three Achdryas from Saktisambhu to Vimalasiva are iden- 
tical with those mentioned in the Jabalpur inscription as the Rdjagurus of the Kalachuri 
kings Gayakarna, Narasirhha and Jayasirhha. Vimalasiva hailed from the Kerala country, 
while his disciple’s disciple Visvesvarasambhu was a resident of Purvagrama in Dakshina 
Radha in Gau da. This shows plainly that the Golaki matha attracted learned and pious 
men from distant places. Visvesvarasambhu, who had attained the position of the head 
of the Golaki matha, afterwards repaired to the Andhra country, where he received great 
honours at the Kakatiya court. He initiated the Kakatiya king Ganapati into the Saiva 
faith and received munificent gifts of land and villages from him as well as from his 
daughter Rudramba. Branches of the Golaki matha were established at several other 
places in Cudappa, Kumool, Guntur and North Arcot Districts in the Madras State. 

^ p. 78. 

* J. A. H. R. S., VoL IV, pp. 158 ff. 

® Some scholars identify this Vamalambhu vdth Vamadeva, mentioned in the grants of Karna and 
others with full im perial titles. The identification does not appear to be correct. From the description 
in the Malkapuram inscription, Vamasambhu does not appear to have been the immediate predecessor of 
Saktisambhu, but flourished several generations earlier. Cf. dhrid ^ tlFT 

I II ] 

iii I <1 «fhTFr n J-A.H.KJ., Vol. rv, p. ij6. 



Another branch of the Mattamayura clan was established at Karkaroni. This place 
has not been identified, but was situated somewhere in Central India. Brahmasambhu, 
the author of the Panjikd, belonged to this branch.^ Some Achdrjas of tliis branch settled 
down in Konkan. A copper-plate inscription of Rattaraja of the Shdiara dynasty, dated 
in S. 930 (1008 A. C.) and discovered at Kharepatan, records a grant of land made for the 
use of the Achdrjas of this branch.^ 

Kalachuri iascriptions afford us glimpses into the Lives of these Achdrjas. The 
Jabalpur inscription dated K, 926 describes the lineage, learning and mode of life of the 
great Saiva Achdrja Vimalasiva, the Kdjagmu of the Kalachuri king Jayasirhha.® He 
was bom in a family of great Vedic scholars renowned as much for charitable and religious 
works as for learning. Vimalasiva studied the Vedas, observed religious vows and visited 
holy places in different parts of India such as Prabhasa, Gbkarna and Gaya. He then 
received initiation from Kirtisiva of the Golaki matha, the Pdjaguru of Narasirhha. He 
was employed by the king Jayasiiiiha in various affairs of the State, but never neglected 
his nitja and naimittika religious duties. He was renowned for his charities and erected 
temples, mathas, charitable feeding houses {sattras'), dwellings for the Brahmanas as well 
as gardens. He built a large temple of Siva under the name of Kirtihara in honour of his 
guru Kirtisiva. For the maintenance of the temple, the Kalachuri king Jayasithha donated 
some villages on the occasion of a solar eclipse in K, 926 (1174 A.C.). 

Similar glowing accounts of the religious and charitable activities of other Saiva 
Achdrjas are given by several Kalachuri inscriptions. These Achdrjas received honour 
and patronage at the hands of the ruling kings. The Kdjagurus are mentioned among 
royal officers to whom grants of land and villages, recorded in copper-plate charters, are 
communicated. The Malkapuram pillar inscription records the tradition that Sadbhava- 
sambhu of the Golaki matha received a gift of three l akhs of villages from the Kalachuri 
king Yuvarajadeva (I). If correct, this would indicate that the king assigned to him one 
third of the total revenue of his home province of Dahala, which, according to tradition, 
comprised nine lakhs of villages.'* Though this princely gift has not been recorded in any 
Chedi inscriptions, there is no doubt that the Kalachuris hberaliy patronised the mathas. 
Both the Bilharis and Gurgi® inscriptions record the donations of several villages for the 
maintenance of temples and monasteries, made by successive Kalachuri king s. The former 
inscription mentions, besides, several taxes and rates levied on oil mills, and on elephants 
horses, vegetables, betel leaves and other articles sold in the local markets, which were 
assigned for the maintenance of these religious and charitable institutions. 

Many of these Achdrjas were engaged in austerities and, therefore, preferred to stay 
in solitary retreats far from the crowd. For them monasteries were built on the banks 
of holy rivers where they could practise meditation in peaceful surroundings. A graphic 
description of the quiet life led by these Achdrjas is given in the Chandrehe inscription.’ 

The Achdrjas utilised the wealth of the mathas and the income of the agrahdra villages 
for the welfare^ of the people. Kalachuri inscriptions mention vjdkhjdna-sdlds (lecture 
halls), sattras (charitable feeding houses) and gardens with which the mathas were provided.® 

1 1 owe this information to Mr. S. N. Sen, Curator of the Nepal Museum, who kindly supplied me 
with an extract from the MS. of the work in his possession, 

* Ep. lad., VoL in, pp. 292 ff. 

s No. 64, 11 . 14 ff. 

* It is noteworthy that the Acharyds of the South-Indian branches of the Golaki matha are described 
as belonging to the Laksbddly^i-santana or Bhiksha-matha. A.R.S.I.E. (1923-24), p. 114. 

s No. 45. « No. 46. 

’ No. 44, 11 . 1 5 ff. 8 No. 60, 11 , 25-24. 



They do not, however, give us any information about the management of these mathas. 
For this we must turn to the Malkapuram inscription, which gives a detailed description 
of the measures adopted by Visvesvarasambhu for the maintenance and management of 
the institutions he founded in his agrahdra village, a temple, a monastery, a college, a 
choultry for the distribution of food, a maternity home and a hospital. Elaborate rules 
were laid down for the appointment of an A.chdrja as the head of the Matha\ his qualifications 
and the fee to be paid to him for his services were set forth in detail. The whole Saiva 
community of the village was given the right to appoint a new Achdrja, if the existing one 
was found negligent in his duty or was guilty of misbehaviour.^ As Visvesvarasambhu 
was previously the head of the Gdlaki Matha, it would not be wrong to infer that similar 
rules were in force for the management of the mathas in the Chedi country. 

There were four well-known sects of Saivism, Saiva, Pasupata, Karuka (or 
Karunika) Siddhantin and KapaHka. The Achdryas of the Mattamyura clan belonged to 
the Saiva, not the Pasupata sect. According to tradition, Siva first initiated Brahma, 
the Creator, into this faith after a sacrifice in Daruvana.^ From the latter sprang this line of 
Saiva Achdryas. In some inscriptions the first Achdrya is said to be Durvasas. His spiri- 
tual descendants called themselves Saiddhantikas, i.e., followers of the true doctrine. Madhu- 
mati in Central India is described as the abode of the Saiddhdntikas? The Siddhdntas 
were revealed by Mahesvara. According to this sect, there are three principles, r/^., the 
lord ipati), the individual soul (pasu) and the fetters {paid). The whole system has four 
pddaSy vis^., vidyd or right knowledge of the three paddrthas, kriyd or ceremonies consisting 
of diksha (initiation) etc.,ydga or meditation and charyd or discipline consisting in doing what 
is prescribed and avoiding what is prohibited. Charyd and yoga are regarded as important 
as vidyd.*^ The Achdryas of Madhumati are described as having an excellent discipline.® 
Most of the inscriptions of this clan contain descriptions of the yogic practices of the 
Achdryas. These led to emancipation {siddhi). The Achdryas who attained emancipation 
were called Siddhas. Kadambaguha, the original home of the Mattamayura school, is called 
the ven erab le abode of the line of the Siddhas. 

Though the Achdryas of the Mattamayura clan were followers of the Saiva school, 
they were not bigotted. They studied various orthodox and even heterodox systems. 
Rudrasiva, the ^ru of the Kalachuri king JajaUadeva I, is described as conversant not only 
with the siddhdntas of his own but also with those of others’ schools; he was, besides, 
well-read in the authoritative works of Dihnaga and others.® In the Gurgi inscription, the 
Saiva Achdrya Prasantasiva is said to have spent his days in the company of meritorious 
persons who were adepts in the philosophy of the 'Pdnchdrthikas or Pasupatas.’ 

^There were several Pasupata Achdryas living in the Kalachuri kingdom. One of 
them, w:^., Rudrarasi who came from Lata, was placed in charge of the temple of Siva under 
the name of Vaidyandtha, and of the matha and the hall of teaching with gardens etc. attach- 
ed to them, which the Kalachuri dowager queen Alhanadevi had erected at Bhera-Ghap® 
Another Pasupata Achdrya^ known from the inscriptions, was Bhavabrahman, who also had 

1 ]. A. H. R. S., Vol. IV, pp. 158 ff.; History of Bengal, Vol. I, pp. 684 ff. 

2 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 355. 

® No. 46, L 5. 

Swrvadarsanasangraha (Bhandarkar Institute ed.), p. 175. 
s Cf. Saeb-cbary-acbarya-vatyab in No. 46, 1 . 4. 

« No. 77, L 27. 
r No. 46, 1 . 20. 

8 No. 60, 11 . 23-24. 



hailed from Lata and erected a temple of Siva at Tripuri^. His mode of life was in accordance 
with the teaching of the Pasupata system. He lived on scanty food which he obtained by beg- 
ging, wore only a loin cloth, slept on pure ashes and lived a life of celibacy. He practised 
as taught in the system of Vatanjati, and cultivated the four hhdvanas (sentiments) of maitri 
(benevolence), karma (compassion), muditd (cheerfulness) and upekshd (indifference). Accord- 
ing to the Pasupatas, salvation consists not only in the cessation of misery but also in the 
attainment of supernatural powers. Liberated souls live in an intimate union with Siva.^ 

As stated before, almost all Kalachuri kings were devout worshippers of Siva. Some 
of them went on a pilgrimage to distant holy places to offer worship to the god. We learn 
from the Bilh^i inscription that Lakshmanaraja II marched in state with his whole retinue 
of feudatory princes and his army of elephants, horses and foot-soldiers all the way from 
Tripuri to Somanath Pattan, and bathing in the sea there, he worshipped the god Sbmanatha 
with lotuses of gold. He also offered to the god in worship the effigy of the serpent Kaliya, 
made of gold inlaid with precious stones, which he had obtained from the king of Orissa. 
He then himself composed a hymn of praise and concentrated his mind on Siva’s glory.® 
His son Yuvarajadeva II also dedicated to Somesvara the wealth he had obtained by conquer- 
ing the kings of the four quarters.* He also composed an excellent hymn in praise of the 
god.® V 

There was a great building activity during the age of the Kalachuris. The temples 
and monasteries, built by Yuvarajadeva I, his queen Nbhala and their son Lakshmanaraja 11 , 
have already been mentioned. From a huge sculpture of Hara-Gauri, measuring 12' 
8" long by 4' 7" broad on the moxmd at Gurgi, Cunningham conjectured that the structure 
in which it was enshrined must have been about 100 fit. in height.® Banerji says that the 
height of the top of the Hkhara of this temple, when it was intact, must have been a good 
150 ft. above the surrounding ground level.’ From the Gurgi inscription we know that 
this temple was erected by the sage Pra^anta^va.® By its side there was another temple 
erected by Yuvarajadeva L which must have been still more lofty. The illustrious king 
Karna built a twelve- or sixteen-storeyed temple called Karnamhu, which was probably 
dedicated to Siva. The ruins of this temple can still be seen near Rajghat in Banaras. 
Another temple, said to have been erected by Karna, is at Amarakantak. It is a magni- 
ficent triple-shrined structure with profusely sculptured lofty sikharas. Other temples of 
the age are those of Viratesvara at Sohagpur and Vaidyanatha atBaijnath, both in the former 
Rewa State. Most of these temples have a circular garbha-gjriha. Temples of this type 
were a speciality of the Chedi country and were built for the first time by the Achdryas 
of the Mattamayura clan. Such temples have not been noticed outside the dominion of 
the Kalachuris.® 

Several ministers and generals of the Kalachuri kings as well as private individuals 
living in the Qiedi country followed the example of their rulers and erected temples dedi- 
cated to Siva. The descendants of the aforementioned Kayastlia Amdtya of Yuvaraja- 

1 No. 58, U. 8 ff. 

2 See SarvadarJanasangraha (Bbandarkar Institute ed.), p. 171. See also No. 58, i. 8. 

* No. 45, IL 23-24. 

* Appendix, No. 3, 1 . 7. 

^ No. 45, IL 28-30. 

® C. A. S, I. R., VoL XXI, p. 152. The great fora^a erected in front of the Raja’s palace in Rewa 
originally belonged to the temple of Siva at Gurgi. 

’ H. T. M., p. 43- 

® No. 46, 1 . 14. 

® H. T. AX., pp. 48; 53-54 fU, 



deva I changed their religious creed and became Saivas. The last of them, mentioned in 
the Rewa stone inscription dated K. 800, whose name is unfortunately lost, constructed a 
temple of an imposing height probably at Gurgi, which he dedicated to Siva .1 VappuUa, 
a brave general of Karna, who had distinguished himself in several battles, built a temple 
of the panchdyatana type, in which the central shrine was surrounded by four small devakulls. 
The image installed in one of them was of Lakshmi-Narayana. The names of the images 
in the other three are unfortunately lost.^ Besides Vishnu and Siva, Ganesa also seems 
to have been worshipped in this period. He is invoked in the beginning of some records 
of this period,^ but no specific mention of a temple erected in his honour occurs in the 
records of the Chedi country. The same is tme of Karttikeya.'* Sculptures of both the 
gods have, however, been found in abundance at Tripuri and other places. Ambika was 
regarded as a guardian deity and her image was installed when a new work like a ^dt 
was constructed.® Images of the Sun also have been found at Masaun and Bhera-Ghat, 
but there is no mention of any temple dedicated to him.® A beautiful bron2e image of 
Revanta, son of the Sun, w^found at Tripuri and is now in the possession of the former 
Malguzar of the village. 

Buddhism and Jainism also were flourishing in the Chedi country. At Samath, 
Mamaka, the wife of Dharmesvara, who was a follower of the Mahayana, caused a copy 
of the Ashtasdhasrikdprqjnd to be written, which she made over to the Order of the Vener- 
able Monks of the Mahabodhi Mahavihara where the Buddha had turned the Wheel of the 
Law by his first sermon. At Gopalpur, about 3 miles from Bhera-Ghat, were discovered 
five Buddhist images. Four of these were of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, while the fifth 
was of his consort Tara. From the inscription on one of them, it seems that the image was 
the gift of a woman named Dhenuva, who was a gate-keeper of one Satka, son of a lay wor- 
shipper named Subhata Kayastha. She was a follower of the Mahayana school. These 
images appear to be of the Magadha school.’ The inscription shows that there were some 
Buddhists living in peace and prosperity near the Kalachuri capital Tripuri.® At Tewar 
itself was found the beautiful image of a Bodhisattva of the Mahay^a school, seated in 
the Vajrasana posture, with his two hands in the attitude of teaching.® The Buddha had 
come to be included among the ten incarnations of Vishnu and is figured on the prahhdvali 
of the images of that god.^® 

That Jainism also was flourishing in the Kalachuri dominion is shown by the Bahuri- 
bandh inscription of the reign of Gayakarna. It records the construction of a temple 
of the Jaina Tirtbankara S^tinatha by one Mahabhtija, son of Sarvadhara.^^ The 

^ No. 5 1, L 28. 

* No. 53, IL 14-13. 

® No. 60, IL 4-3; No. 65, L I. 

* See, e.g., H. T. M., pp. 86, 92 etc. 

® No. 62, L 4. 

* H.TM., pp. 91 and 93. 

’ No. 52, 11 . lo-ii. 

® Ep. Ind., Vol. XVin, pp. 73 fif. 

9 H.T.M., pp. 95 ff. According to S. C. Vidyabhushan, Gangeyadeva and Karna overthrew Buddhism 
and brought about the revival of Brahmanism in Mithila. See his History of Indian Logic, p. 330. This view 
is based on the wrong identification of Gangeyadeva of Tirabhukti with the homonymous Kalachuri king. 
See above, p. Ixsxix, n. 3. 

10 Ibid., p. 108. 

No. 59, C, 1 . 4. Recendy another fragmentary Jaina inscription has been discovered at Tripuri. 
In the extant portion it mentions the Kalachuri king Karna. 




colossal statue of Santinatha is stiU standing at Bahutibandh. Several other images of the 
Jaina Tirthankaras have been found in the Jabalpur District. There were Jaina temples at 
Sohagpur also. At the palace of the Thakur of the place are collected a number of Jaina 
sculptures, among which there are some Sasanadevatas.^ All this leaves no room for doubt 
that Jainism also had a considerable following in the Chedi country. 

Many of the grants made in this period were in the form of endowments to temples 
erected by kings, their ministers and Kdjagurus. Some grants were made to Brahmanas 
for the attainment of religious merit. There is, however, no specific mention of the 
object as in the earlier grants, that they were made for the maintenance of the five great 
sacrifices. Some agrahdra villages were granted for the setdement of the Brahmanas. 
These setdements were called the Brahma-stamhas? Karna invited some learned and pious 
Brahmanas to setde at a newly founded town called Karndvatl, which, from its description, 
appears to have been situated on the bank of the Gahga. Karanbel was another town 
founded by the same king near Tripuri. 

Of the ten grants made to Brahmanas by the Kalachuris of Chedi and Sarayupara 
or their feudatories, two were made on the occasion of the sraddha of the donor’s father,^ 
three on the occasion of a sahkrmti,^ one on a lunar eclipse,® and two on the tithis of 
Karttika-purnima and Margasirsha-krishna-saptami.® The occasion and purpose of one 
are not known. One grant was made on the occasion of 2.jugddiP Curious as it may appear, 
no grant made by the Kalachuris to a Brahmana on the occasion of a solar eclipse in this 
peripd has yet been found in the Chedi and Sarayupara countries. 

' Dakshina Kosala — The religious condition in Dakshina K5sala did not materially 
differ from that in Chedi and Sarayupara. The Kalachuris who ruled there believed that 
they had obtained their kingdom by the grace of the god Vahkesvara.® This was probably 
a Prakrit name of Siva. There was an old temple of Vahkesvara at Tummana, the old 
capital of the Kalachuris. The object of worship was an image, not a linga ; for, the Amoda 
plates state that the king Prithvideva I washed the resplendent feet of the god before he 
made a grant to a Brahmana on the occasion of the construction of the chatushkikd (hall) 
of the temple.® After the capital was shifted to Ratnapura, several temples were built 
there by the kings and their mimsters. JajaUadeva I founded the town of Jajallapura 
(modern Janjgir in the Bilaspur District), and built there a temple of Siva and a monastery 
for ascetics.^® He also repaired the old temple of Siva at Pali by constructing addition^ 
walls and pillars.^ The temples of Siva were erected by the princes, their feudatories 
and ministers as well as private persons at several places such as Malika, Sonthivapura, 
Varelapura, Narayanapura, Kumarakdta, Patharia, Sheorinarayan, Vadada and Poratha.“ 

Saivism was thus the predominant cult in Dakshina Kosala, but Vaishnavism also 
was prevalent, though it played a subordinate role."^ At Janjgir there is a beautifully sculp- 

^ H. T . M ., p. loo. 

® No. 43, 1 , 2; No. 56, 1 . 13. 

® No. 48, 1 . 40; No. 65, 1 . 14. 

* No. 56, L 27; No. 74, L 39; Appendix, No. 2. 

® No. 63, 1 . 26. 

« No. 50, 1 . 41; No. 68, 1 . 13. 

’ See below, p. 649. 

8 No. 75, 1 . 4. 

• No. 76, 1 . 28. 

^8 No. 77, L 26. 

Nos. 78-81. See also p. 418. 

See No. 97. 1. 24; No. 98. 1 . 21; No. 96. 1 . 25; No. 96, U. 28 and29; No. 98, U. 22and 25; No. 100. L 23. 



tuted temple of Vishnu which was unfortunately left incomplete. Above the door-way 
of the garbhagriha are carved the images of the Hindus ^Trinity, Brahma, Vishnu and Siva, 
which testify to the rehgious syncretism of the age.’^ Vishnu, to whom the temple was 
dedicated, appears in the centre. On the piUars and walls of the temple appear beautifully 
carved images of the several incarnations of Vishnu as well as of Surya, Devi and other gods. 
This is one of the most beautiful temples in Chhattisgarh.^ Its builder’s name is unknown. 
Another old temple of Vishnu exists at Sheorin^ayan, perhaps erected by a collateral branch 
of the royal family. It is a simple structure, possessing no architectural beauty. Jagapala, 
who distinguished himself in several battles of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, repaired an 
old temple of Vishnu, originally built by a Nala king in the 8th century A.C.^ He re- 
named the god as Ramachandra and granted a village for his worship.^ Another temple 
dedicated to the god was built by a Mochi or Shoe-maker at Khalvatika in the Raipur 
District.* Several beautifully carved images of Vishnu have been discovered at Ratanpur 
and other places. 

Besides Siva and Vishnu, other gods and goddesses hke Parvati, Ekavira, Ganapati 
and Revanta (son of the Sun) were adored by people, high and low, and had temples dedi- 
cated to them at several places such as Ratnapura, Vadada, Durga, Pahapaka and Vikarna- 
pura.® Of these the temple of Revanta at Vikarnapura, modern Kotgadh, deserves a 
special mention. It was built by VaUabharaja, a feudatory of the Vaisya caste, who dis- 
tinguished himself in the wars of Ratnadeva II and Prithvideva II. It was a fine structure, 
beautifully decorated with sculptures. Its ruins stiU exist at Kbtgadh. Some of these 
temples were of the panchdjatam type,® and some others had charitable feeding houses 
attached to them. At some places hke Janjgir and Khar5d, monasteries were constructed 
for the residence of ascetics.'^ They must have served as centres of learning and rehgious 
teaching as in the Chedi country. 

The cult of Devi also was prevalent in Dakshina Kosala. She and other Saktis hke 
Vaishnavi, Varahi, Narasirhhi, Aindri, Chamunda and others, who were associated with 
her in her fight with the demons, were worshipped in several places, and their favour 
was invoked for success in fighting. Tantricism also had some fohowers.® It was beheved 
that by the practice of the Sdkamhhari vidya, one could obtain supernatural powers ensuring 
success in batdes.® 

A festival was celebrated in honour of Durga in the bright fortnight of Asvina. It 
continued for nine days. The Dipavah festival in Karttika was marked by iUuminations, 
gifts of cows and reading of the Puranas, as at present.*® Mahamaya and other similar 
gods and goddesses were worshipped by the lower classes of the society.** 

Buddhism was flourishing in Dakshina K5sala before the advent of the Kalachuris. 
That Buddhist vihdras existed at Arahg in the Raipur District*^ and MaUar in the Bilaspur 
District*® is known from inscriptions. Yuan Chwang tells us that there were over loo 

^ Bilaspur District Gas^etteer, p. 271. 

2 Ep. Ind., VoL XXVI, pp. 49 ff. 

s No. 88, 1 . 14. 

* No. 108, 1 . 12. 

® No. 96, 1 . 26; No. 100, 1 . 23; No. 95, 1 . 26. 

® No. 90, 1 . 23. 

’ No. 77, 1 . 26; No. 100, 1 . 22. 

® No. 114, U. I ff. 

® No. 89, 1 . 25. 

No. 105, 1 . 10. 

Nos. 103 and 104 are on stones built into a wall of the temple of Mahamaya. 

12 J. R. S. for 1905, pp. 617 ff. and Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVI, p. 227, n. 2. 

Ep. Ind., Vol. XXni, pp. 1 13 ff. 



Buddhist monasteries and about loooo Brethren, aU Mahayanists, in Dakshina Kosala.^ The 
reigning king Maharivagupta-Balarjuna made grants to Buddhist vihdras, though he him- 
self was a fervent devotee of Siva. But in later times Buddhism declined here as in other 
parts of the country. There is not a single reference to any Buddhist vihdra or Bhikshu 
in the Kalachuri inscriptions of Dakshina Kosala. The Buddhist canonical and philoso- 
phical works were, however, studied by some people. Rudrasiva, the spiritual teacher of 
JajaUadeva I, is described as conversant with the works of Dihnaga and others.^ Kasala, 
who composed the Koni stone inscription, tells us that he had knowledge of three ratnas 
(i.e., probably Buddha, Dharma and Sahgha) and that he had mastered the dgamas of the 
Buddha and others.^ Some learned Brahmanas also, who were required to take part in 
philosophical debates, must have been well acquainted with the Buddhist systems. 

There are also no references to the Jainas in the Kalachuri inscriptions of Dakshina 
Kosala, but there is no doubt that Jainism had some followers there. Images of the Jaina 
Tirthahkaras have been discovered at Arahg, Sirpur, Mallar, Dhanpur, Ratanpur and 
Padampur, these at Mallar being colossal.^ 

It is noteworthy that many of the grants made to Brahmanas by the Kalachuris 
of Dakshina Kosala were on the occasion of a solar or a lunar eclipse. Of the sixteen 
grants included here, as many as nine were made at the time of eclipses, five being lunar 
and four solar.^ Three grants were made on a sahkranti,® one on the akshaja tritiya^ 
which is regarded as a very holy day, and one on the sraddha-tithi of the donor’s father®. 
In the case of the remaining two, no auspicious occasion has been mentioned.® 


Like religion, the social life also changed considerably in course of time. In the 
earlier period people had a broader outlook on social matters. The caste system had 
not become quite rigid. Foreign tribes like the Sakas were welcomed to the Hindu 
fold and were assigned their rightful place in the social structure. Hence they did not 
try to conceal their racial origin, but proudly stated it in their records. The Saka king 
Sridharavarman, for instance, makes a specific mention of his race in both the records of 
his reign.i® The Gurjaras also make no attempt in their earlier grants to trace their pedigree 
from a mythological or legendary hero, but take pride in stating that they were bom 
in the Gmjara-vamsaP- The Sakas, the Gurjaras and the Hunas became completely 
absorbed in the Hindu society in course of time and had matrimonial relations with the 
most notable Kshatriya families. The Hunas came to be reckoned among the thirty-six 
Kshatriya famihes of the best blood, their foreign origin having been completely forgotten.^^ 
We find that the Kalachuri Emperor Karna, who claimed to belong to the lunar race, had 

1 0. Y. C., Vol. n, p. 200. 

® No. 77, 1 . 27. 

^ No. 90, L 27. 

^ Raipur District Gazetteer, pp. 65-66; Bilaspur District Gas^etieer^ p. 61. 

^ For lunar eclipses, see Nos. 82, 83, 86, 91 and 102, and for solar ones, see Nos. 89, 90, 117 and 122. 

® Nos. 75, 92 and loi. 

’ No, 94, 11 . 20-21. 

® No. 123, 1 . 27. 

® Nos. 76 and 99. 

No, 5, 1 . 2; No. 1 19, 1 . 2. 

See, No. 16, 1 . 2. 

RrithvJrajardsd^ I, 135. The list with a few minor changes occurs in the Kumarapalacharita, 



no objection to martying the princess Avalladevi of the Huna lineage.^ She was probably 
his chief queen. Her son Yasahkarna succeeded his father on the Kalachuri throne. The 
Abhiras also rose in social status and, like the Hunas, were ranked among the best Kshatriya 
families. 2 

In the social hierarchy, the Brahmanas occupied an honoured place. They were 
revered for their pious life and devotion to learning, and received royal patronage in the 
form of grants of land. In the earlier period, their sub-castes had not been formed and 
their surnames based on the places of origin had not come into vogue. The only distinc- 
tions recognised were those of the Vedas, sdkhds and gdtras. It would be interesting to 
see how the Brahmanas of the different Vedas and idkJods were geographically distributed. 
Unfortunately, we do not find these details mentioned in all grants. The earliest grants 
included here, w:^., those of the Mahdrdjas of Valkha, Subandhu and the Traikutakas, 
mention gdtras, but not the Vedas and sdkhds, of the Brahmana donees.® In later records 
they are generally mentioned, though some details are found lacking in a few grants. They 
are again conspicuous by their absence in the grants made after 1130 A.C. In this latter 
period, we find modem surnames gradually coming into vogue. We find that the Bahv- 
tichas or Rigvedins are mentioned in very few records.* When their sdkhd is named, it 
is only Asvalayana. The Rigvedins, though few, were fairly wide-spread. We find 
them named in the grants from Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Vindhya Pradesh and the 
Chhattisgarh Division of Madhya Pradesh. The Madhyandina idkhd of the White 
Yajurveda was predominant everywhere. Several Brahmanas of this sdkhd received 
grants of Und in Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh.® The other 
sdkhd, Kanva, of this Veda is rarely mentioned. There are only four references 
to it in our records.® The Brahmanas of the Black Yajurveda or the Taittiriyas 
were rarer still. They had their home in South India and we find them mentioned only 
in the records of the south. One of them, residing at Kallivana, modern Kalvan in the 
Nasik District, received a grant of land situated in that district.’ A few others were 
residing near Nagpur.® We no doubt find a Brahmana of the Taittiriya sdkhd receiving 
the grant of a village in Gujarat,® but he originally hailed from Vanavasi in the Kanara 
District, Bombay State. He bore a Kanarese name and had evidently gone to Gujarat 
at the invitation of the Chalukya prince, Avanijanasraya-Pulakesin, who also originally 
came from Kar^taka. A few Samavedins are noticed in the grants from Gujarat, Sarayu- 
para, and the Nagpur and Chhattisgarh Divisions of Madhya Pradesh.*® When their 
sdkhd is mentioned, it is invariably Kauthuma.** The Atharvavedins were extremely rare. 
They are mentioned only in one record, in the Kaira plates of Dadda Il-Prasantaraga, 
dated K. 380.*® They all belonged to the Pippalada sdkhd and were residents of Bherajjika, 
modem Borjai in the Broach District. They received a village in common with the 

1 No. 56, 1 . 13; No. 57, 1 . 13. 

- Prttbvlr ^ ardso , I, 135. 

^ Nos. 2-4, 6, 8 and 9. 

^ See No. ii, 1 . 8; No. i6, U. 35-37; No. 56, 1 . 30; No. 74, U. 41 ff.; No. 76, 1 . 26; No. 121, 1 . 19. 

6 No. 14, 1 . 21; No. 19, U. 16-17; No. 20, 1 . 15; No. 21, 1 . 20; No. 24, 1 . 36; No. 25, 1 . 22; No. 26, 

1 . 25; No. 74, 11 . 41-42; No. 91, 1 . 21. 

« No. 13, L 22; No. 16, 1 . 37; No. 29, 1 . 19; No. 120, 1 . 10. 

’ No. 12, 1 . 21. 

® No. 120, 11 . lo-ii. 

9 No. 30. U- 37-38- , XT I 

10 No. II, 1 . 5; No. 16, 1 . 39; No. 22, 1 . 16; No. 74, 1 - 44; 1^0. 75. 1 - 10; 1^0. 82, 1 . 17; No. 120, 1 . ii. 

No. 16, L 59; No. 22, 1 . 16. 

1* No. 16, L 41- 



Brahmanas of the other Vedas, but they seem to have fallen out with them. They were, there- 
fore, omitted in a later grant of the same village, which virtually cancelled the earlier grant. 
It is well known that the Atharvaveda was looked upon with disfavour in ancient times. 

The original places of habitation, from which the Brahmanas had migrated, are gene- 
rally stated in land-grants. Some of these places were well known in ancient times as the 
homes of particular sdkhds. Thus, Kulancha in the Bogra District of North Bengal was 
famous as the home of the Brahmanas of the SaJjdilya gotra}- most of whom belonged to 
the Samaveda. Similarly, Takari in Madhyadesa, which is probably identical with the hom- 
onymous village in the Gaya District, was kmown as the home of the Brahmanas of the 
Madhyandina sdkhd^ though some Brahmanas of other sdkhds also resided there. In some 
cases we find Brahmanas migrating from far off places in search of royal patronage. 
Thus, the Kalachuri court in Ratanpur attracted Brahmanas from such distant places 
as Sonabhadra^ in Uttar Pradesh and Kumbhati^ in Madhya Bharat. Derivatives from 
place-names such as Mathura and Nagara, which later became family-names of the Brah- 
manas, are also noticed in one record.® In the earlier period the Brahmanas were distin- 
guished from other castes by the prefix Brdhmana,^ Bhatta or Bhattikad and the suffix 
svdminh Towards the close of the later period other prefixes such as Bandita, Thakkura, 
Rduta and Gaintd became common.^ The names generally ended in sarman. The modern 
surnames Misra^® and Tripathi^ occur in very late records of the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries A.C. 

Many Brahmanas devoted themselves to the study of the Vedas and Sastras. Some 
of them mastered more than one Veda. This was indicated by the prefixes like Dviveda 
attached to their names,^^ which in the earlier period had not become mere family surnames. 
Those who had performed a sacrifice were known as Dlkshita}^ In the earlier period, 
the Brahmanas generally maintained the sacred fire and performed the grihya rites like the 
five great sacrifices regularly. It is interesting to read that Somesvara, the Brahmana 
Prime Minister of Lakshmanaraja II, performed regularly the Darsapdrnamdsa and other 
sacrifices Some Brahmanas officiated as priests {Burdhitas). The Mahdpurohita, who 
was in charge of the Department of Religion, is mentioned with ministers and high State 
functionaries in the later grants of the Kalachuris.^® Many members of the priestly caste 
obtained proficiency in the Mimarhsa, Sankhya, Nyaya, Vedanta and other darsanas and 
even studied heterodox philosophical systems like the Charvaka, Bauddha and Jaina.^® 
Some of them took part in literary competitions and philosophical dispuhtfions at the royal 
courts. Some others became proficient in astronomy and mastered more than one 

^ See below, p. 268, n. i. 

2 See below, p. 475, n. 4. 

® No. 83, 1 . 16. 

* No. 97, 1 . II. 

® No. 74, 11 . 41 and 44. 

* No. II, 1 . 5. 

’ No. 13, 1 . 7. 

® No. 14, 1 . 22. 

9 No. 99, 1 . 37; No. 117,1. 5. 

^9 No. 108, 1 . 13. 

No. 105, 1 . 16. 

12 Np. 30, 1 . 38. 

No. 29, 1 . 20. 

No. 42, IL 10 ff. 

“No. 56, 1 . 25. 

No. 97, U. 16-18. 



Siddbatita. At the royal court, there was sometimes a competition among astronomers 
about the prediction of the correct time of an eclipse. The successful astronomer was 
rewarded with a grant of land.^ Some Brahmanas left the worldly life and took orders 
in some religious sect hke the Saiva and the Pasupata.^ 

From very ancient times the Brahmanas have been allowed to adopt the profession of 
a Kshatriya if they are unable to earn a Uving by teaching, officiating as a priest or accept- 
ance of gifts In our records there are some instances of the Brahmanas occupying 
influential positions in the State. The castes of royal officers are rarely mentioned in land- 
grants. So the information is very meagre. Still we find that in two cases the Brah- 
manas acted as DUtakas of land-grants.^ The office of the Dutaka was a very high one® 
and was held by State functionaries of the rank of Mahapllupati and Mahdhalddhikrita. 
Some Brahmanas are known to have filled with distinction the office of the Prime Minister 
also. Bhakamisra, Sdmesvara, Purushtittama and Gangadhara were some of the learned 
and capable Prime Ministers of the Later Kalachuris.® They are highly eulogised in our 
records. Some of them distinguished themselves on the battlefield also and won important 
victories for their masters. Others by their diplomacy saved the State in times of economic 
and political crises and restored peace and prosperity to the country. Some Brahmanas 
are mentioned as the authors of royal prasastis? Their compositions reveal no mean 
poetic talent. 

The Brahmanas generally married witliin their caste, but marriages of the anuldma 
type, in which they took to wife a girl from a lower caste, were not unknown. Raja- 
sekhara, who was a Brahmana of the Yayavara family, married Avantisundari of the Chau- 
h^a lineage. This was probably not a solitary instance. 

The Kshatriyas, hke the Brahmanas, enjoyed a high social status. Many of the rulers 
in the earUer as well the later period belonged to this caste. The Chalukyas and the Kala- 
churis were known as Kshatriyas. The former claimed to have descended from Hariti and 
mentioned their Manayya^o/rain their land-grants.® The Sendrakas, who were matrimonially 
connected with them, also probably belonged to the same caste. The Kalachuris called 
themselves Haihayas, i.e., descendants of Kartavirya Arjuna. The latter was born in the 
family of the Moon. The Kalachuris, therefore, claimed to be of the famous lunar race.® 
They had m atr i m onial relations with aU the principal Kshatriya famihes of the age, 

^ No. 83, 11 . 2} fif. 

® No. 64, 1 . 17; No. 58, 1 . 7. 

® Baudh^ana Dharma Siitra, II, 2, 69-70. 

^ No. 2, 1 . 8 mentions Nannabhatti, and No. 24, 1 . 49, Bbatta sri-Deiyaka as Diltakas. 

® The Diitaka communicated the royal order about a grant to the office of the Sandhivigrahika. Cf. 
rdj-djna-prada used instead of the usual diitaka in the Ponnuturu plates of Samantavarman; Up. hid., Vol. 
XXVII, p. 220. The Diitaka of No. 12 was a Mahdpilupati, and that of No. 14 was a Mahdhalddhikrita. 

« See No. 42, 11 . 3 ff. and 6 ff.; No. 90, 11 . 15 ffi; No. 100, 11 . 17 ff. 

’’ No. 44, 11 . 24-25. 

® No. 27, 11 . 2-3. 

® D. R. Bhandarkar regarded the Kalachuris as of foreign extraction, because, in the Harivatiila 
and the Vishmpurdna, the Haihayas, when they seized the kingdom of the Indian king Bahu, were assisted 
by the Sakas, Yavanas, Paradas and Khasas. The argument has no force; for, though the Haihayas may 
have taken the help of some foreign tribes, they do not thereby themselves become Mlechchbas. If they had 
invaded India from the North-west after the Kushanas as supposed by Bhandarkar, we would have found 
traces of their rule in the north-western parts of the country, where they may be supposed to have first 
established themselves. But we do not get any records of the Kalachuris in North India till the 8th century 
A.C. For further discussion of this subject, see my presidential address in Section 11 of P. 7. H. C., seventh 
session, pp. 157 ff- 



the Chalukyas, the Rashtrakutas, the ChandeUas and the Palas. The Saka king Srldhara- 
varman and the Gurjaras, some of whom bore names ending in bhata^ were also probably 
regarded as Kshatriyas. The latter, in their later records, claim to have descended from 
Karna, the son of Kvmtl by the Sun. They were, therefore, probably regarded as bom 
of the race of the Sun. That they claimed to be Kshatriyas is also clear from the Jodhpur 
inscription of Bauka, in which their ancestor Dadda I is spoken of as the son of a Brahmana 
father and a Kshatriya mother.^ 

Many of the important civil and military offices must have been held by the Kshatriyas. 
The State functionaries mentioned in early grants, whose names ended in hhata, probably 
belonged to the warrior caste.® Some Kshatriyas followed peaceful vocations. Several 
records of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur mention Kumarapala of the Haihaya lineage as a 
scribe. He was known for calligraphy, and out of curiosity wrote several prasastis.^ He had 
made a deep study of politics, literature and poetics, and himself composed prasastis of 
no mean literary merit.® 

Next to the Kshatriyas came the Vaisyas. They were doubtless engaged in trade 
and commerce, and exercised great influence at the royal court as well as in the Panchakulas.^ 
Some towns which had predominantly a merchant population were known as vanin-nagaras 
(merc]iant-towns)d All the affairs of such towns were managed by the Panchakulas 
elected by them. Some merchants were appointed Mayors of towns® and contributed 
liberally to the religious and charitable institutions in the State. Some Vaisyas distinguished 
themselves in the military professions also. Several later records® from Clihattisgarh 
give a glowing description of the victories won by Vallabharaja, a Vaisya feudatory of the 
Kalachuris of Ratanpur. He constructed several temples, excavated tanks and reared 
mango groves.^® He was specially favoured by Lachchhalladevi, the queen of Ratnadeva 11, 
who treated him as her own son.^^ 

The Kayasthas were another influential community. Their descent from a legendary 
sage named Kachara who practised penance at Kulahcha in Gauda is mentioned in a frag- 
mentary inscription of the reign of Karna.^® Gollaka alias Gauda, the Amatja of Yuvaraja- 
deva I, probably belonged to the Kayastha caste. He is known from several huge rock- 
cut images which he caused to be carved at Bandhogarh.^® Some of his descendants like 
Somesvara served the Kalachuris of Tripuri by diplomacy as well as personal valour. Some 
Kayasthas who settled in Chhattisgarh belonged to the Vastavya family. Their ancestor 
Govinda had emigrated from the Chedi mandala. His grandson Ratnasimha and great- 
grandson Devagana were learned persons who composed prasastis of considerable merit.’^^ 
The Kayasthas were generally employed as clerks and are mentioned as scribes in some 

1 No. 21, 1 . 7. 

* Bp. Ind., Vol. XVin, p. 95. 

® See No. 22, 1 . 38 which mentions Durgabhata and his son Sahabhata as military officers. 

* No. 93, 1 . 22; No. 96, 1 . 34; No. 97, 11 . 27-28. The engravers of Nos. 34 and 120 belonged to the 
Kshatriya Caste. 

^ No. 100, 1 . 27. 

® No. 72, 1 . 9. 

7 No. 31, 1 . 47. 

® No. 77, 1 . 12. 

® Nos. 84, 85, 87 and 95. 

^0 No. 95,11. 24 fF. 

No. 85, 1 . 14. 

No. 5 1, 11 . 20 fF. 

Nos. 38-41. 

Nos. 93 and 97, 



inscriptions.^ The Karanikas mentioned in some records^ were not different from the 

Some lower castes like Sutradhara occasionally find a mention in our records.® Of 
the untouchables, the Mochi or shoe-maker is mentioned in a late record.'* Devap^a, 
who belonged to this caste, was a religious-minded person. He was rich enough to con- 
struct a temple of Narayana at Khalvatika, modem Khalari in the Raipur District. 

Women were honoured and treated with respect. Polygamy was in vogue. Kings 
generally maintained a large seraglio. From inscriptions as well as from hterature® we know 
that Yuvarajadeva I married a large number of princesses from different countries. 
Gahgeyadeva is said to have had as many as a hundred wives.® The custom of the Sati was 
in vogue. If the description in the Khaitha and Jabalpur plates is correct, all the hundred 
wives of Gahgeyadeva immolated themselves on his funeral pyre near the banyan tree at 
Prayaga. Another instance of the Satt is recorded in the Sheorinarayan inscription of K. 
919. When the prince Ulhanadeva died fighting with Jayasirnha of Tripuri, his three 
queens died as Satis? The inscription describes vividly the grief which the people felt on 
that occasion. Such self-immolation was, however, not obligatory on women. Those who 
did not subject themselves to it led a restrained and pious life. We know of some queens 
who survived their husbands and helped their sons with advice in the administration of the 
State. The dowager queens Alhanadevi and Gosaladevi are notable instances of this type 
mentioned in our records.® 

Tdiat the joint family system was in vogue appears dear from the numbers of relatives 
mentioned in commemorative The Ratanpur inscription dated V. 1207, for ins- 

tance, mentions, besides the Kayastha Ratnasirirha, his wife, one son, two daughters-in-law, 
two grandsons, one grand-daughter and two other persons whose rdation to him is not stated 
explicitly.® Another instance is that of Purush 5 ttama, the Sarvddhikarin of Ratnadeva II. 
He lived to a good old age. His four sons, all of whom distinguished themselves in state- 
craft, continued to live with him.^® On the other hand, we have an instance of the division 
of even State property. Sarvadeva, the brother of Prithvideva I, we are told, obtained, as 
a share of pa trim ony, the territor}^ round Sonthiva, where he later established himself. 
Such partitions were, however, rare. 


In India from very ancient times trade and commerce have been carried on through 
guilds (Jrenis). The first inscription included in this Volume mentions four guilds, y/^., 
those of potters, makers of hydraulic engines, and oil-millers, and one more whose name is 
lost. These guilds acted also as banks and received deposits of money, on wliich they 
stipulated to pay a certain amount of interest in perpetuity. Pious persons deposited money 

1 Kirtidhara, his son Vatsaraja and grandson Dharmaraja, who wrote several grants of the Kalachuris 
of Ratanpur, belonged to the Vastavya family and were evidently Kayasthas. 

2 No. 45, 1 . 33; No. 50, 1 . 49. 

® No. 64 1 . 26; No. 105, 1 . 20 etc. 

* No, 108, 1 . 10. 

5 See above, p. Ixxvii. 

« No. 56, 11 . lo-ii; No, 57, 1 . 10. 

^ No. 98, 1 . 20. 

® No. 60, 1 . 23 and No. 69, 1 . i. 

• No. 93, 11 . 10 flf. 

No, 90, 1 . 20, 



in these guilds to make perpetual endowments for religious purposes.^ Traders and 
artisans also had their own corporations cai^edganas. There were, besides, other corporate 
organisations of persons who followed the same avocadon. The Nagardhan plates of 
Svamiraja mention a corporation of elephant-drivers {mahclmatras).^ This corporation 
seems to have been an influential one. It had its own assembly called samtiha. Its Presi- 
dent was called Sthavira, and members of the Executive Committee Pramukhas, among whom 
were included the Vilupati (Chief of the Elephant force) and the Hastivaidja (Physician of 
Elephants). The grant of land made by the corporation had to be approved by the 
reigning Iting, but it affixed its characteristic seal to the charter. This circumstance indi- 
cates how much power it wielded in the State. 

There were, doubtless, several other guilds and corporations functioning in both the 
periods, but very few of them find a mention in our records. The Vagulikas and Payatis, 
who donated fifty leaves for each bundle sold in the market in favour of a temple at KM- 
tal^, were probably guilds of traders in betel-leaves.® The Karitalai inscription speaks 
of the Desi or foreman of the gvdld of five kinds of spirituous liquors {kashdya-panchaka).^ 
These guilds and corporations had their own militia which could be called upon to serve 
the State when necessary. 

There was a mandapika or market pavilion in every town and village, where the 
various articles brought for sale were assessed and taxed.® A voucher called was 
issued for the small fee of half a paura, paid for permission to exhibit the articles for 
sale in the market.® It was valid for a day. There were markets {apanasf and shops 
{yithlsP where articles were offered for sale in stalls {clvdras)P Our records incidentally 
mention several articles which were brought and sold in the markets of towns and villages. 
They include, besides food-grains, areca-nuts, betel leaves, salt, pepper, and other commodi- 
ties such as liquor, oil, grass and vegetables. Elephants and horses also were sold in the 
markets.^® Traders and merchants were required to pay excise and octroi duties as well 
as a sales tax on the things sold in the market. 

Our records mention different kinds of weights and measures. They varied from 
district to district.!^ One grant mentions the larger measure (brihan-mdnd)p^ implying 
thereby that there was a smaller measure also in vogue there. The standard land-measure 
was the nivartana. Several varieties of it are mentioned in ancient works. The nivartana, 
current in the dominion of the Early Kalachuris, is described in the Abhona plates as uhhaya- 
chatvarmsaha-nivartanin, i.e., measuring forty dandas in length and breadth, or 1600 square 
dandas}'^ It was, therefore, larger than the nivartanas mentioned in ancient works. 

Sometimes land was measured in halasP^ A hala signified as much land as could be 

1 No. I, U. 8-13. 

^ No. 120, 11 . 4 ff. 

® No. 42, 1 . 34. It is noteworthy that the inscription mentions the chief of the Vagulikas. 

* Ibid., 1 . 33. 

® No. 45, 1 . 30. 

* Ibid., 1 . 31. See also p. 223, n. 6. 

’’ No. 31, 1 . 35. 

8 No. 45, 1 . 31. 

9 No. 31, 1 . 35. 

No. 42, 1 . 33; No. 45, 11 . 30-36. 

Cf. tad-vish(ya-mdnena in No. 19, 1 . 10. 

No. 20, U. 9-10. 

^8 See below, p. 43, n. 6. 

^ No. 14, 1 . 18. With this compare in SNS. adhyaya I, v. 200. 

8^8 No. 90, 1 . V. 27. 



ploughed by a single pair of bullocks. This is said to be equivalent to five acres. A third 
method of stating the intended extent of land was by mentioning the quantity of seed 
required for sowing it. The measures of capacity khdrl^ pitahc? and prasthcP are 
mentioned in this connection. Other measures of the same kind were khandl or khandikd, 
goni and ghatid' Of the weights used in that age, only one, hharakJ' is found men- 
tioned. It was used for weighing ginger, areca-nuts, pepper etc. 

The records do not shed much light on the vexed question of the ownership of land. 
We can draw some inferences from the conditions and descriptions of the gifts in copper- 
plate charters. In most cases the gifts were of entire villages in favour of temples, monas- 
teries and individuals. In such cases, what was transferred was evidendy the royal prero- 
gative of demanding land revenue and other dues in cash or kind. The donee plainly could 
not dispossess the individuals residing in the village of their homesteads and cultivated 
fields. The maxim of fallow land {hhumi-chchhidra-njdyd)p usually mentioned in land-grants 
to describe the gifts, signified full proprietary right, i.e., a complete freedom from the pay- 
ment of revenue and other dues to the reigning prince. It also transferred some other 
privileges usually claimed by the king, but it did not carry with it the right to oust all tenants. 
When fields and small plots of land were, however, donated, the case was different. The 
cultivators who were formerly in possession of the pieces of land are generally mentioned 
in such cases. The words signifying their possession used in early grants are pratjaja, 
hhukta and satka? None of these signifies absolute ownership. Besides, it is clearly 
stated in all these grants that the donee was free to cultivate the land himself or to get it 
cultivated by others as he pleased. The previous cultivators of these lands were evidently 
temporary tenants who had no proprietary right to them. The fields were probably a 
part of the crown land in the particular villages. On the other hand, those fields which 
the cultivators owned absoutely were known as kautumha-kshetra. Two such fields 
are mentioned in a grant for the demarcation of the boundaries of the donated piece 
of land.® Such fields were evidently held by the particular families from generation to 
generation and could not, therefore, be taken away from them except for the non-pay- 
ment of land-revenue etc. 

The bulk of the population then, as now, lived in villages. The chief village of a 
vishapa was called jyeshthikd-grdma. Some of the villages had banks which received endow- 
ments and paid interest on them in perpetuity. The boundaries of the villages were properly 
marked. There used to be a village common and a pasture-land surrounding it for the 
grazing of the cattle.® Sometimes, pasture-lands were donated by private individuals. 
Their boundaries were clearly marked by erecting pillars with the image of the goddess 
Durga carved on them.^® Among other things which constituted the common property 
of the villagers were the tank which irrigated their fields, the jungle which supplied them 

^ No, 42, L 32. 

2 No. 19, L 10. 

® No. 20, 1 . 10. 

4 No. 42, 11 . 31 and 53. 

5 No. 45, 1 . 31. The exact meaning oibharaka is uncertain. If derived from bhfi to fill, it may sigmfy 
a measure of capacity. Perhaps, the meaning of ‘a weight’ would suit the context better. Cf. bhara (Marathi), 
meaning ‘a load*. 

« No. 7, 1 . 9; No. II, 1 . 10. See also p. 21, n. 8. 

^ No. 2, 1 . 4; No. 3, 1 . 4; No. 4, 11 . 4-5; No. 6, 1 . 2; No. 22, 1 . 20, 

® No. 22, 11 . 20 and 24. 

» a. in No. 50, L 39. 

“ No. 31, U. 56 ff. 



with fuel, and the temple where they assembled for prayers. These are mentioned in some 
grants in connection with the bovmdaries of the donated fields. The king was, no doubt, 
the owner of all marshy and barren land, woodland and jungles, pasture-lands, tanks and 
watering places. When he donated a village, he transferred his rights to the donee;i but 
in practice, the village folk used these in common. The king was also the owner of the 
mines of minerals and salt, of the mango and mahud trees, and also of the treasure trove.^ 
He had further the privileges of ditya and vishti? The former probably signified the obli- 
gations of the villagers to make customary presents on the birth of a prince or the marriage 
of a princess, and the latter, that of rendering occasional service free of charge. There 
were other miscellaneous royal privileges designated as prdtihhedikd Besides, the villa- 
gers were required to provide for the lodging and boarding of royal officers on tour.^ 
Sometimes a small cess was levied for the purpose. The donated villages were free from 
aU these obligations. They could also adjudicate their own law-suits and levy fines for 
the commission of the ten crimes {das-aparddhas)^ They could not also be entered by soldiers 
and policemen except for apprehending thieves and persons accused of high treason. 

The towns were in a flourishing condition. In the Bdlardmdyana Rajasekhara 
ascribes the origin of Tripuri, the capital of the Kalachuris, to the fall from the sky of a 
portion of the three cities of Tripurasura burnt by Siva.'^ The description suggests the 
great magnificence of the capital which justified such a fancy. It is borne out by numerous 
beautiful sculptures and extensive remains of buildings discovered at Tewar. Tunimana, 
the earlier capital of a branch of the same family in Chhattisgarh, is said to have been 
beautified by Ratnadeva I with magnificent buildings, lofty temples of gods and beautiful 
groves of mango trees. Ratnapura, the later capital founded by the same prince, is said 
to have resembled the city of Alaka.® The existing extensive ruins of buildings and temples 
and large tanks at both the places testify to the past splendour of the towns. Mallala, 
Jajallanagara and Vikarnapura were some of the other places in Dakshina Kosala, noted 
for their grandeur and prosperity. 

As remarked in a private record at Mallar,® the country was well governed, it was 
free from the infestation of troubles, and the people were happy under the rule of the 


We have very meagre information about the literature of the earlier period. The only 
reference to a literary work occurring in the earlier inscriptions is that noticed in the Nasik 
plates of His religious preceptor, who was an ascetic of the Saiva 
sect, but whose full name has, unfortunately, not been preserved, wrote a Sanskrit play 
called Harapdravatija. This work has not come down to us, but its title indicates that it 
treated of some incident in the hfe of Hara and Parvati, probably their marriage. This is 

1 Sec, e.g.. No. 50, 11 . 38-39. 

* Lcr. at, 

® No. 16, 1 . 34. 

* hoc, at, 

« Some villages were exempted from these. See No. 32, 11 . 33-34. See p. 156, n. 2. 

• No. 21, L 27; No. 22, 1 . 28. See also p. 89, n. 3. 

’ Act HE, v. 38. 

® No. 77, IL 9-12, 

• No. 97, 11 . 9-10. 

No. 28, 11 . lo-ii. 



one of the tare Instances In which a member of an ascetic order is seen busying himself with 
the composition of a dramatic work. 

We have comparatively more information about the literature of the later period. 
After the Kalachuris established themselves at the fort of Kalanjara, some of them took to 
literary activities. Mayuraja, whom Rajasekhara calls a Kalachuri poet,i wrote a Sanskrit 
play named Udattaraghava. This play also is not extant, but some references to and extracts 
from it occur in several Sanskrit works.^ As the name indicates, its theme was the life 
of Rama. There are some incidents in Rama’s career, as described in Valmiki’s Kdmdjana, 
which are open to criticism. Mayuraja seems to have altered or omitted them in order to 
present the hero as absolutely free from blemish. This object of the author is indicated 
also by the title of the play, Udattaraghava, ‘The Noble Raghava’. From some references 
and extracts in later Sanskrit works, it appears that Mayuraja omitted the incident of Vdli- 
vadha (the killing of Vali). The B^dmayana tells us that while Vah and Sugriva were engaged 
in a deadly combat, Rama concealed himself behind some trees and discharged an arrow 
which fatally wounded Vali.^ The monkey chief reproached Rama severely for this 
unprovoked wrong and the latter was hard put to it in justifying his action. Some earlier 
playwrights like Bhasa^ had followed Valmiki® in stating R^a’s defence. Others like 
Bhavabhuti had given a different turn to the incident. Mayuraja seems to have cut the 
Gordian knot by omitting the incident altogether. In one more respect, Majoiraja 
is known to have deviated from the original story of V^mikt.® He sends Lakshmana 
first to kill the mdydmriga (pseudo-deer). A Rakshasa, who had disguised himself as a 
sage, plaintively beseeches Rama to go to the rescue of his brother who was in danger. 
Rama hesitates at first to leave Sita alone in the hermitage, but ultimately departs to save 
Lakshmana. In his absence, Sita is carried away by Havana. By this manipulation of the 
original story, Mayuraja has cleverly avoided the occasion for Sita’s unmerited reproach 
of Lakshmana.’ Judging by the available extracts,® Mayuraja seems to have adopted 
the Vaidarbhi rlti for the composition of his play. His style is lucid and charming, being 
unloaded with long compounds. Jalhana’s Suktimuktdvali cites two verses of Mayuraja 
without referring them to the Udattaraghava.^ They describe Havana and are in the Gaudi 
style. That Mayuraja wrote also a kdvya is known from Hemachandra’s Kdvydnusdsam}'^ 
Some of the verses cited in the anthologies may have been taken from that kdvya. 

Another king of Kalanjara, who also probably belonged to the Kalachuri dynasty, 
was Bhimata. According to Rajasekhara’s account,!^ he composed five plays, of which the 

‘ 'srt I -fAf., p. 46. 

^ DaJarupaka, II, 59; HI, 24; IV, 13, 28; Vakroktijivita (ed. by S. K. De, 1928), pp. 225 and 244; 
Abhinavagupta’s commentary on the Natyatdstra, ch. XIX; Natyadarpana, pp. 66, 116, 194. 

® Cf. IPTT tf r fr T' pft l in the DaJarupaka, III, 24. 

* SeeBhasa’s Abhisbeka, I, 17-21. 

® Ram^am, IV, 17, 33 ff* 

* DaJarupaka, IV, 28. 

t Bhattasvamin shows that the plot of the Udattaraghava deviates much more from the story of the 
tlmn Bhavabhuti’s Mahaviravharita. He, therefore, concludes that Mayuraja flourished later than 
Bhavabhuti and earlier than Rajasekhara, somewhere between 750 and 880 A.C. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI, p. 


® Loe. cit., pp. 142-43. 

* SM., pp. 314, 318. 

t» KdvyanuJdsana (ed. by R. C Parekh), VoL I, p. 457. Mayuraja inserted the word dhaitya in the last 
verse of every canto. 

u q; I 5fPT ^ II .SM., p. 46. Two Kala- 

chuti princes named Bhimata ate mentioned in the Kasia inscription (No. 73, 11. 17 and 21), but they 
flourished much later. 



Svapnadasdnana was judged to be the best. Anthologies contain some vetses of Bhimata, 
wliich appear to be of the subhdshita type.^ 

Another renowned author of the later period was Rajasekhara. In the prologues 
of his plays as well as in the stray verses collected in Sanskrit anthologies, Rajasekhara has 
given a considerable information about his ancestors who flourished in the Chedi court. 
This Brahmana family hailed from Mah^ashtra.^ Vatsagulma, modern Basim (properly 
Vasim) in the Akola District of Madhya Pradesh, was probably its original place of habita- 
tion.® This family bore the ancient name of Yayavara,^ and was noted for its learning as 
well as poetic ability. Rajasekhara mentions, as his ancestors, Ak^ajalada, Surananda, 
Tarala and Kavicaja, all of whom distinguished themselves by their poetic composition.® 
Akalajalada, the great-grandfather of Rajasekhara, probably flourished in circa 850 A.C. 
He may have been a court-poet of KokaUa I {circa 850-890 A.C.), whose glorious reign must 
have attracted learned men, poets and artists from far-off lands. Akalajalada was not the 
poet’s proper name. It was a sobriquet which he earned by composing an interesting verse 
containing the word akalajalada (an unseasonable cloud).® According to Rajasekhara, his 
works were eagerly studied by later poets. Some of his verses were plagiarised by one 
Kadambarirama, who earned fame by inserting them in his play.’ 

1 p. 157. 

® M. M. Ghosh has questioned the identification of this Maharashtra with the modern country of that 
name on the ground that Rajasekhara has mentioned it as distinct from Vidarbha and Kuntala. See his 
edition of the Karpiiramanjan, p. Ixvi. It may be noted that there were three Maharashtras known in ancient 
times, comprising modern Northern Maharashtra, Vidarbha and Kuntala (Southern Maharashtra). Rajasekhara 
sometimes mentions Maharashtra separately from Vidarbha and Kuntala (vide KM., p. 93) and sometimes 
as including the latter two cotmtries (vide Balardmdjana, Act XI, v. 74 and 75). His other arguments that 
Rajasekhara does not mention Maharashtra as the country of Prakrit, that he wrote in 8aurasenl and that he 
has great praise for Panchala, have litde force; for, in the verse referred to, Rajasekhara is only quoting the 
opinion of others (vide tad-uktam in KM., p. 5 1); if he wrote in Sauraseni, that was because he was th en at 
the court of the Pratiharas; and he has praised Maharashtra and Vidarbha also in as high terms. Ghosh 
comes to the strange conclusion that Rajasekhara was not a native of Maharashtra, though his ancestors might 
have come to Madhyadesa from some place in Maharashtra 1 His attention is drawn to the passage in the 
KM., p. 10, which glorifies Vatsagulma in Vidarbha as the pleasure-resort of the god of love. See also 
the next note. 

3 Rajasekhara shows a special love for Vatsagulma. This city was formerly the prosperous capital 
of a branch of the Vakataka dynasty. It seems to have retained its importance down to the time of Raja- 
sekhara; for, it gave its name to a particular style. In the Karpuramanjari, Rajasekhara mentions Vachchhdmi 
(Sanskrit, Vatsagulmi) as a riti together with Magadhi and Panchali. The poet again mentions this place 
as situated in the Dakshinapatha. The heroine of the Karpuramanjari was a princess of Vachchhoma. In 
the KM. (p. 10), Rajasekhara states that the mythical Kavyapurusha married Sahityavidya at Vatsagulma 
in Vidarbha, which is the pleasure-resort of the god of love. All these references show the poet’s special 
admiration for the place. It may, therefore, have been his ancestral home. 

* The Yayavaras are mentioned in the MBH., Adiparvan, adhyaya 11, v. 13, where the commentator 
Nilakanflia explains the term as meaning ‘a householder living for only one night in a village’. Devala divides 
householders into Salina and Yayavara. The latter did not accumulate wealth and did not earn their 
living by teaching, officiating as a priest or accepting gifts as the former did. H, D. L., VoL II, pp. 641 ff. 

® BdlardmSfana, I, 13. 

• The following verse is ascribed to him in the Sdrngadbmrapaddhati : 

The verse appears to be of the af^okti type, and suggests unexpected munificent gifts of a liberal 
donor which relieved a great distress. 

’ cf. 1 ms: 8f K «><l r < r Hl :n^ sm.: 11 sm., p. 46. 

This Kadambarirama may be identical with Kadambaiiramakrishna, the author of the Adiii- 
ku^Jabarana, as suggested by J. B. Chaudhari. Sec PaJyaveni, p, 83, 



From a suhhdshita of Raja^ekhara, we learn that Surananda was a contemporary of 
the Chedi prince Ranavigrahad As shown before, Ranavigraha was a biruda of Sankara- 
gana II, son of Kokalla I, who flourished in circa 890-910 A.C.^ This prince is pro- 
bably identical with the poet Sahkaragana, some of whose verses are included in the antho- 
logies Suhhdshitavali and Suktimuktdvali? One of them is also cited in Bhoja’s SarasvatJ- 
kanthdhharana^ which lends colour to the identification. The poet Surananda, patronised 
by Sahkaragana, is described as an ornament of the Chedi country. Unfortunately, none 
of his kdi^as has come down to us. The anthologies also do not contain any subhdshitas 
composed by him. About Tarala and Kaviraja, two other ancestors of Rajasekhara, 
we have no information. From a suhhdshita of Rajasekhara we learn that Tarala’s poetry 
was known for its excellent alliteration.® 

About Rajasekhara himself, we know much more, thanks to his garrulity. His 
father was Durduka (or Duhika), who held the post of Mahdmantrin probably in the Chedi 
court. His mother’s name was Silavati. His wife Avantisundari was born in the Chau- 
h^a lineage.® She was a learned lady. Her views on rhetorical matters are cited in 
Rajasekhara’s Kdvyamimdmsd? In his early career Rajasekhara was attracted by the pros- 
perous court of the Pratiharas in Kanauj. Before he went there, he had written six pra- 
bandhas and earned the title of Bdlakavi.^ These juvenile compositions, not even known 
by their titles, have long been lost. At Kanauj he received a high honour and the title 
of Kavirdja from the illustrious Pratihara king Mahendrapala, who regarded him as his 
guru? Rajasekhara composed there three plays — the Bdlardmdjana during the reign of 
Mahendrapala, and the Bdlabhdrata alias Vrachandapdfidavd?^ and the Karpfiramanjarl during 
that of his son and successor Mahipala. The first two of these, to which he has prefixed 
his title Bdla^ are in Sanskrit, and the third, which was staged at the instance of his wife 
Avantisundari, is in Prakrit.^^ 

During the reign of Mahipala, the power of the Pratiharas declined owing to the 
invasion of the Rashtrakuta king Indra III, who advanced up to Kanauj and devastated 
the Imperial capital. Just about this time, Yuvarajadeva I of Tripuri rose to power. He 
made extensive conquests in all parts of India and dealt a staggering blow to the Pratihara 
Empire during the closing years of Mahip^a’s reign. Rajasekhara then returned to Tripuri, 
where he composed the Viddhasdlabhanjikd and other works. This Sanskrit play was 
staged in the Kalachuri capital to celebrate the victory of Yuvarajadeva I over a confederacy 
of southern kings headed by the reigning Rashtrakuta Emperor Grivinda IV. The 
Kdvjammdmsd, which was planned to be a comprehensive work on poetics, has remained 
unfinished. This was evidently his last work, since it contains quotations from all his 

' See above, p. Ixxvi, n. 5. 

® Above, p. Ixxvi. 

^ SA., w. 1516 and 1905; SAI., p, 169. 

* Nirnayasagar ed. (1934), pp. 464 and 723. 

6 Cf. ^ I^N I 54 v,« w W ZPTT II SM., p. 47. 

• KarpuramanjarJ, Act I, v. ii. 

’’ KM., pp. 20, 46, 57. 

® Balaram^ana, Act I, v. 12. 

® Karpuramanjart, Act I, v. 9. According to Rajasekhara, a Kaviraja is higher than a Mahakavi. He 
is proficient in several languages, various kinds of poetic compositions and different senti- 

This play has only two acts. The author did not probably complete it. As its mangala-Jloka is 
cited in the KM., it was plainly not the last work of the poet. 

Karpurmanjari, Act I, v. ii. 

^ See above, p. Ixxix. 



Sanskrit plays. ^ Two other works — ^the Haravijaya, a kavya, and the Bhuvanakosha, a 
work on general geography — are known only from quotations. 

As the author of a Rama-play, Rajasekhara traces his literary pedigree from the 
Adikavi Valmiki. As a matter of fact, his enormous plays are more of the epic than of the 
dramatic type. He is conscious of this defect and asks the critic to read them if they contain 
any literary qualities. In the Karpuramanjarl also, he defines kdvja as ‘a beauty of expres- 
sion’.® Rajasekhara has shown some inventive power, but he has little skiU in the arrange- 
ment of incidents and still less in characterisation. Some of the devices he employs such as 
the introduction, on the stage, of marionettes with parrots in their mouths are very crude.® 
Above all, he Icnows no restraint, but goes on piling verse on verse, regardless of monotony 
and hindrance to action. It cannot, however, be denied that he has a considerable felicity 
of expression. The ease with which he handles long metres like the Sdrdulavikridita and 
the Sragdhard is truly remarkable. He had an inexhaustible stock of legends about old 
writers and their works. It cannot be gainsaid that several Sanskrit authors would have 
remained unknown to us, if he had not written his commemorative verses about them. His 
Kdvyamlmdmsd is a veritable mine of information on a variety of subjects. 

Rajasekhara’s works continued -to be studied in the Chedi country and have consi- 
derably influenced the composition of later poets of the Chedi court.'* Some of them 
imitated his mannerisms.® Again, some of his verses with suitable modifications are 
found inserted in Kalachuri inscriptions. 

The reign of the illustrious king Karna saw a rare outburst of poetic activity. Several 
great poets of the age flocked to his court. According to a well-known suhhdshitap 
Karna’s court-poet was Vidyapati. Several Sanskrit verses of this poet, in some of which 
he praises Karna in a clever manner,® are cited in Sanskrit anthologies. Another poet of 
Karna’s court was Gangadhara. From the Vikramdnkadevacharita we learn that he was 
challenged and defeated, evidently in a poetic contest, by the celebrated Kas hmirian poet 
Bilhana, who visited Karna’s court at Banaras in the course of his itineracy.® While at 
Banaras, Bilhana delighted the great king of Dahala with his sweet poetry.® He also 
composed a kdvja in glorification of Rama on the occasion of his visit to Ayddhya.*® That 
work also is unfortunately not extant. 

Other poets of Karna’s court were Vallana (or VaUana), Karpura and Nachiraja. 
Vallana was a great poet. Several subhdshitas composed by him are found in old antho- 

^ For the chronological order of Raja^ekhara’s works, see my article in the K. B. Patbak Commemora- 
tion Volume, pp. 359 ff. 

^ Cf. in the Karpuramanjarl, Act I, v. 7. 

® Balaram^aM, Act V, v. 5. 

* For instance, the hemistich, ?! ^ 5^: occurring in the begin- 

ning of several grants of the Kalachurts of Ratanpor (vide Nos. 76, 8j, 86 ettl), is taken from the 
Balaram^ana, Act I, v. 22. Similarly the verse q:; RTHT; tlf' in the Banaras plates 

of Karna (No. 48, IL 19-20) is taken from the BSldbbSrata, Act I, v. fa. 

® Below, p. 208. 

• Cf. qroftsfr 1 SA., v. 186. See also PCH., p. 50. 

1 1 % ^ ii i "SKAL, 

m, 13, 4 

pi) ^ Frit ^ jr: w. i ^ *it 

smFrf ^ wmi:” ii i 54, 2. 

« VDC, xvm, 95. 

® Loe. at., V. 93. 

Loe, fit., V. 94. 



logics like the Kavindravachanasamuchchaya and the Saduktikarndmrita. In one of these, he 
praises Karnad The other two poets are known from Meruturiga’s Prabandhachintdmani? 
Nachiraja also was a renowned poet. In a tribute which the poet Karpura pays to him, 
he is said to be the only support of Bharati after the death of Munja and Bhoja, the famous 
poet-kings of Dhara.® Both Karpura^ and Nachiraja® have left us beautiful verses in 
praise of Karna. 

It seems that there were competitions in samasydpuram (completion of incomplete 
verses) at the court of Karna. Those who completed the samasjds successfully were 
liberally rewarded. Several years ago. Sir G. A. Grierson published, under the heading 
‘Curiosities of Indian Literature’, a strange story about ‘King Daharia Karna and the Pandit’s 
promise.’® In this story a Pandit composes extempore five verses — one about the queen 
of Karna Daharia, who, being attracted by his melody, goes to him at dead of night, and 
four more which he recites next day before the king. The latter being pleased with them 
makes up his mind to give him his kingdom in all the four directions. He even allows 
the Pandit to take him as a prisoner before his mother in fulfilment of a promise made 
to her. The story is absurd as it stands, but some of the stanzas mentioned in it may 
have been recited at Karna’s court. Two of them, which end in kritakam manye bhayam 
ydshitdm, are of the samasydpiirana type.'^ They specifically refer to Karna and describe 
his fame as roaming about fearlessly. They were evidently composed by different poets. 
This is also shown by the remark kaydr~api ‘of some two poets’, with which they are cited 
in the Subhashitdvali. The first of them, which does not explicitly refer to the king’s fame, 
but apparently describes a lady coming out of the king’s seraglio in pitchy darkness, seems 
to have given rise to the fantastic story mentioned above. 

Karna gave a liberal patronage to Prakrit poets also. Some Maharashtri and Apa- 
bhrarhsa verses, describing the king and his victories, occur in the Prdkrita Paingala^ 
They were first brought to notice by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar in his Report on the Search for 
Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts^ Unfortunately the authors of these verses are not 
named in the commentaries. Again, Kanakamara, the author of the Apabhramsa work 
Karakandachariu, teUs us that he delighted the mind of the king Karna, who was probably 
none other than the homonymous Kalachuri king.“ 

•v c\ 'S 

5fhn^: " 

I SKM., Ill, lo, 2. 

2 PCH., p. 50. 

* Op. cit. 

^ Id if^ I SPOT 
'SOT: f't'qq'TT II ibid., p. 50. 

?r qrosgqrrqqfq ^ Israr^rq’ hrrifqrTr ii SM., introd., 

« Jnd. Ant, Vol. XVI, pp. 46 ff . . . , 

’’ (i) : 3 ?rrqiiqqqtqcfp='qqqqrqwE 5 rq^;riv?# mb’ i 

I PoTfi tiqrr^q^qN ^qq^o :q'<Tq rqvrrfff q^qr^nsr q^q q'q qrfqqrq ii 


® 'Prakrita Patngala (Bibliotheca Indica Series), I, 69, 96, 126 and 185. 

» C W. B., Vol. II, pp. 334 ff. 

Above, p. cii. 




The Kalachuiis of Dakshina Kosala also patronised Sanskrit and Prakrit poets.^ One 
of them, Narayana who composed the Pujarip^ stone inscription of G5p^deva, teUs 
us that he composed a kdvya named ^mdblyudaja, which greatly delighted the Goddess of 
speech. Several Sanskrit works of this name, kdvjas as weU as ndtakas, ate known, and 
some of them have come down to us ; but this work of N^ayana seems to be different 
from all of them.* 

Some of the authors of the prasastis included here were poets of no mean order. 
DhMisata, the author of the Chandrehe inscription,* Srinivasa who composed the eulogy 
of the first three kings in the Bilhari inscription,^ the unknown author of the fragmentary 
Rewa inscription of Kama,® Devap^i, the author of the Akaltara inscription,® and Kasala 
who composed the K5ni inscription,’ to name only a few, had a considerable poetic talent. 
They have composed theit respective pralastis in an ornate kdvya style, embellishing them 
with numerous arthdlankdras. As the power and patronage of the Kalachuri courts 
declined, they ceased to attract poets of eminence. Many of the later inscriptions in 
this Volume are consequently written in a barbarous style. 


The Nasik cave inscription of the Abhira king livarasena records the investment of 
certain amounts of Karshapanas with the guilds of Govardhana, but no coins of that king 
or his descendants have come down to us. Perhaps the Abhiras, like some other dynasties* 
of ancient times, did not value highly the prerogative of minting coins for currency in tfipir 
own dominion, and were content to use the issues of other contemporary or past kings. 
This is also indicated by the find of a hoard of Kshatrapa silver coins at Karhad in the Satara 
District of the Bombay State. The hoard contained several coins, but those of the follow- 
ing Kshatrapas only could be recovered — ^Vijayasena (240-250 A.C.), D^ajada-sri (230- 
255 A.C.), Rudrasena II (233-277 A.C.), Visvasiihha (277-279 A.C.), Bhartrid^an 
(279-295 A.C.) and Visvasena (295-305 A.C.). It wiU be noticed that the last five of these 
Kshatrapas were contemporaries of the Abhiras. The Karhad hoard, therefore, plainly 
indicates that the Kshatrapa silver coins were current in Maharashtra and probably also in 
Gujarat and Konkan, during the rule of the Abhiras. The silver coins of Yajna Satakarni, 
which were of similar fabric and weight,® may also have continued in circulation. The 
potin coins struck by the Satavahanas perhaps supplemented this silver coinage, though 
no finds of them have yet been reported from these parts of the country .1® 

That these silver coins were called kdrshdpanas appears clear from the Nasik cave 

^ An inscription composed wholly in Prakrit was put up in the temple of Ekariia at Ratnapura. It 
is much abraded and has not yet been deciphered. 

® Below, pp. 5 89 ff. 

® No. 44, 11 . 24-25. 

* No. 45, L 30. 

® No. 51, L 30. 

• No. 84, 11 . 18-19. 

’ No. 90, U. 16-27. 

8 The Early Chalukyas and their feudatories such as the Harischandriyas seem to have used the 
rupakas of the Kalachuri Krishnaraja, who had flourished more than a century before. See No. 31, 11 . 31 S 
and No. 32, 11 . 34 ff. 

9 c. A. D., p. 45, pi. vn. 

They were current in Berar and the Marathi-speaking districts of Madhya Pradesh J N S I 
Vol. n, pp. 83 ff. ’ 



inscription of Isvarasena. According to Manu,^^ the karshdpam was a copper coin, but some 
other Sanskrit and Pali works^ leave no doubt that it was a denomination of silver coins 
also. Prof. Rapson has shown that the references to gifts of kdrshdpanas in the inscriptions of 
the Satav^anas and the Kshaharata Kshatrapas must be understood as referring to the silver 
coins of those dynasties which circulated in Maharashtra and Konkan. The Karshapanas 
referred to in the Nasik inscription of Isvarasena must, therefore, have been silver coins, 
probably of the Western Kshatrapas. These coins have the head of the Kshatrapa or 
Mah^shatrapa with the date in the Saka era on the obverse, and the chaitya (or hiU), the 
sun and the crescent with a legend along the edge inside a circle of dots on the reverse. 
Their average weight is about 34 grains. These silver coins, though called kdrshdpanas 
were not, therefore, struck to the standard weight of 32 ratis mentioned in Sanskrit works.® 
They were evidently copied from the hemidrachmas of Apollodotus and Menander, which, 
according to the Veriplusp were current in Barygaza (modern Broach). 

The Coins of the Ttaikutakas 

The Traikutakas, who succeeded the Abhiras in Maharashtra and Gujarat, had their 
own silver coinage. The first notice of this coinage can be traced back to 1862. In that 
year Mr. Justice Newton described, in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Koyal Asiatic 
Society ^No\. VII, pp. n ff., a coin of Dahrasena which had been found at Karhad. He 
noticed on it the title Maharaja of both Dahrasena and his father Indradatta, but could not 
read the names of these princes completely as the letters were only partially preserved. 
Thereafter in 1886, in an article entitled ‘Two New Grants of the ChaJukya Dynasty’ 
published in the Transactions of the Vienna Oriental Congress, p. 222, Pandit Bhagvanlal 
Indraji described a coin of this dynasty which he had obtained from Daman in 
Gujarat.® He deciphered the legend on it as MahdrdJ-E/idravarmma-putra-paramavaishnava- 
sri-Mahardia-Rudragana.^ He thought that Rudragana was the first king after the revival 
of the Traikutaka power on the downfall of the Kshatrapas. Afterwards in 1905, Prof. 
Rapson showed that the correct reading of the legend on this coin and on those acquired 
by the British Museum was Mahardj-iEndradatta-putra-paramavaishnava-srl-Mahdrdja-Dahra- 
sena. He identified this Dahrasena with the Traikutaka king Dahrasena, whose Pardi 
plates dated in the (Kalachuri) year 207 had already been pubhshed.’ Prof. Rapson also 
described another silver coin of this dynasty which had been acquired by the British Museum 
in 1904 from the collection of Dr. Gerson da Cunha®. He correctly read the legend on it 
as MahdraJa-Dahrasena-putra-paramavaishnava-sri-Mahdrdja-Vydghrasena and thus showed 
that it was issued by the Traikutaka king Vyaghrasena, the son of Dahrasena. 

In 1905 a hoard of Traikutaka coins was discovered at Kazad in the Indapur tdlukd 
of the Poona district. Only 359 coins were recovered from it. They were examined by 
Rev. H. R. Scott, who published an account of them in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the 
Ejoyal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXIII, pp. i ff. Of these, 353 coins were of Dahrasena. On as 

MSM., adhjiya Vin, ▼.136. 

* Cf. Karsbapand dakstnna^tk rastfyab pravartate, Narada cited in the Vdcbaspatyam. See also 
C. A. D., Introd., pp. clxxix fif., and D. R. Bhandatkar, lectures on Ancient Indian Numismatics, pp. 76 ff. 

® Cf. MSM., adhyaya VUI, v. 136. 

* Lid. Ant., VoL VIII, p. 143. 

® A hoard of joo such coins was discovered in 1887. 

* In a foot-note Bhagvanlal admitted the possibility of the reading -pndradanna or -datta. 

’ /. R. A. S. (1905), pp. 801 ff. 

® J. B. B. R. A. S., VoL XVI, pp. 346 ff. 



many as 350 of them the name of the Traikutaka kingappeated as Dahragana, and only on 
three, as Dahrasena. Rev- Scott thought that Dahrasena started his career as a feudatory 
of the Western Kshatrapas whose names usually ended in sem, and later on, when he 
emancipated himself from the yoke of the Kshatrapas, he altered the termination of his name 
from sena to gam. The Kazad hoard contained four coins of Vyaghrasena also, but the 
royal name on all of them appeared as Vyaghragana. 

In a note which Mr. A. M. T. Jackson appended to Rev. Scott’s article, he announced 
that he had obtaiaed a Traikutaka copper-plate grant from Surat, in which the king’s 
name was clearly given as Vyaghrasena. 

Finally, in the Catalogue oj the Coins oj the Andhras, etc., (p. clxiii) published in 1908 
Prof. Rapson admitted that gana (perhaps intended for gand) would be a more natural 
reading than sena on most of the known coins of Dahrasena and on aU of those of 
Vyaghrasena, but he contended that what appeared as ga might quite possibly be a conven- 
tionalised form of sa. This view seems to be the correct one in view of the undoubted 
readings Dahrasena and Vyaghrasena of the royal names in the Pardi and the Surat plates 
respectively. If Dahrasena had purposely changed his name to Dahragana, he would 
not have named his son Vyaghrasena. 

A Coin of Dahrasena. 

PI. A, No. I. AR. Size in diameter — .5". Weight — 34.4grs. 

Obverse — Head of the king with mustaches to the right, without any date. 

Reverse — Chaitya with the sun to the left, and the legend along the edge inside a circle of 
dots — 

Mahdrdj-Andradatta-putra-parama-vashnava-sra-Mdhdrdja-Dahra\sand\ representing 

On some coins the sun appears to the right of the cliaitya. 

A Coin of Vyaghrasena. 

PI. A, No. 2. AR. Size in diameter — .3". Weight — 32 grs. 

Obverse — Head of the king with mustaches to the right, without any date. 

Reverse — Chaitya with the sun to the right and the legend along the edge inside a circle of 
dots, vi^., Mahdrdja-Dahra\sand\-putra-paramavashnava-sra-Mjahdrdja-Vydghra \sand\, 
representing Mahdrdja-Dahrasena-putra-paramavaishmva-hi-Mahdrdja-Vydghrasena. 

As stated before, these coins were found in Southern Gujarat, and the Poona and 
Satara Districts of the Bombay State. They were evidently imitated from the Kshatrapa 
coins which had been current in Maharashtra and Gujarat during the rule of the Abhiras. 
We have no means of knowing their denomination, as they are nowhere referred 
to in the inscriptions of the Traikutakas. Perhaps, like Kshatrapa coins, they also were 
known as kdrshdpanas. 

The Coins of the Kalachutis. 

The Coins of Krishnaraja. 

The coins of this king were first discovered about 1870 in the village Devl^a in the 
Baglan tdlukd of the Nasik District. The hoard comprised 82 coins, which were sent to 
Dr. Bhau Daji for examination. He published his account of the hoard together with 
facsimiles of five of the coins in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
Vol. XXI (1876), pp. 213-14. All the coins were of silver and round in shape. They varied 
in weight from thirty to thirty-four grains. 

In his article Dr. Bhau Daji drew attention to the similarity that the coins bore to the 
silver coins of Kum^agupta and especially to those of Skandagupta, but he read the legend 

VoL. TV 


Plate A. 

Coins of the Tkaikl’takas and the Kalaohuris. 

( Prom a Photourapli ) 

B. Ch. (’hhakua. 




on the reverse as 'R.cljd Varama Mahh'vara Miinasa Nnpa-Deva Dhjdna-srI-hisa (?), and inter- 
preted it as ‘Manasa king, the great devotee of hlahesvara, who derives his glor}' from con- 
templating God’. He conjecturally placed this Manasa king about the end of the fourth 
century A. C. 

The coins were next considered by Sir Alexander Cunningham in his Archaologtcd 
Survey of India K.eports, Vol. IX (1879), pp. 29 ff. He read the legend on rhem as Pararna- 
indhesvara-Mahaditya-pad-dnudhyata-srl-Krishna Kdjd. He admitted that some of the coins 
in his cabinet had possibly the word Mahdkshatra in place of Slahaditya, in which case, he 
said, the translation would be ‘the reverencer of the great king.’ Cunningham agreed with 
Bhau Daji’s view that the coins belonged to about the end of the fourth century A.C., but 
he identified the king who struck them with the Rashtrakute king Krishna whom he placed 
in the period 375-400 A.C. 

In 1885 Dr. Fleet pubhshed his account of two silver coins of Krishnaraja from 
Cunningham’s collection in the Indian Antiquary, Vol XIV, p. 68. He for the first time 
read the legend correctly as Para/namdhesvara-mdtci-pitri-pdd-dnudbydta-srl-Krishr.arJija, which 
means ‘the glorious Krishnaraja, who is a devout worshipper of {the god) HaheA-ara {and) 
who meditates on the feet of {his) parents.’ In the second edition of his Dynasties oj the 
Kanarese Districts (1896), Fleet suggested that in all probability the Devlana coins vcere coins 
of Krishnaraja, the Kalachuri king, who was the father of Saiikaragana. 

Prof. Rapson also discussed these coins in his Indian coins (1897), p. 27, Pi. IV, No. 17. 
He doubtfally read the legend on them as Parama-Mdhesvara-mahddevydh pdd-dnudhydfa-ir.- 
Krishnardja. As regards the date 375-400 A.C. proposed by Cunningham for this Ktisluna- 
raja, Rapson pointed out that it was certainly incorrect, as it was too early for the style of the 
coins which were imitated from the latest Gupta coins current in the western provinces. 
For the same reason he could not also assign them to Krislinaraja Rashrrakuta, c. 756 A.C. 
Rapson was, however, unable to put forward any conjecture about the identification of this 

During his excavations at Besnagar in 1913-14, Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar found seven 
coins of Krishnaraja. He supported Fleet’s view that this Krishnaraja belonged to the 
Kalachuri dynasty. As stated before, this Krishnaraja flourished from circa 5 50 A.C. to 575 


Pi. A, No. 3. AR. Size in diameter — ■. 45". Wt.- 29 grs. 

Obverse — Head of the king with mustaches to the right, without any date. 

'P^^everse — Inside a circle of dots along the edge, the legend Para/iia-mahamira-Kata-patri-pad- 
anudhyata-sra-Krishnaraja representing ParaniaMahesvara-nidtl-pifri-padDnudLytta- 
srt-Krishnardja. In the centre, the figure of a couchant humped bull to right. 

These coins of Krishnaraja resemble the silver coins of the Western Kshatrapas, tlic 
Guptas and the Traikutakas, which were struck to the Graeco-Bactrian weight-standard of 
the hemidrachma. Their fabric is also similar. But while the Kshatrapaand flraikutaka coins 
have the symbols of a Chaitya (or a hill), the sun and the moon, these coins of Kiisluiaiaia 
have, like some western issues of Skandagupta, the figure of a couenant bull (Siva s 
Nandi) facing right, in the centre of the reverse side. The coins of Skandagupta were 
evidently in circulation in the Anupa country, the home province of the Kalachuris 
before the rise of Krishnaraja. 

In the legend on his coins Krishnaraja, like Skandagupta, refers to his religious faith. 
He calls himself paramamdhesvara , ‘a devout worshipper of Mahesvara’. He dropped all 
reference to the patronymic and the royal title which invariably appear on the coins of the 
Kshatrapas and the Traikutakas. He substituted instead an expression denoting bis devo- 
tion to his parents, the like of which is noticed nowhere else in Indian numismatics. 



As stated before, the coins of Krishnaraja circulated over a very wide territory from 
Rajputana in the north to Maharashtra in the south and from Konkan in the west to Vidarbha 
in the east. They continued to be current long after the time of Krishnaraja ; for, 
they are mentioned in the Anjaneri plates dated K. 461 (710-11 A.C.) of Bhogasakti, 
They were, therefore, in circulation for at least 150 years after the time of Krishnaraja. As 
might be expected, there were several issues of them ; for, the inscription on the reverse 
does not always commence at the same place and differences in the shapes of some letters 
are also noticeable. 

As stated before, the silver coins of the Kshatrapas which were struck to the same 
weight-standard as the coins of Krishnaraja were called karshdpanas. Later on, however, 
this denomination seems to have given place to rtlpaka. The Anjaneri plates show that 
the coins of Krishnaraja, which were then in general circulation were called Krtshnardja- 
nlpakas, evidently to distinguish them from the nlpakas of the Kshatrapas, the Sata- 
vahanas and the Traikutakas which were similar in fabric. 

The Coins of Gangeyadeva 

The first coin of this king to be recorded was that figured in PI. L, No. i, facing page 
668 in the Journd of the Asiatic Society of Bengal^ Vol. IV (1835). Prinsep, who publishecl the 
coin, read the legend on the obverse as Srimad-Jadjeyadeva, and described the figure on the 
other side as ^'a rudely executed front view of a male or female (it is difficult to say which), 
seated in the native faslaion, with a glory round the head and some incomprehensible objects 
in the hands’. The legend was correctly read as Srlmad-Gangeyadeva by E. Thomas^ in 
1858, but he could not identify the king. 

In his Archceological Sumy of India Reports, Vol. X (1880), p. 21 and Coins of Mediaral 
India (1894), p. 72, Cunningham described, with illustrations, gold, silver and copper coins 
of Gangeyadeva. He identified the goddess on the reverse as Parvatl and ascribed the 
coins to the Kalachuri king Gangeyadeva, mentioned by Alberuni as the contemporary 
ruler of Dahala. The coins were next described by Rapson in his Indian Coins (i897)j P- 35> 
and by Vincent Smith, first in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXVI (1897) 
pp. 305-6, and then in his Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum (1906), pp. 231 ff. 

Pi. A, No. 4. AV. Size in diameter — .7" Wt.-6i grs. 

Obverse — Inside a circle of dots, the legend in Nagarl characters in three lines (i) {Sri-madl- 
G[-r]-(2) tigeyadeff) [va]. 

Reverse — Inside a circle of dots the figure of four-armed Lakshml, nimbate, sitting cross- 
legged, with lotuses in her two upper hands.^ 

Gangeya’s coins exist in all the three metals : gold, silver and copper. Gold coins 
generally weigh 61 or 62 grains, but Dr. V. S. Agrawala informs me that the top weight 
of Gahgeya’s gold coin in the Lucknow hluseum is 65 grains. Gold coins were called 
tankas. The Rewa stone inscription of Vijayasixhha mentions tankakas stamped with the 
effigy of Bhagavat (or rather Bhagavati, i.e., LakshmH). They were probably the gold coins 
of Gahgeya. Another term denoting gold coins which seems to have been current in 
that period, though it does not occur in any record edited here, was gadydnaka. The Chan- 
dravati plate dated V. 1148 (1090 A.C.) of the Gahadavala king Chandradeva, who was a 

^ See his edition of Prinsep’s 'Essays on Indian Antiquities.^ p. 291. 

2 The Kalachuri kings ^-ere no doubt Saivas, but the device on the seals of their copper-plate grants 
is a figure of Lakshmi with an elephant on either side pouring water over her head. The lotuses in the hands 
of the female deity on the coins of G^geya plainly indicate that she was intended to represent LakshmL 

^ No. 67, 11 . 20-21* 



contemporaty of Ya^ahkarna, mentions kumara-gadidnakd>- which shows that the gadydmkas, 
were current in the north as they were in the south ^ According to the 'L.'ldvatl of Bhas- 
karacharya (I, 3), a gadjdnaka weighed 48 ratis. The large gold coins of the Gahadavalas 
weigh from 59 to 68 grains. They may be taken to he. gadydnakas, making allowance for 
the variation in the weight of the ratis and for the usual deviation from the standard type. 
The large gold coins of Gangeya which were the proto-type of the Gahadavala coinage seem, 
therefore, to have been known also as gadydnakas? 

Smaller denominations of half, quarter and one-eighth tanka (or gadyanakd), struck 
by Gaiigeya, are also Imown. The hsM-tanka was probably known as dhaiana.^ Whether 
the lower denominations had any special names is not known. 

Gahgeya’s gold tankas are frequently met with in the southern and eastern districts 
of Uttar Pradesh and some have been found in Madhya Pradesh also.® Of the lower 
denominations the is sometimes found, but the had^-taiika and one-eighth 
tanka described by Cunningham are believed to be rare.® Silver coins were called drammas 
as they were struck to the weight-standard of the Attic drachma or 67, 5 grains, though they 
rarely reach that standard. The silver coins of Gangeya are very rare. Vincent Smith 
says that all pieces which seem at first sight to be silver were perhaps regarded officially as 
gold.’^ The Eesaiii stone inscription of K. 958 mentions certain contributions in drammas d 
From the Siyadoni inscription v/e learn that a was known as panchlyaka- 
dramma, because it was equal in value to five vimsopakas.^ In the same inscription a Iralf- 
dramma is called drammdrdha and a three-quarter dramma dramma-tri-hk'ga. Copper coins 
were known as panas. This name also is not noticed in the records edited here, but tlie 
Kamtan stone inscription mentions drammas and panas, of which the former were of silver 
and the latter of copper.^® The standard weight of the pana was a karsha or 80 raktikds 
(146,4 grains), but the recorded copper coins of Gangeyadeva do not weigh more than 60 
grains. Perhaps they were hPiiipanas. The lower denominations of silver drammas and 
copper panas are wanting. 

In the Numismatic Supplement, No. XVII (J.A.S.B. for 1912, p. 123, PI. VI), 
Mr. Nelson Wright has described 8 gold coins of Gangeyadeva which had been found in 
the village Isurpur in tahsi/ RehU of the Saugor District. These coins differed in fabric 
from the usual coins of Gangeyadeva. They were thick and in diameter half an inch. It 
is, therefore, suggested that they were struck by Karna, the son of Gangeyadeva. Except 
for these, no coins struck by Gangeya’s successors are known. 

^ Ep. Ind.y VoL IX, p. 305. 

2 The Khtopatan plates of the Silahara Rattaraja mention the levy of gold gadiyanas on ships coming 
from foreign countries. Ep, Ind., Vol. Ill, p. 301. 

2 According to an interpolated verse in the Lilavati a tanka was equal to % gadydnaka, U., was 
63 grains in weight. 

^ According to the Ellavatt^ two dhavanas make one gadyanaka. Gold dhavanas also are mentioned 
in the Kharepatan plates of Rattaraja. Eoc, cit, 

5 The legend on these coins found in Madhya Pradesh was read as ^rJmad-Udayadeva by R. D. Banerji, 
who ascribed the coins to the Paramara Udayaditya. See ], -/I. S, B, for 1920, p. 84. But the t\pe and the 
legend (which is somewhat crudely executed) are like those of the coins of Gaiigeyadh^a, 

® Cunningham has described one gold coin of Gangeya weighing 7 grains, and V. Smith another 
which weighs only 5 . 6 grains. 

’ J. A. S. B., Vol. LXVI (1897), Part I, p. 306. 

^ No. 71, 11 . 2. ff. 

^ The Siyadoni inscription lays down in line 57 a cess of a c^'^ti^t-Adivardha-dramma and then in the 
next line expresses the same cess as pam dra i, one panchty aka- dramma, Ep, Ind.^ VoL I, pp. 17 5-1 77. 

Ep, Ind., Vol. XXIV, p. 335- 



The Lakshmi type introduced by Gahgeyadeva became popular in North India. It 
was imitated by the Chandellas of Jajjhauti, the Gahadavalas of Kanauj and the Tomars of 
Delhi. It was also introduced in distant Kaslimir. See, for instance, No. 7 hi PI. XXXV, 
Numismatic Chronicle for 1937. This coin has on the reverse the figure of the four-armed 
seated Lakshmi as on the coins of Gahgeyadeva. Allan ascribes it to SrI-Harsha of Kaslimir 
(1089-1101 A.C.). 

The Coins of the Kalachuris of South Kosala 

The first coin of these kings to be published was that in PI. XXXIX, facing p. 654 
in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. V (1836). It was a copper coin of Prithvi- 
deva from the collection of Cunningham. It had the king’s name on the obverse and ‘the 
figure of a four-armed god^ crushing a demon’ on the reverse. Priosep read the legend 
correctly, but ascribed the coin to the king whose name occurs ‘in the Dihli fist as having 
reigned at Lahore in A.D. 1176-1192’. A hoard of 56 gold coins^ was next discovered in 
1892 in the former State of Sarangarh, and some time later, three coins^ of the same type 
were found in the bed of the river Ang in the State of Patna. All these coins were sent to 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal, where they were examined by Dr. Hoemle. His report on 
them appears in the Proceedings of the Society for 1893, pp. 92 ff. and 141 ff. The coins 
were of three kings, Jajalladeva, Prithvideva and Ratnadeva. All the coins were round 
in shape. They had the particular king’s name on the obverse and the same device on the 
reverse. Hoernle at first took the device to be the standing figure of Hanuman, but later 
on changed his opinion and thought that it represented an elephant, a horse or a buU. As 
more than one king bore each of these names, Hoernle conjecturaUy ascribed the coins to 
Jajalladeva I, Ratnadeva II and Prithvideva 11 . 

The coinage of this Kalachuri branch was next noticed by Cunningham in his Coins 
of Mediaval India (1894), pp. 73 ff. In this work Cunningham described the gold coins^ 
of the three kings mentioned above, as well as two unique copper coins which he had 
acquired in 1835 and 1885. He identified the figure on the copper coins as that of Hanu- 
man, but he was not certain about the device on the gold coins which he described as a 
number of shapeless objects surrounded by a circle of dots. Prof. Rap son, who edited 
Cunningham’s work published posthumously, thought that the confused type on the 
reverse might perhaps be intended to represent a lion, facing right, rampant.® In his 
Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, 254 ff., Vincent Smith has described only the gold 
coins of the aforementioned three kings. He follows Rapson in taking the device on the 
reverse to be the figure of a rampant lion. Since then some hoards of gold coins of these 
kings have been discovered from time to time in Clihattisgarh. The largest of them was of 
600 gold coins discovered in 1921-22 at Sonsari in the tahsil and District of Bilaspur. It 
contained the coins of both the large and the small size of all the three kings together with 

^ This god is of course Hanuman, though Prinsep did not identify him at the time. 

- This hoard contained 26 coins (9 large and 17 small) of Jajalladeva, 29 coins (all small) of Ratnadeva, 
and one coin (large size) of Prithvideva. Coins of the large size weigh about 60 grains, and those of the small 
size about 15 grains. 

^ All the three coins (two large and one small) were of Jajalladeva. 

^ In his descripuve table on p. 76 and in PI. VIII, in C. M. I., Cunningham labels three of these coins 
(Nos. 9-1 1) as those of copper. But this is incorrect; for, as he has himself stated, the coins were from the 
British Museum and were found in 1893. Cunningham has also quoted Hoernle’s opinion about the device 
on them. They were, therefore, identical with the coins discovered in 1892, which were sent to the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal for examination. Some of them were apparently presented to the British Museum later 
on. As stated above, ail these coins were of gold. 

^ C. M. /., pp. 75-76, n. 45. 



two coins of the Gahadavala king Govindachandrad In nearly all the hoards of gold coins 
discovered so far, the coins of Prithvideva are seen to preponderate, which seems to indicate 
that he was the last of the three kings. 

Copper coins also of the aforementioned three kings and of one more, w'^., Pratapa- 
malla, have been discovered at several places in Chhattisgarh. The credit of preserving 
them and of bringing them to the notice of scholars belongs to Pandit Lochan Prasad 
Pandeya, Hon. Secretary of the Mahakoshal Historical Society. The gold coins described 
below are from the Nagpur Museum, and the copper coins from the collection of Pandit 

The Coins of JajaUadeva I. 



Plate A 


meter in 










Three- line Nagan legend 
written inside a circle 
of dots (i) Srmaj-J[dy 
(2) jaUade-{}) va. 

Lion with tail upraised to right 
jumping on an elephant lying 
prostrate below. 




Legend as above (i) Sri- 
{2) jallade-. 

As above. 




43 i 

Legend as above (i) Sri- 

Two-armed Hanuman to left 
trampling a demon. 

Only gold and copper coins of this king have been discovered. About the identity 
of the figure on the reverse of the gold coins there has been a great divergence of opinion. 
Hoernle thought at first that like the figure on the copper coin of Prithvideva which had 
been published before, the figure on the gold coins also was that of Hanuman. But on 
none of the gold coins examined by me does the figure appear like that of Hanuman. Hoernle 
himself changed his opinion later on and took the figure to be that of an elephant, a bull, 
a horse or a lion. As stated before, Rapson thought it might be that of a rampant lion. 
Vincent Smith has followed Rapson’s view. 

The figure on these coins is indeed crudely executed, and hence it has caused such a 
divergence of opinion among scholars. A close examination of coin No. 5 shows that 
its reverse has the figure of a lion with the tail upraised, facing right and jumping on an 
elephant which Lies prostrate below.^ 

On the copper coins, the figure of Hanuman is, of course, quite clear. In the coin 
figured in PI. A, No. 7, the god is turned to the left. The demon on the left, on whom he 
must be trampling, is cut out on this coin. 

^ Twenty-seven coins were discovered in the former State of Sonpur, some of which have been 
published in /. N. S. L, Vol. XIII, pp. 199 if. 

- The device was correctly interpreted for the first time by Air. B. N. Nath in ]. 1 \. S. I., Vol. XIII, 
pp. 199 if. His view that this coinage was first introduced by Ratnadeva II does not, however, appear to be 
correct; for, it would relegate aU coins with the legend SrJmaJ-Jajalladeva to JajaUadeva II. This is precluded 
by the pala'ographic evidence detailed below. 



The Coins of Ratnadeva IL 

No. in Size- 

Plate A Metal diame- Weight 
ter in 





.7 62 grs. 

Two-line Nagaii legend ; 
(i) Sf.niad-Ka- (2) tnade- 

Lion to right attacking an ele- 



•45 152 » 

As above. 

As above. 



.9 100 „ 

As above. 

Lion to right, with tail uprais- 



•6 23^ „ 

xVs above:(i) [h'r/] mad-Ra- 
(2) Yfiia*~\diva. 

..V sheathed dagger below some 
indistinct object (debased 
figure of a lion ?) . 

Of this king also, only gold and copper coins are knov/n. I have not seen any copper 
coins of this king with the Hanuman device. The seal of the Paragaon plates of tliis king 
(No. 122) has a sheathed dagger as on some of Itis copper coins. 

The Coins of Prithvideva II. 

No. in Size- 

Plate A Metal diame- Weight 
ter in 





•77 61 grs. 

Two-line Nagarl legend: 
(i) SrJmat-Pri-{z)thvI- 

Lion with tail upraised to right 
with elephant lying prostrate 



•5 15 » 

As above: (i) SrJmat-[Priy 

As above. 



•35 6 „ 

As above: (i) SrImaf-[Priy 
(2) [thvide] 

Some shapeless objects perhaps 
representing a lion. 



•85 995 » 

As above: (i) Srlmat-Vri- 
(2) thvlde\vd\. 

Four-armed Hanuman to left. 
Fie carries a mace in his upper 
left hand and something (a 
hill ?) in Iris upper right 
hand. His other two hands 

are engaged in seizing two 
demons, one on right (cut 
out) and the other on left, 
whom he tramples under his 
right foot. 

COINS clxxxvii 

No. in 
Plate A 


Metal diame- Weight Obverse 

ter in 




.75 68 grs. As above (i) Srlwaf-Pri- 

(2) \thvi\d^\yd\. 

Hanuman to right, with a de- 
mon on left. 



.85 99^ „ As above 

(2) thvUl\vd\. 

Hanuman to left. He tramples 
a demon on left and has an 
attendant on right. 



.8 73 )5 As above (i) Srlmat-\pri\- 

(2) thvlde\vd\. 

Lion with tail raised to right. 

Of this king, coins in all the three naetals are known, but his silver coins are very rare. 
Pandit L. P. Pandeya has so far been able to secure only three silver coins. All these are 
very small in size and resemble the one-eighth dramma pieces of Garigeyadeva. This king’s 
copper coins have both the devices of the lion and Hanuman (facing right or left). 

The Coins of Pratapamalla. 

No. in 

Plate A Metal 





19 AE 


38 grs. 

Three-line Nagari legend 

Lion to left, looking backward. 

(i) \Sn\mat-Pra- (z)td- 
pama-i^i) \lld\deva. 

20 AE 



Three-line Nagari legend 

Some indistinct device, perhaps 

(i) SrJmat-Pra-{ 2 .)tdpa- 
ma-{jP)\lld\deva, with a 
sheathed dagger below. 

a lion. 

No gold and silver coins of this king have been reported tiU now. His copper coins 
were found for the first time in 1924. Pandit L. P. Pandeya’s conjecture that Pratapamalla 
was a Kalachuri king has been confirmed by the subsequent discovery of the Pendrabandh 
plates.i The seal of these plates has a sheathed dagger below the legend as on some coins 
of this king. 

As the name Ratnadeva is repeated thrice and the names Prithvideva and Jajalladeva 
twice in the genealogical list of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, the question of the 
attribution of these coins becomes very difficult. W’hile describing the hoard from the 
Sarahgarh, Dr. Hoernle conjecturally ascribed the coins to Jajalladeva I, Ratnadeva II and 
of Prithvideva II,^ but he gave no reason to support his view. Cuimingham, on the other 
hand, assigned the same coins to Prithvideva I, Jajalladeva I and Ratnadeva II.® Vincent 

^ No. loi. 

® P. A. S, B. for 1898, p. 93. 
® C. M. I., p. 76. 



Smith was not certain about the matter. He doubtfully referred them to Prithvideva II, 
Jajalladeva II and Ratnadeva III, but did not deny the possibihty of their being assigned to 
earlier homonymous kings. ^ No satisfactory reasons have, however, been given for any 
of these identifications. IMr. Allan has recently pointed out- that in view of the probability 
that Prithvideva I was still a feudaton'^ and that the dynasty became completely independent 
in the reign of Jajalladeva I, it is not improbable that some at least of the coins should be 
attributed to Prithvidev^a II. He thinks that the same is true of the distribution of coins 
between Jajalladeva I and II and Ratnadeva 11 and III. 

An important clue to the identification of the kings who struck these coins is afforded 
by the form of the palatal / in the legends on these coins. On the gold coins of Jajalladeva 
the left member of this letter is either joined to the vertical on the right, or resembles the 
Enghsh letter S, which shows that this prince must be identified with Jajalladeva I.^ There 
is another piece of evidence which points in the same direction. Jajalladeva I was a 
powerful prince. The Ratanpur stone inscription of Ills reign states that the ruling chiefs of 
the neighbouring territories, South Kosala, Andhra, Khimidi, Vair-Igara, Lanjika, Bha- 
nara, Talahari, Dandakapura, Nandavali and Kukkuta, paid him annual tributes, and that as 
he was valiant, liis alhance was sought by the lords of Chedi, Kanyakubja and Jejabhuktika.^ 
Jajalladeva I’s alliance with the contemporary Chandella king, who is evidently meant here 
by the lord of Jejabhuktika, is reflected in his coinage. It is well known that Chandella 
coinage begins in the reign of Kirtivarman (area 1060-1100 A.C.). Only gold coins of 
this king are known. Copper coins appear for the first time during the reign of Sallakshana- 
varman, the son and successor of Kirtivarman, who was a contemporar\" of Jajalladeva. 
Sallakshanavarman’s copper coins are extremely rare. Cunningham had only one in liis 
cabinet, which is figured as No. 16 in 'PhteYlll of his Cows of Medm’a/ Iml/a. It has the 
king’s name in three fines on the obverse and the figure of Hanuman facing right on the 
reverse. The Hanuman type was apparently evolved in the Chandella kingdom!® where we 
find the earliest reference to the worship of the monkey-god in a stone inscription, dated in 
the Harsha year 316 (922 A.C.)^ This type seems to have been copied with a slight variation® 
by Jajalladeva I after he formed an alliance with the Chandella king Sallakshanavarman. 

The type ‘Lion attacking an elephant’ seen on the gold coins of this dynasty seems also 
to have been introduced for the first time by Jajalladeva I. It probably symbolises his 
victory over the contemporary Ganga king. The Ratanpur inscription of his reign men- 
tions his conquest of Khimidi which lay in the kingdom of the Gangas. The latter were 
known as Gajapatis or Gajddhisas, ‘lords of elephants’. Jajalladeva’s victory over the Ganga 
king was, therefore, fittingly represented by a lion attacking an elephant wliich lies 
prostrate below. 

Some coins of debased gold with the legend Srlmaj-Jdj alladh'a may have been struck 
by Jajalladeva 11 , whose reign does not appear to have been very prosperous. 

1 1 . M. C., pp. 254-55, PI. XXVI. 

- Kumlsmatic Chronicle for 1937, pp. 298 ff. 

^ In his Amoda plates dated K. 831, (No. 76, 1 . 25), Prithvideva I describes himself as Mabaniandale- 
svara^ which indicates his feudatory rank. 

- This form of sis no longer seen in grants of Jajalladeva II. See the facsimile of No. 99. 

^ No. 77, U. 22-23. 

6 The Hanuman type was evidently suggested by the Adivaraha type used by Bhoja I of the Gurjara- 
Pratlhara dynasty. 

- This date was read by Cunningham as Samvat 940, and by Kieihorn as Samvat 215. D. R. Bhandarkar 
read it as Samvat 316, which he referred to the Harsha era. See P. R. A. T., IF". C, for 1903-4, p. 47. 

® On the coins of Jajalladeva, the god appears two-armed as on the Chandella coins, but is shown to 
be trampling on a demon. On those of his successors he appears four-armed. 



On the coins of Ratnadeva and Prithvideva, the left member of the palatal / has a 
somewhat longer serif at the bottom^ than in the Sarkho plates of Ratnadeva !l, but the letter 
has not yet assumed the form seen in later records.^ These kings must, therefore, be identi- 
fied with Ratnadeva II and Prithvideva 11. It is noteworthy that the Sonsari hoard mentioned 
above, which contained the coins of aU these kings, had also two coins of Govindachandra- 
deva. This Gahadavala king of Kanauj had a long reign of nearly 45 years {circa 1 1 lo-i 1 5 5 
A.C.) and so was a contemporary of Jajalladeva I, Ratnadeva II and Prithvideva IT The 
Sonsari hoard seems to have been secreted some time during the reign of Prithvideva II. 

Besides tankas and drammas, some other coins are mentioned in the Kalachuri 
inscriptions, to which we shall now turn. The Tahankapar plate of Pamparaja, dated K. 965, 
mention 130 Sarahagadani dchhifi which may mean 130 gold coins minted in Sarahagada^ 
(modern Saraiigarh). It is noteworthy that a similar hlarathi word iisii occurs in inscrip- 
tions® found in Maharashtra and in the hlahanubhava literature of the 14th century A.C. 
From several passages in the 'Lildcharifra,^ the Marathi biography of Chakradhara, the founder 
of the Mahanubhava sect, dsu appears to have been a gold coin current in Maharashtra in the 
13th century A.C. The L,ildcharitra speaks in one place of a pduna dsn or three-quarter 
dsu, which shows that lower denominations of one-quarter, one-half and three-quarter 
dsns were also current. 

The Bilhari stone inscription mentions sodasikd, which seems to have denoted a copper 
coin equal in value to one-sixteenth of a dramma just as vimsopaka denoted one- twentieth of a 
dramma? Another coin mentioned in the same inscription is paura, which was probably a 
small coin of silver. A tax of four pauras was levied on every elephant, and that of two 
pauras on every horse, sold in the local market.® Kaparda and djilta-kaparda were other 
coins current at the time. Kautilya also mentions kaparda as a copper coin.® It was 
probably identical with kdkini mentioned by Bhaskaracharya as equivalent to twenty 
cowries. Four kdkinls made one panad^ Djutakaparda was probably so called because 
it was frequently used as a stake in gambling.^! Some of these coins may be represented 
by the smaller Kalachuri coins which are often found in Chliatfisgarh. But they are so 
much worn and so irregular in weight that it is often difficult to say what denominations 
they represent.12 

I V. Smith, 7 . M. C., pp. 254 fF., PI. XXVI. 

“ In the time of Prithvideva II the earlier form of s had no doubt gone out of use, but it seems to have 
continued on his coins; for, conservatism in regard to forms of letters is a characteristic of Indian coinage. 

® No. 1 1 6, 1 . 6. 

^ The Rajim stone inscription of Jagapala mentions this place as Saraharagadha. No. 88, 1 . 10. 

° See, e.g., the Patan inscription of the time of Yadava Sihghana (lip. Ind., Vol. I, p. 343), tvhich 
mentions asu, ddma and visova. These appear to be coins of gold, silver and copper respectively. 

® See iJlacharitra (Marathi) ed. by H. N. Nene, part III, pp. 50-51. 

Visova mentioned in the aforementioned Patan inscription is derived from Sanskrit vithiopaka. 
The vimsopakas were so called because they were equal in value to one-twentieth of a dramma. This appears 
quite clear from 1 . 20 of the Slyadoni inscription which first mentions in words a monthly tax of half a 
Vigrahatuhgiya-dramma and then states the same as vi 10 (J.e., 10 vimsopakas). One dramma was, therefore, 
equal to 20 vimsopakas. Similarly, it may have been equal to 16 s'ddasikas. It is noteworthy that Bhaskara- 
charya’s Ijldvatt (I, 2) states that sixteen panas make one dramma. Perhaps sodasikd was another name of 
the copper pana. According to the Sdrngadhara-samhita, it was so called because it weighed sixteen mdshas. 

® Similar taxes are laid down in other inscriptions of the period. See, e.g., the Bayana stone inscrip- 
tion (pip. Ind., Vol. XXII, pp. 122 ff), which in line 23 mentions the gift of one dramma per horse (sold locall}’) 
in favour of a god, installed at Bayana. » Arthasdstra, II, 12. 10 Lildra/i, I, 2. 

It is perhaps identical with the smallest copper coin ardha-kdkinl mentioned in Kautilya’s Artha- 
sdstra, II, 12. 

The smallest of them may be mdshas. According to Narada cited in the dlifdkshard on YSjiiuralkpa- 
tmriti (II, 159), a mdsha was one-twentieth of a copper pana. 




I The Maharajas of Valkha 

K. 67. 


K. 107, 


K. 117. 

n The Traikutakas 

Indradatta (413-440 A.C.) 

Dahrasena (440-465 A.C.) 

K. 207. 

Vyagnrasena (463-492 A.C.) 

K. 241. 

Ill The Early Giirjaras 

Dadda I (570-595 A.C.) 


Jayabhata I — ^Vitaraga (595-620 A.C.) 

Dadda Il-Prasantaraga (620-645 A.C.) 

K. 380; K. 385; K. 392. 


Jayabhata II (645-665 A.C.) 


Dadda III-Bahusahaya (665-690 A.C.) 

K. 427. 


Jayabhata III (690-715 A.C.) 

K. 456; K. 460. 


Ahirola (715-720 A.C.) 


Jayabhata IV (720-738 A.C.) 

■ K. 486. 

IV The Sendrakas 

Bh^usakti alias Nikumbha (620-625 A.C.) 

Adityalakti (625-650 A.C.) 

Allasakti (650-675 A.C.) 

K. 404; K. 406; S. 577. 

Jayasakti (675-700 A. C.) 

S. 602. 

1 Where possible, approximate reign-periods are given in brackets. The known dates are given 
under the respective names of kings. 



V The Chalukyas of Gujarat 

Dharasraya-JayasiiiAa (670-695 A.C.) 

K. 436. I 

1 .. J 

Sryasraya-Siladitya Jayasraya-Mangalarasa Avanij anasraya-Pulakesin 

K. 421; K. 443. S. 613; S. 633. K. 490. 

VI The Dynasty of Harischandra 

Svamichandra (660-685 A.C.) 


Simhavarman (685-700 A.C.) 

Bhogasaid (700-71 5 A.C.) 

K. 461. 

VII The Kalachuris of Mahishmati 
Krishnataja (550-575 A.C.) 

Sankaragana (575-600 A.C.) 

K. 347. 


Buddharaja (600-620 A.C.) 

K. 360; K. 361. 

VIII The Kalachuris of Tripuri 

Vamaraja (675-700 A.C.) 

Sankaragana I (750-775 A.C.) 

Lakshmanaraja I (825-850 A.C.) 

I K. 593. 

KokaUa I (850-890 A.C.) 

Sankaragana alias Mugdhatunga-Presiddha- 
dhavala-Ranavigraha (890-910 A.C.) 



(9 10-9 1 5 A. C.) 

Yuvarajadeva I (915-945 A.C.) 
m. Ndhala 

Lakshmanaraja 11 (945-970 A.C.) 
m. Rahada 

Sankaragana III (970-980 A.C.) Yuvarjadeva II (980-990 A.C.) 

Kokalla 11 (990-1013 A.C.) 

Garigeyadeva (1015 -1041 A.C.) 
K. 772; K. 789. 


Karna (1041-1073 A.C.) 
m. Avalladevi 

K. 793; K. 800 ; K. 810; K. 812. 



Nansiriiha (1153-1163 A.C.) 
K. 907; K. 909; V. 1216. 

Kama (1041-1073 A.C.) 
m. AvalladevI 


Yasahkama (1073-1123 A. C.) 
K: 823 (?) 


Gayakama (1123-1153 A.C.) 

I m. Alhanadevi 
I K. 902. 


Jayasimha (1163-1188 A.C.) 
Kelhanadevi and GosaladevI 
K. 918; K. 926; K. 928. 

Vijayasimha (1188-1210 A.C.) 

K. 932; K. 944; V. 1253; K. 96 (x) 

1 . 


IX The Kalachufis of Satayupata 

Sahkaragana I (620-650 A.C.) 


Nannaraja (650-675 A.C.) 

Vamaraja (675-700 A.C.) Lakshmana I (700-725 A.C.) 

Sivaraja I (725-750 A.C.) 

Bhimata I (750-775 A.C.) 


Lakshmana II-Rajaputra (775-800 A.C.) 

Sivaraja II (800-825 A.C.) 

Sahkaragana II (825-850 A.C.) 
m. Bhuda 


Lakshmana III — Gunasagara I 

I (850-875 A.C.) 

m. Kanchana ( m. Madanadevi 

UUabha-Bhimata II Bhamana I (890-905 A.C.) 

(875-890 A.C.) m. Dehattadevi 

I ■' 

Sahkaragana III-Mugdhataihga (905-930 A.C.) 
m. Vidya 


Gunasagara II (930-955 A.C.) 
m. Rajava 

Sivaraja III-Bhamana II (95 5-980 A.C.) 
m. Sugalladevi 

Sahkaragana IV (980-1005 A.C.) 
m. Yasolekha 



Sankaragana IV (980-1005 A. C.) 

Bhlma (or Bhimata III) (1005 -1031 A.C.) 
m. Lavanyavati 

Vyasa (1031-105 5 A.C.) 

V. 1087. 



Scdiiadeva (1055-1080 A. C.) 

V. 1134; V. 1135. 

X The Kalachuris of Ratanpur (Ratnapura) 

Kaliiigaraja (1000-1020 A.C.) 

Kamalaraja (1020-1045 A.C.) 


Ratnadeva I (1045-1065 A.C.) 
rn. Nonalia 

Prithvideva I (1065-1090 A.C.) 

iv. 821; K. 831. 


Jajalladeva I (1090-1120 A.C.) 
m. Lachchhalladevi 
K. 866. 


Ratnadeva II (1120-1135 A.C.) 

K. 878; K. 880; K. 885. 

Prithvideva II (1135-1165 A.C.) 

K. 890; K. 893; K. 896; K. 897; K. 900; K. 905; K. 910; K. 915. 

jagaddcva (1170-1175 A. C.) Jajailadeva II (1165-1170 A.C.) 

m. Somaladevi K. 919. 

Ratnadeva III (1175-1200 A.C.) 

IG 933. 

Pratapamalla (1200-1225 A.C.) 

K. 965; K. 969. 

Lakshmideva (1325-1355 A.C.) 
Simhana (1355-1375 A.C.) 



(Ratanpur Branch) 

Danghira (1375-1400 A.C.) 

hladanabrahman (1400-1425 A.C.) 


Ramachandra (1425-1450 A.C.) 

Ratnasena (1450-1480 A.C.) 
m. Gundayi 

Vahara 11480-1525 A.C.) 

V. 1552; V. 1570. 

(Raipur Branch) 
Ramachandra (1375-1400 A.C.) 

Brahmadeva (1400-1425 A.C.) 
V. 1458; V. 1470. 



No. i; Plate I 


T his inscription was first brought to notice by Messrs. Edward \E. West and Arthur 
A. \\"est in their article entitled ‘Nasik Cave Inscriptions’ published in the Journal of 
tho Bomhaj Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VII (1864), pp. 37 ff. They published 
a fairly correct eye-copy of die record -and, though thet^ gave no transcript of it, they noticed 
correctly the date which occurs in lines 2-3. The record was first transcribed, with notes 
and an English translation, by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar in liis Notices published in the T ran- 
sactions of the International Congress of Orientalists, London, 1874, pp. 341 ff. It was next 
copied by Pandit Bhagv^anlal Indraji. Though the Pandit did the work with iris wonted 
skill, his facsimile published in the Archaological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV, Plate LIU, 
No. 12, is considerably worked up by hand. In 1883 Pandit Bhagvanlal published a 
transcript of the inscription together with a Sanskrit rendering and an English translation 
in the Gas^etteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XVI (Nasik District), pp. 5 79 ff. In the same 
year Dr. Buhler also, working on Pandit Bhagvanlal’s facsimile, published a transcript and 
an English translation of the epigraph in the aforementioned volume of the Archceological 
Survey of Western India. The inscription was finally edited with a purely mechanical facsimile 
by Prof. E. Senart in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, pp. 88 ff. and Plate VII (15). Prof. 
Senart’s edition has remained the standard one to the present day. The record is 
edited here from the Plate accompanying Prof. Senart’s article as weU as a fresh estamp- 
age supplied by the Superintendent, Archaeological Sur\^ey, W estern Circle. 

The epigraph is incised on the left wall of the court in Cave No. X on the so-called 
Pandu-Iena hill, 5 miles south-west from Nasik, the head-quarters of the Nasik District 
in the Bombay State. It seems to have originally consisted of 15 lines, but only the first 
thirteen of them can now be read. Even in tiffs part, the record has suffered considerably 
on the right-hand side by exposure to weather, and three or four aksharas at the end of 
almost every line have now become almost illegible. In several cases they can, however, 
be read from the traces left behind, or restored conjecturaUy. The average size of the 
letters is 1.2'. 

The characters belong to the Brahmi alphabet of a slighdy later age than in the 
inscriptions of the Satavahanas. In some respects, however, as in the subscript tripartite 
y, they show archaic forms; see Aladhar/putrasya, 1. i; -vastavyasya, 1. 7, etc. Isotice also p 
in ganapaka-, 1 . 4, which has a long vertical on the left. As Dr. Buhler has already 
noticed,^ some of the letters are cursive; see, e. g., the forms of t and n, derived from looped 
types, in parvata-, 1 . 7 and Isvarasenasya, 1. 2, as well as the form of jila in rdjnah, 1. i. 
Some of the other peculiarities wmrthy of notice are as follows : — u in updsikdya, 1 . 6, has a 
horizontal stroke at tire top; the rare 0 occurs in ddayamtrika-, 1. 10; the medial u in duhitrd, 
1. 4, is formed by a curve open on the right, like the medial ri of later times. EJ) has a 
loop on the right; see sukh-drtham, I.7; y is generally flat as in Kushana records, but the 

' IT., p. 43. 



round form also occurs sporadically; see updsikdja—, 1. 6 and odayamtrika-, 1. lo; / is bent 
towards the left; see tilapishaka-, 1 . ii. Finally, the palatal s has ttt'o forms, the earlier 
one with a vertical middle stroke occurs in visvavarmasja, 1. 5, while the later one in which the 
stroke is placed horizontally is noticed in other places; see e.g. ^ak-Agnivarmmanuh, 1 . 4. The 
numerical symbol for 1000 occurs in 1. 10, that for 500 ini. ii, those for 10, 4 3-nd 5 in 
1 . 5 and that for 2 in 1 . 10. A symbol denoting 9 seems to have occurred at the end of 
line 2, but it is now rather indistinct. 

The language is Sanskrit with some admixture of Prakrit forms. See,e.^., Gimha-pakhe 
and chothe in 1 . 3, \etd\yd purvayd in 11 . yy,gildiia-, 1 . 8, etc. As for orthography, the only 
point which calls for notice is the reduplication of m after r in Sak-Agnivarf/Jf/mnah, 1 . 4. 

The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Abhira king {KdjaH) Isvarasena, the 
son of the Abhira Sivadatta and Madhari. The object of it is to record the foundation, 
by an updsikd or lay devotee named Vishnudatta, of a perpetual endowment to provide 
medicines for the sick among the community of Buddhist monks from the four quarters, 
dwelling in the monastery on the Trirasmi mountain. Vishnudatta belonged to the Saka 
race. She was the daughter of the Saka Agnivarman, wife of the Ganapaka (Accountant) 
Rebhila and mother of the Ganapaka Visvavarman. For the aforementioned perpetual 
endowment, the following amounts in kdrshdpams^ w^ere invested with the various guilds 
evidently of Govardhana, .V^., a thousand karshdpdnas with the guild of knlarikas 
(potters), two thousand with the guild of manufacturers of hydrauhc machines, five 
hundred with another guild whose name is lost, and some more with the guild of 

The record is dated on the thirteenth day of the fourth fortnight of the season 
Grishma in the ninth (regnal) year of the Abhira king Isvarasena. As shown in the 
Introduction, Isvarasena was probably the founder of the so-called Kalachuri-Chedi era. 
This date must, therefore, be referred to that era. Later dates of the era cite some lunar 
month, fortnight, tithi and week-day, but this first known date of the reckoning is recorded in 
season, fortnight and day in accordance with the prevailing custom of the time.^ According 
to the epoch of 248-49 A. C. with the year commencing on Karttika su. di. i, the thirteenth 
day of the fourth fortnight of Grishma would fall in 258 A. C. if the year 9 was current, 
and in 259 A. C. if it was expired. The date does not admit of verification. 

Of the geographical names which occur in the present record, Trirasmi-parvata 
(or the three-rayed hiU) is plainly identical with the P^du-lena hill where the epigraph is 
incised. Pandit Bhagvanlal has suggested that its pyramidal or triple fire- tongue shape was 
the origin of its name Trirasmi^. Govardhana which was probably mentioned in line 8 is 
identical wfith the modern village Govardhan-Gangapur^ on the right bank of the 
Godavari, about 6 miles west of Nasik. It is mentioned in four other inscriptions on 
the cave-hiU and w’as, in ancient times, the head-quarters of a territorial division {dhdra) 
named after it. 

^ Karshdpana was a silver coin weighing about 34 grains. The kdrshSpanas mentioned here were pro- 
bably those of the Western Kshatrapas which appear to have circulated in Maharashtra during the time 
of the Abhiras. 

^ Most of the Kshatrapa and Satavahana inscriptions in the Nasik caves contain similar season dates, 
but two records, Nos. 12 and 14, mention the lunar months Vaisakha, Karttika and Chaitra. Season 
dates survived down to the time of the Vakatakas. See the date of the Dudia plates of the Vakataka 
Pravarasena II. Ep. Ind., Vol. Ill, pp. 258 ff. 

^ Bom. Gas^., Vol. XVI, p. 541. 

^The village is in two parts, Govardhan or Gordhan above and Gahgapur below; loc. cit., 
p. 538. 




1 [1*] Tr?r: f5R^r)ftF5WFr 

2 g>c<R [%] [f^*]- 

3 V ? O ^ 

4 2TT 3^Rr’ 

5 [m] 3 FTT JpimTq- [RT*]- 

6 RT RqT%^rr(^)Rr fR^R3[crT(^)RT R^^(rR)ff- 

8 fR[^]RWr fR^^FT^RIRR^RMt .R. . [RTOT-]^^ 

9 oq-fR 3rPTTr[RFrRr]R^® RR: ^rF^^’JRT ^ Rr(Rn')RfcFir- 

10 R^ ^000 sftRRfw^R'iRP^ Rf^lfR i K 

11 [<iRt] RRlfR RR Koo fRRfqR^R[ORT]^® 

11 RRR ^(RR)Rfqiin RRr^[fR]i 7 

15 [R]^ [RrR]Rf 5 [Rt]^® 

^ From ‘Nasik Inscriptions’ — Plate VII (15), facing p. 88 in Ep. Ind,, VoL VIII, and a fresh 

- Pandit Bhagvanlal was the first to read this name, but he admitted that the first two letters 
of it were doubtful. The facsimile shows clear traces of dha, Md appears to be very much cramped for 
want of space and may have been added subsequently. 

^ Dr. Bhandarker read srnftT^ Here, again, Bhagvanlal first read the name which 

appears to be quite certain. 

^ The last character ^ of is somewhat indistinct. Bhagvanlal and Senart read but the Plate 
shows a slanting stroke to the left on the top, denoting medial e. This word seems to have been 
followed by a symbol denoting 9 (cf. chofhe 4 in 1 . 3, below), but it is now rather indistinct. The last 
character in this line may have been gL Biihler read g/ in the beginning of the next line. 

^ Here and in some places below, Prakrit forms have been used. As they are easily intelligible, 
they have not been rendered into Sanskrit. 

® These two aksharas, though now completely gone, can be conjecturally restored from the context. 

^ The superscript r of rva in purvaju, though not noticed before, is as clear here as in parvata in 
line 7, below. 

8 This akshara^ though indistinct, appears like fr in Tr/raJm, 1 . 7. 

^ Here and in the next line, Biihler read ganapaka^ but the d stroke is clear in neither case. Sya is par- 
tially seen on the right border. 

Bhandarkar read bhrdtri'kani{nja)kdyu,- Bhagvanlal’ s reading {md\trd Sakanlkajd accepted by Senart 
is, ho'wever, supported by both the facsimile and the context. 

These four aksharas are rather indistinct. There appears one more akshara^ viz. sya^ at the end of 

the line. 

The aksharas lost here were conjecturally restored by Biihler as Govardhanavdsta-, Vasia is 
faindy seen at the end of this line. 

Biihler read Sugatdgatdsa, but it gives no good sense. Besides, the Plate shows the akshara na 
between ta and ga. Like Senart, I have adopted the above reading, first proposed by Bhandarkar. 

Bhagvanlal read ddajamtrika, but as Senart has already observed, the letters da and da can hardly 
be distinguished in so defaced an inscription. The anusvdra on ^d is clear in the estampage. 

The facsimile in as well as the fresh estampage shows the figure 2. One would rather 

expect here the symbol for a thousand with a horizontal stroke added on the right. The name of the ^rem 
which must have occurred at the end of this line is now illegible. 

The facsimile in A.S^W.l, shows tv^o more aksharas said which are omitted in the Plate in Ep^ Ind, 

See below, p. 4, n. 6. 

The facsimile in A.S.IV.L has traces of seven more aksharas which can be read as ^ 
but they are omitted in the Plate in Ep, lad. The aksharas in the next two lines are completely effaced. 




Success ! In the ninth — 9 — ^yeat of the king, the Abhita Isvarasena, son of the Abhira 
^ivadatta (and) son of Madhari, on the thirteenth — 10 {arid) 3 — 'day in the fourth — ^4 — 
fortnight of summer, on this aforementioned (day) the lay devotee Vislinudatta of the Saka 
race^, mother of the Ganapakc? Visvavarman, wife of the Ganapaka Rebhila {and) daughter 
of the Saka Agnivarman, has invested the {folioii'Ing) perpetual endowment in the present 
and future guilds,^ dwelling at Govardhana, in order to provide medicines for the sick 
among the community of monks from the four quarters dwelling in {this) monastery on 
Mount Trirasmi, for the well-being and happiness of all creatures, a thousand — *1000 — • 

kdrshapanas in the hands of the guild of Kidar/kas\ two thousand — 2000 — kdrsbapanas in 
the guild of the manufacturers of hydraulic machines®, five hundred — 500 — in the guild 
of ... . {and) , . . , in the guild of oil-millers. 

(Line 12) All these four® {investments of) kdrshdpanas by the monthly 

interest oP 

^ Sakanikd seems to be used here in the sense of a woman of the $aka race. Idtika was added as a 
suffix in the sense of a woman, like the later amha, Cf. Vljayd and Vijayanikd in inscriptions Nos. i, 9 
and 19 at Kuda. l.C.T.W.Ly pp. 4 ff. 

“ Biihler took Gafiapaka to mean ‘the protector or leader of a ganat. Kgana^ according to him, consists 
of thtttgulmas or battalions, and may betaken as an equivalent of 'a coloneh or 'a brigadier -general.’ Senart 
derived the word from ganapajati (irregular for ganajati) and understood it to mean ‘an accountant’ or ‘an 
astrologer’. Mr. Bakhle, on the other hand, thinks that it means the President of a gam or republican state. 

{NS,), VoL IV, p. 78. 

^ Biihler, who read Sugatdgafdsu, translated, ‘with the Buddha (?) companies dwelling in {Gdvar- ‘ 
dhana)\ The expression dgatanagatasu is intended to commit the specified guilds existing at the time and 
their successors to the payment of the perpetual interest. 

^ Kularzka may be identical with kulala^ a potter, as conjectured by Biihler, or with kauUha^ a weaver, 
as suggested by Bhandarkar. The guild of the kaulikas {kolika-nikdja) is mentioned in 1 . 2 of the Nasik 
cave inscription No. 12. 

^ Odajanfrika is properly audajantrika. It probably signified ‘a worker fabricating hydraulic engines, 
water-clocks or others’ (Senart). 

® Previous editors, who read chatdldpa or chatdlepa^ failed to understand it and omitted it in their 
translations. The correct reading appears to be chatdio-pi and signifies ‘aU the four’. Chatdio is plainly 
to be equated with chattdro meaning ‘four’, Cf. SHC,y VIII, 3, 122, The reference is evidently to the in- 
vestment of the four amounts of kdrshdpanas in the four guilds named in the epigraph. 

’ The last two lines of the record, now completely effaced, may have stated how the interest was 
to be utilised. Compare 11,3 ff* of Nasik cave inscription No. 12. Ep. Ind.y Vol. VLH, p. 82. 


No. 2 ; Plate II x-\ 


T his was one <■)£ the two copper-plates obtained by Dr. D.R. BhanJarkar from Pandit 
\bmianasastri Islampurkar of Indore^. Dr. Bhandarkar handed them over to Dr. 
R. C. j'vlajumdar, who edited them together in the Eplo'ciphia Indica, Yol. XV, pp. 
286 f. and plates. Their contents and dates were discussed by me in an article entitled 
‘An Ancient Dynasty of Khandesh’ published in the of t'ue TP.hwdivhir 0 )itntrd 

Keseanh Institute, Vol. XXV, pp. 159 f. The inscription on the present plate is edited 
here from the facsimile accompanying Dr. Majumdar’s article. 

The inscription is incised on one side only of a single copper-plate measuring 
7.6" broad and 4.1" high. It has no ring-hole and shows no sign of a seal having ever 
been attached to it. The plate has nine lines of writing, of which the last, containing the 
sign-manual of the reigning king, is incised in the margin on the left. The writing is in 
an excellent state of preservmtion. The size of the letters varies from .2" to .4". 

The characters belong to the western v^ariety of the southern alphabets, with knobs 
at the top. They show considerable development over those of the Nasik cave inscrip- 
tion of Isvarasena,^ which was incised only about sixty years before. The letters a, k, n 
and r, for instance, have developed curves at the lower end of their verticals, distinctive 
of the southern alphabet; th is shown by a curling curve open to the right; see -puthakp 
\. y, n has developed a loop, while the vertical of / curves to the left; see -pdd-ilnuddhycito, 
1 . I and Sdndilja-,\. 3; the subscript j has assumed a bipartite form; see y'-vyya-, 1 . 4. 
As regards medial vowels, i now forms a complete curve; its long form is indicated by a curl- 
ing curve turned to the left ; the rndtrds for d, e, cii and 0 appear in some cases above the 
line; and the medial is bipartite in -pantra-, 1 . 5. The symbols for 60, 7 and 5 occur in 1 . 8. 

The language is Sanskrit. There is now little admixture of Prakrit fornss, the only 
cases occurring in this epigraph being suntaket, 1. 2 and krishdp.zjati’.n, 1. 7, wnich however 
persisted for a long time. As regards orthography, the onJv peculiarity which calls tor 
notice is the reduplication of the consonant before j and after /;see pdd-dnudabydto, 1. i and 
sanvdn-, 1. 2. 

The inscription refers itself to the reign of Mahdrdja Svamicias?. The object of it 
is to record confirmation,® bv Svamidasa, of the gift of a field m the village Dakshina- 
Valmika-tallavataka (South Wlmika-tallavataka) which was situated in tlte territorial 
subdivision Nagarika-pathaka. The plate was issued from Valkha, which was evidently 
then the royal capital. The Dutaka was Nannabhatti. Tlte record is dated on the 5th 
tithi of the bright fortnight of Jyeshtha in the year 67 (expressed by numerical symbols) 
of an unspecified era. It mav noted that the year in this case is introduced with the 

1 See Ep. Ind., Vols. XV, p. 286 and XXIV, p. 52. The other copper-plate was issued by Bhulunda. 

See below. No. 3. 

- Above, No. i. 

^ The use of the words samarmjdnljoifno) in 11 . 2-3 and krit-dmijnasya in 1 . 6 as well as the absence^ of 
any statement that it was a royal grant indicate that Ma/jdrdja Svamidasa only confirmed the gift. Who 
the donor was is not known. The plate of Bhulunda (No. 3, below), which bears close resemblance to the 
present record, mentions a per.S(jn named Ashadhanandin at t\hosc ree]uest the citt confirmed. 



word varsha in stead of the usual samvat. The plate is signed by the 'MahJraja, the illustri- 
ous Svamidasa. 

Svamidasa who issued the present plate was only a feudatory chief; for he describes 
himself as parama-hhnttj.raka-pcd-clnudhjiita ‘meditating on the feet of the Great Lord’, 
though he does not name his suzerain. The latter probably belonged tia the Imperial 
family which started the era in which the date of the present inscription is recorded. The 
date does not admit of veriti cation in the absence of such details as a week-day or a 
nakshatra. We must therefore identify the era to which it refers, on other evidence. LM- 
fortunately, the provenance of the plate has not been recorded, but there is one circum- 
stance which affords a clue. The present grant bears close resemblance to the Sirpur grant^ 
of Rudradasa, dated in the year 107, in several respects, (i) the names of the princes in 
both the cases end in dasa-, (ii) both the princes bear the title Maharaja and acknowledge 
their feudatory status in the same words; (iii) the cliaracters and phraseology of the two 
grants are strikingly similar; (iv) the date is similarly worded and the year is introduced 
with the 'word varsha in both the grants. These similarities^ leave no doubt that the two 
grants belong to the same royal family and came originally from the same part of the 
country. As the grant of Rudradasa is known to have been found at Sirpur in the Khan- 
desh District, that of Svamidasa also must, in all probability, have originally belonged to 
the same district of Northern Alaharashtra. Pandit Islampurkar, who was engaged in 
collecting manuscripts and ancient historical records in different parts of the country, seems 
to have obtained the plate somewhere in Khandesh and taken it to Indore. 

Dr. Majumdar referred the date of the present plate to the Gupta era on the ground 
that its characters resemble those of the Sanchi inscription of Ghandragupta II. This 
view cannot now be upheld; for we have no evidence of the spread of the Gupta era to 
Northern Alaharashtra where, as we have seen, the plate was probably found.® The use 
of the word varsha in recording the year of the grant may perhaps be taken to point to the 
Saka era^, but that era is out of the question here, as the characters of the present grant 
are far more developed than those current in the second century A. C. The only other 
era to which the date can be referred is the so-called Kalachuri era founded in 249 A. C. 
by the Abhira king Tsvarasena. Accordingly, the date would correspond, for the ex- 
pired year 67, to the 2nd Alay 517 A. G.® It does not admit of veriheation. 

As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Valkha, which was pro’bably the 

^ No. 4, belo'w. 

^ The place of issue is not named in the extant portion of the Sirpur grant, but it must have been 
mentioned in the beginning of the first line where two or three letters have been lost owing to the breaking 
off of a piece of the plate on the left. The sign-manual of Maharaja Rudradasa, which must have been in- 
cised in the margin on the left, is also lost. 

® In fact there is no evidence of the spread of the Gupta era south of the Narmada except the soli- 
tary grant of Bhimasena II (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 342 ff. and Vol. XXVI, pp. 227 ff.) That grant, how- 
ever, belongs to Kosala or modern Chhattisgarh, the ruler of which had submitted to Samudragupta. 
Khandesh, on the other hand, was never under the direct or indirect rule of the Guptas. The old identi- 
fication of Trandapalli mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta with Erandol in 
Khandesh, proposed by Fleet, is now held to be untenable. See Dubreuil, Ancknt History of the Deccan, 
pp. 59 f- 

^ Dr. Kielhorn has shown that the word varsha is characteristic of the Saka era. See Ind. Ant.^ 
Vol. XXVI, p. 150. The use of that ^^otd in the present grant seems to be in imitation of the older grants 
dated in the Saka era which was previously current in iNIaharashtra. 

^ In the case of early records of the Kalachuri era (Nos, i-^34)3 the dates are calculated according 
to the epoch of 249-50 A. C. for an expired year. 



royal capital at the time, may be identical with Vaghli, about 6 miles north by east of Cha- 
lisgaon in the East Khandesh District, on the Bombaj-Bhusawal line of the G.I.P. Rail- 
way. It is an old place as it contains some ancient temples and old Sanskrit inscriptions. ^ 
One of these inscriptions® in three parts, edited by Dr. Kielhorn, shows that Vaghli became 
afterwards the capital of a feudatorj'' royal family which originally hailed from Valabhi 
in Kathiawad, and later on owed allegiance to the Yadavas of Khandesh.® Nagarika, 
the head-quarters of the territorial division {pathaka) named after it, may be identical with 
Nagar Devla, about 10 miles north-east of Vaghli, wliich also contains an old hlemddpanti 
temple of Mahadeva.^ Finally, Valmika-tallavataka may be Talwad khurd, about 
15 miles north by west of Nagar Devla.® 


2 'PT% ^[;*] hh-i'dl- 

4 3 TT^^T%(f'T) 

6 f^TW: ^^^[:*] FET: 

8 [I*] ^ ^ 

9 ( hi the margin ) [l*] 


From Valkha--the Maharaja, the illustrious SvamidSsa, who meditates on the fee 
of the haramahhattdraka (Great Lord), issues the {Jolloiring) order to all his^® officers— 

“Be it known to you that We (hereby) give Our assent to the hrahmadeya gift of a held, 
belonging to the merchant Arya and situated in the southern Valmiika-tallavataka in 
the pathaka of Nagarika, to this Brahmana Munda of the Sandilya gotra, to be enjoyed 

^ iC. D. G., p. 478. 

2 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, pp. 221 ff. 

® Rao Bahadur K.N. Dikshit suggested that Valkha might be identical with Bahai in the Chalis- 
gaon taluka, where a large hoard of punch-marked coins was recently found. 

^ K. D. G., p. 457. 

® The place-name seems to have dropped Valmika in course of time. Dr. Majumdar’s 
identiheation of Nagarika with Nagar which lies 75 miles from the borders of the former Indore State, and 
of Tallavataka either with Adalwar, 37 miles north-east from Nagar, or with Talora, 50 miles north- 
east from the same city, cannot be accepted as the plate did not come from North India. 

® From the facsimile facing p. 289, Ep. Ind., Vol. XV. 

’ This should properly be . 

® Read 

* Read as in the plate of Bhulunda (No. 3). 

1 “ Read 

“ Read ^fFrPT I tTcffR^n'I-. 

« Read 



Eit., pur, 



{by him) {and) by a succession of his sons and sons’ sons as long as the moon, the sun 
and the stars would endure. 

(Line 5) {Wherefore) all persons connected with Us, those born in their families 
and others should consent to tliis grant, {since) he has now been permitted by Us, so long 
as he enjoys {the field), cultivates it and causes it to be cultivated according to the condi- 
tions for enjoying brahinadeya {land)” 

(L. 8) The Dutakd}- is Nannabhatti. In the year 60 {and) 7, {in the month of) 
Jyesh^a {and) the bright fortnight, {on the lunar day) 5. 

(J« the margin) Of the hlahdraja, the illustrious Svamidasa. 

No. 3 ; Plate II B 


This copper-plate, like the preceding one of Svamidasa,^ was in the possessicm of 
Pandit Vamanasastri Islampurkar of Indore, from whom it was obtained bv Dr. 
D. R. Bhandarkar. The two plates were edited together by Dr. R. C. Majumdar in 
the 'Epigraphid Indica, Vol. XV, pp. 286 ff. and plates. I edit the record here from the 
facsimile accompanying Dr. Alajumdar’s article. 

The present record also is on a single copper-plate and is incised only on one side 
of it, measuring 8.25" broad and 3.75" high. The plate has no ring-hole and does 
not appear to have ever had a seal attached to it. It has 9 lines of writing, of which the 
last one containing the royal sign-m:anual is incised in the margin on the left as in the case 
of Svamidasa’s plate. The size of the letters varies from .2" to .5". 

The characters belong to the western variety of the southern alphabets, generally 
resembling those of the preceding plate, though more cursive in form. The only peculia- 
rities worth noting are — ^(i) medial / (long) is shown by two curves turned in opposite di- 
rections as also by a curve curling to the left; see samaniydnlmo, 1. 2; -kdllnam, 1. 5 etc.\ (ii) 
d and d are not clearly distinguished; see Bhnlnndab, 1. i and Skando, 1 . 8; (iii) the Jihvdmil- 
I'lya occurs in 1. 6 and numerical symbols for 100, 10, 7 and 2, in 1. 8. 

The language is Sanskrit. The wording of the grant closely resembles that of the 
grant of Svamidasa. The orthography also shows the same peculiarities. 

The inscription refers itself to the reign of Maharaja BhiBunda. Like Svamidasa, 
he also describes himself as paramahhattdraka-pdd-clnndhydta and therefore seems to have 
owed allegiance to some lord paramount.^ The object of the inscription is to record the 
assent, by Maharaja Bhulunda, to the brahmadeya gift of a field belonging to one Khudda- 
taka together with the surrounding kachchba (bank), to a Brahmana named Kusaraka, 
at the request of Ashadhanandin. The field was situated on the boundary of a place named 
Ulladana. Ashadhanandin seems to have purchased the field from the owner, donated it 
to the Brahmana, and applied to the king for the confirmation of the gift. The royal order 
was issued from Vallcha. The record is dated in the year (yarshd) 107 (expressed in 
numerical symbols only) on the 12th tithi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna. The 
Dutaka of the grant was the Vratihdra Skanda. The plate is signed by the Maharaja 
Bhulunda in the margin on the left. 

1 Diitaka, also called Ajnapti in some grants, mentioned generally at the end of early copper-plate 
charters, was an officer charged with the execution of the royal order. Compare karavaka used in the 
same sense in a grant of the Vakatakas. Ep. hid., Vol. XXIII, p. 87. 

^ No. 2, above. 

® See above, p. 6. 



Plate II. 

A. — Indore Plate of Svamidasa; (Kalachuki) Year G7. 

-O ' 7 


B.— Indore Plate of Bhui.unda; ( KALAriii iu) Year 

& -6§ ,11^’ ' c3. 

‘O . 

L r 





Reg. No. 3977 £'36 -77e'50 


SrH\L'i OF India (’al< vl i \ 

C.— SiRPUR Plate of Kuoradasa; (Kalachi iu) Year 117 . 




The close similarity in the characters, phraseology, royal sign-manual and mode 
of dating of the plates of the Maharajas Svamidasa and Bhuluiida leaves no doubt that 
they originally came from the same part of the countr}% which, as already stated, was pro- 
bably the Khandesh District. The date of the present plate must therefore be re- 
ferred to the same reckoning, vi\., the Kalachuri era. According to the epoch of 
248-49 A. C., it corresponds, for the amanta Phalguna in the expired year 107, to the 
4th Alarch 357 A. C. The date does not admit of verification. 

As for the places mentioned in the present record, Valkha, as shown before,^ is 
probably identical with Vaghli near Chalisgaon in the East Khandesh District. Ulladana 
may be the same as Udhli, about 9 miles east of Bhusawal. The description in the pre- 
sent plate that the field in Ulladana was granted together with the surrounding kachchha 
suits Udhli very well; for it is situated on the bank of the Tapi. 



6 TfTiTJTrftrx^i 1 H 

7 [I*] 

8 5r%frTfT^ f;TT; [A] t't ?oo ^ ?o v [A] 

9 [In the margli) rri [A] 


From Valkha — -Maharaja Bhulunda, who meditates on the feet of the jA/r.w/- 
bhaftdraka ^Great Lord), issues the (Jo/Ioipinj) command to all his^^ officers : — ■ 

(Line 2) ‘"Be it known to you that at the request of Ashadhanandin, We {Ijenbj) give 
Our assent to the entire brahaiadeja gift of a strip of land consisting of the field belong- 
ing to Khuddataka, together with the surrounding kachchha (bank), on the boundary of 
Ulladana, to the Brahmana Kusaraka of the Bharadvaja gotra, to be enjoyed by (Jjifa 
and') his descendants as long as the moon, the sun and the stars would endure. 

(L. 5) (Wherefore), all persons connected with Us should consent to this grant, now 

^ Above, p. 6. 

- From the facsimile facing page 289, Ep. Ind., Vol. XV. 

^ This should properly be . 

^ Read 

s Read 3 nwTf??f 4 ?r< 4 T. 

« Dr. Majumdar read but the first akshara is clearly //. In rtt, the curve should have been 

turned to the left, and another, turned downwards, added to the vertical stroke. 

s Read TTfirTT I 

” Read . 

i** Read 

11 Read 'BTvTd. 
« Eit., Our. 



that he has thus been permitted by Us, so long as he enjoys and cultivates the field accord- 
ing to the conditions for enjoying hrahmadeya {land')” 

The Diitaka is Pratihdra Skanda. 

(L. 8) In the year loo (and) 7, in the month Phalguna (and) the dark fortnight, 

{on the lunar day) lo {and) 2. 

(In the margin) Of the Maharaja Bhulunda. 

No. 4; Plate II C 


This copper-plate was discovered in 1884, in the possession of one Motiram Pa til of 
Sirpur^ in the West Khandesh District of the Bombay State. It has been edited 
before, with a lithograph, but without a translation, by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji 
in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVI (1887), pp. 98 ff. It is edited here from the same 

It is a fragmentary plate, the extant piece measuring 7" broad and 4.5" high. It 
is intact at the top, the bottom and the right side; but from the left side a narrow piece, 
about 1" broad, has been broken off the whole way down, so that about three aksbaras 
have been lost at the beginning of each line. There is no hole in the extant piece; and 
from the close resemblance which the record on this plate bears to the last two grants, 
it does not seem likely that there was any hole in the lost piece also. In any case no ring 
or seal was discovered with the plate. The present inscription is incised only on one side 
of it, but on the other side. Pandit Bhagvanlal found seven faintly cut shell-characters. 

The inscription consists of nine lines. The writing is in a state of good preserva- 
tion throughout. The average size of the letters is .3". The characters belong to the 
western variety of the southern alphabets and resemble those of the plate of Maharaja 
Svaniidasa,^ though they are somewhat more angular. Like the latter, they have knobs 
at the top of the letters. They include, in line 9, the symbols for 100, 10 and 7. In some 
cases we see an admixture of different forms; v, for instance, has generally the triangular 
form as in the inscriptions of Svamidasa and Bhulunda; see sarvvdnAva in line 2 and hhogdy- 
aiva in line 7; but vsxyavat, 1. 5, it has the same shape as in the copper-plate inscriptions of 
the Vakataka Pravarasena II. Pandit Bhagvanlal referred the present record to the begin- 
ning of the sixth centur}^ A. C., but in view of the earlier forms of some letters like d and 
m, I would date it about the middle or end of the fourth century A. C. 

The language is Sanskrit, and the inscription is in prose throughout. The wording of 
the grant resembles, mutatis mutandis, that of the preceding grants of Svamidasa and Bhu- 
lunda, but it is written veiy carelessly. The orthography also shows the same peculiarities. 

The inscription refers itself to the reign of Maharaja Rudradasa. He describes 
himself as paran/ahhatidraka-pad-dntidhydta ‘meditating on the feet of the Great Lord’, which 
clearly indicates his feudatory status. The object of the inscription is to record the assent, 
by h,Lakh raja Rudradasa, to the gift of a field named Ghotakatala situated on the western 
boundary of the village VikaHanaka. This village seems to have been included in the 
Kasapura sub-division(?). The boundary of the field extended as far as Kohalaitaka, which 
may have been the name of a field or a village. The donee was the Brahmana Dronilaka of 
the Bharadvaja gotra. The place of issue is not named in the extant portion. It must 

^ This place-name is spelt as Shirpur in the Degree Map No. 46 K. 
" Above, No. z. 


1 1 

have been mentioned in the beginning of the first line, where two or three letters have now 
been lost owing to the breaking off of a piece on the left, and was, in all probability, Valkha. 
It is noteworthy that the two dots which followed the name of the place of issue are still 
seen in the beginning of the first line, as on the plate of Bhuluiada. The signature of 
Mahilnlja Rudradasa, which must have occurred in the miargin on the left as on the plates 
of Svainidasa and Bhulunda, is also lost. 

The inscription is dated in line 9 in numerical symbols which are carelessly incised. 
The intended date appears to be the third tithi of the month Vaisakha in the year nyd 
The fortnight has not been specified, but it may have been the bright one, as the tithi was 
probably akshaya-tritlyu (\Aisakha sukla tritiya). The date is introduced with the word 
varsha as in the preceding two grants. In view of the close resemblance which the pre- 
sent grant bears to those of Svamidasa and Bhulunda, this date must be referred to the 
Kalachuri era.^ According to the epoch of 248-49 A.C. which suits early dates of the era, 
the present date would correspond, for the expired year 117, to the i8th April 567 A. C. 
It does not admit of verification. 

As for the localities mentioned in the present record, Vikattanaka may be Vipiera, 
about 20 miles south by east of Sirpur. The other places cannot be traced in the 
vicinity of Sirpur. 


I W- 

3 I ^ ui yii 

6 5 ^^^- 

^ Pandit Bhagvanlal read the date as ii8, but the unit figure is 7, not 8. See the figure in No. 12, 
line 34, below. 

“ It may be noted here that Dr. Fleet also has, though doubtfully, referred to the Kalachuri era 
the date of this record, which he, following Pandit Bhagvanlal, read as 118. See Bom. Ga':^.. Vol. I, Part 
ii, p. 294. 

^ From the photo-lithograph accompanying Pandit BhagYanlaFs article in Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, 
pp. 98 f. 

^ As the beginning of the second line shows, two or three letters are lost here and at the commence- 
ment of each subsequent line. The initial akskaras miay have been Aalkhil (for X^alkhat') as in the 
previous two grants. The horizontal stroke at the top of the second akshara can be marked in the upper 
left corner. 

" Read 

« Read 

' The aksharas marked with an asterisk in this and other rectangular brackets in the beginning of 
lines 2-9 are supplied conjecturaUy on the analogy of the previous two grants. 

® Read . 

^ Read — . 

10 Read 

This akshara is redundant. 


Bhagvanlal suggested here. 


Read . 




7 ['T>TFT*]Tirr^^ IFcR^- 

9 [^5irfq-*jf^ [I*] 5rfrr^>fST|TT^ II TT® I ?oo ^ ^T^TTin'''' II 


[From Valkha]^ — MalkJra/a Rudradasa, who meditates on tlie feet of the Varcifria- 
hhattdraka (Great Lord), issues the (fol/on vig) order to all his^® oftlcers — 

“Be it known to you that We (Jjerebj) give Our assent to the hrcw/rcideja gift of a field, 
called Ghotakatala, which belonged {jornierly) to Bhatti Yaidva, which is situated on the 
western boundary of the village Vikattanaka included in the Kasapura (sub-division?), 
extending as far as the boundary of Kohalattaka, to the Brahmana DrCnilaka of 
the Bharadvaja gotra^ to be enjoyed {J)y him') {and) by a succession of his sons and sons" 
sons for all time as long as the moon, the sun and the stars would endure. 

(Line 8) (If herefore)^ all persons connected with LFs should consent to it wliile he is 
enjoying and cultivating that field, {since) he has now been permitted by Us. 

(T/vk charter has been issued)^ the Fratihara Doddhira being the Dutaka, in the 
year loo {and) lo {and) 7, {in the month of) Vaisakha, on the third {Innar day). 

^ Read — 

2 Read :jfprFT 1 
^ Read 
4 Read 

^ Read Some words like are required to be supplied here. Sec 

the concluding portion of Nos. 9, ii, 12, etc. 

^ Read The following danda is superfluous. 

" The unit symbol denotes 7, not 8 as supposed by Pandit Bhagvanlal; for it is exactly like the 
one used in 1. 34 of the Abhona plates of Sahkaragana (No. 12). 

^ Read Bhagvanlal suggested the reading which he thought was sup- 

ported by the two dots at the end. But the latter may be a sign of punctuation like those after 
^ See above, pp. 10 ff. 

L/A, Our. 


No. 5 ; Plate III A 


T he inscription was discovered by one of the Assistants of Sir John Marshall, Direc- 
tor General of Archaeology in India at Kanakhera, a village near Sanchi in the 
Bhopal State, Central India.^ It is now preserved in the Sanchi IMuseum. The ins- 
cribed stone was found built into a well. The record was first briefly noticed by Mr. 
R. D. Banerji in the Progress Report of the A^rchaeological Survey of India, \Ve stern Circle, for the 
year 1917-18, p. 37, and later edited by him in the Fpigraphia Indica, Vol. XVI, pp. 250 ff. 
It was re-edited by Mr. N.G. Majumdar, first in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 
New Series, Vol XIX (1923), pp. 337 S., and later in the Monuments of Siinchl, Vol. I, pp. 
392 flF. and Vol.III, PI. CXXXIX. Mr. Majumdar corrected some mistakes in the transcript 
of Mr. Banerji and gave a different reading of the date at the end. The record is edited here 
from an excellent ink impression kindly supplied by the Government Epigraphist for 

The inscription consists of six lines of writing, and covers a space, 6.75" broad 
and 2.5" high. It is in an imperfect state of preservation. Several aksharas towards 
the end of the first line have either become illegible or have been completely lost owing 
to the breaking off of the upper right edge of the stone. Besides, many more have been 
damaged in the middle of lines 4 and 5 by the flaking off of the surface of the stone. The 
size of the letters varies between 1.25" and .4". 

The characters belong to the western variety of the southern alphabets. Their 
striking features are the elongated verticals of k, r and /, the beautiful superscript cun^es 
denotmg medial / (short and long) and rarely medial d, and the ornamental forms of the 
subscript j/ and r. The following pecuUarities may be noted: — n and n have a loop in the 
lower part; see tridasa-gana- and sendpater-, both in l.i; dh has generally an oval shape; see 
dharmma-vijayind, 1 . 2, but its archaic form is also noticed; see Sridharavarmmand in the same 
line; j, though stiU tripartite, has a hook for its left limb; see -ndyaka- 1 . 2; and /has generally 
a short horizontal bar, but in ligatures it assumes a tripartite form; see srdddhayd, 1. 3 and 
sdsvati, 1.4. On the evidence of palaeography, the inscription may be referred to the 4th 
century A. C. 

The language is Sanskrit. The record begins in prose, but is rounded off 
with a verse in the Sdrdillavlkrldifa metre, composed in a good kdvya style. The influence 
of Prakrit is seen in the forms trayodasame and kJcdndpita. The orthography shows the 
usual reduplication of the consonant following r; see Sridharavarmmand, 1. 2. 

The Inscription refers itself to the reign of the Mahddandandyaka Saka Sridhara- 
varman who was the son of the Saka Nanda. Though Sridharavarman belonged to the 
Saka race, he was a follower of the Hindu rehgion; for he was apparently described in the 
mutilated fine i as a worshipper of Svami-Mahasena (Skanda orKarttikeya), the commander 
of the celestial army. The object of the inscription is to record the excavation of a 
well by Sridharavarman for the increase of welfare and prosperity, the acquisition of re- 
ligious merit and fame, and the everlasting attainment of heaven. 

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XVI, p. 250. 



The inscription contains in lines 2 and 3 the following date, the tenth tithi of 
the dark fortnight of ^ravana in the victorious thirteenth year. This date is mentioned 
in close connection with the name of the Mahddatulamyaka Sridharavarman to whose reign 
it apparently refers, but Banerji thought that as Sridharavarman did not claim any royal 
title, it was extremely improbable that the year 13 was of his reign. He therefore re- 
ferred the date to the reign of Jivadaman, the father of Rudrasirhha II and the founder 
of the third dynasty of the Satraps of Saurashtra, whose name, he thought, he could read 
in line i.i But, as ^slajumdar has shown, this view is untenable;^ for (i) the existing traces 
of letters in line i show that the correct reading of the passage where Banerji read the name 
of the Kshatrapa ruler is vlrjy-drjjita-vijayc ? ; (ii) no tide like Svdmin is prefixed to the name 
of Jivadaman even according to the reading of Banerji; and (iii) the victorious thirteenth 
vear mentioned in line 2 is described as augmenting the reign evidently of Sridharavarman 
who is named immediately before in that line. It seems therefore that Sridharavar- 
man, though he held only the military title of Mahddandandyaka, was, to aU intents and pur- 
poses, an independent ruler, since he does not mention any overlord in this epigraph^. 

There is another date towards the close of the record which has been differendy 
read by Banerji and Majumdar. The former called attention to the two symbols which 
immediately follow the aforementioned verse in the Sdrdfdavikndita metre. The first of 
these, he thought, was ‘the Western Kshatrapa symbol for 200 written at one stroke’, 
while the second signified the unit. The date was thus 201 which Banerji referred to 
the Saka era and took as equivalent to 279 A. C. Mr. Majumdar, on the other hand, 
thought that the first sign had no resemblance to a 200 figure and that it was unlikely to 
be a numerical symbol since it was not introduced by a word like varsha or samvatsara. 
He, therefore, took it to be a sign of interpunction indicating the end of the verse. 
Mr. Majumdar, however, drew attention to the letter sa which occurs at some distance 
from this sign followed by ‘apparently three numerical symbols’. He was not certain 
about the reading of the first of these, but took it tentatively as signifying 200. The other 
two signs he read as 40 and i . The date of the epigraph was thus, according to Majumdar, 
241. He referred this year to the Saka era and took it as equivalent to 319 A.C.® 

Whatever may be the correct reading of tliis date, the attribution of it to the Saka 
era is not plausible;® for there is no other early date of that era coming from either Eastern 
or Western Malwa. The Saka era was, no doubt, used by the Kshatrapas in Kathiawad, 
but no records of their rule have been found in iMalwa. In fact Kshatrapa supremacy 
in Malwa seems to have termiinated about the middle of the third centurj’ A.C.^ It seems 
therefore better to refer the date to the so-called Kalachuri-Chedi era which was un- 
doubtedly current in the adjoining Anupa country as evidenced by the inscriptions of 

I Bp. Ind., Vol. XVI, 231. 

^ J.A.S.B., N.S., Vol. XIX (1923), pp. 340 S. 

® Banerji read here s-aditja-vIrjja-Jivadama-. 

^ An analogous instance is that of the Suhga Emperor Pushyamitra, vho retained his military 
title of Senapati to the last. Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 57; Kahdasa, Malavikdgnimitra, Act. V. 

3 J.A.S.B., N.S., Vol. XIX, p. 342. 

® Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar also gives this date doubtfully under the Saka era. See I.N.I., p. 144. The 
earliest date of the Saka era found in Central India is the year 784 in a Jain inscription from Deogad in the 
Jhansi District. I.N.I., No. 1085. 

’ Kshatrapa copper coinage of the Malwa fabric ceases about 240 A.C. Rapson, C.A.D., Introd., 
p. cxxxiii. 

® Nos. 6 and 7, below. 


The first of the two signs, which immediately follows the completion of the verse 
in line 6, is definitely not a sign of interpunction as supposed by Majumdar; for, so far 
as I know, such a sign is not used for this purpose anywhere else. Banerji seems to be 
right in taking it to be a numerical symbol,^ notwithstanding the unusual omission of 
an introductor}’ word like varsha or samvat. The symbol, however, signifies 100, not 200; 
for the horizontal stroke which is generally attached to the top of its vertical in order to 
convert it into a symbol for 200^ is not noticed in this case. This symbol is followed 
by two horizontal strokes, one below the other,® signifying the unit figure 2. This 
is followed by some aksharas which are indistinct. The first appears to be sa and the last 
stH. They may be remnants of Siddham-astn* 

The date of the record is thus the year 102, which, being referred to the Kalachuri 
era, becomes equivalent to 351-52 A. C. The tenth tithi of amdnta Svavana va. di. 10 in 
the expired year 102 fell on the 22nd July 352 A. C. The date does not admit of veri- 
fication, but it is supported by the palasographical evidence stated above. 


cl fqq [q*] 

2 qT^qqfqqr q^K^qrq^ q[q*q^]WTq ^q^r- 

^qrfqqfeqT qqfqq" qqcqr qq'tqqr[q*]® 

3 q^i^o 4 + q'd F^'qq“ ^qRi^qqqq cqq] ^qf ^I'l ^ 1 

qrqffqqqsqr ?TT(«r) 5 [qT*] 

4 q? 5 'T[feq^^][TTfe]q^q (l*) 

^ffqqpq: qqr 

^ Majumdar’s statement that this sign is not used as a numerical symbol is incorrect. As a matter 
of fact, it is the usual symbol denoting a hundred and is used in several records edited here. See, 
the dates of Nos. 3, 6, etc. 

2 See e.g. the symbol denoting hundreds in the plates of Dahrasena (No. 8). 

^ These strokes are rather indistinct in the plate accompanying Banerji’s article in Ep. Ind,, Vol. 
XVI, but they appear clear in PI. cxxxix of the Monuments of Sdnchiy Vol. Ill, and also in the fresh es tarn- 
page supplied to me. 

^ D. C. Sircar has suggested the reading svasty ^-astu, J*.!., Vol, I, p. 181. It has, however, 
to be admitted that the first akshara shows no trace of the subscript and the second does not look like 
stja. Mr. Majumdar takes the last akshara stu as a numerical symbol denoting 40. But see the forms of 
the symbol for 40 in Plate IX in Biihler’s Indische Falaographie, The shape of that symbol is clearly different. 

^ From an inked estampage. 

® This word is incised in the margin on the left, between lines 3 and 4. 

^ These four aksharas are damaged but can be read from the traces left. The following two 
aksharas divja are fairly clear. Banerji reads which yields no good sense. Majumdar first read 

s-ddtip^a- and subsequently -tejah-prasadat. See J.A.S.B.y iV.i’., Vol. XIX and AIA., Vol I, p. 393. 

® Majumdar read [rshsha], but as the akshara is much defaced, it is difficult to say whether the con- 
sonant sh was reduplicated. 

® There are some traces of an akshara after sa^ which may be of me as supposed by Banerji and 
Majumdar. Read 

10 Read 

11 Read 

Banerji read and Majumdar . But the reading ^slT— is quite clear. Besides, there 

is no trace of the medial ii of su. The correct reading appears to be which was later adopted 

by Majumdar. 

These six aksharas are illegible. I would restore The upper part of kdy the 

medial i of ti and the visarga are clearly seen. 


5 (l*) TFEIT 

[f^^TT 5WT*] 

6 [^Jt: (ll*) ? o o :^4[-|=t=j j-g-j |, 


Success ! [This well], lasting for ever as long as the sun (^;;//) the moon would 
endure, [has been excavated] by the Mahdchindartdyaka §aka Sridhatavarman, the 
son of the Saka Nanda, tlie righteous conqueror, [who meditates on the feet ot] the 
Great [Kumara], the divine Lord 2 \ialiasena {Kdritikeya)^ the Commander ot the 
celestial hosts, whose army has never been vanquished and who, by liis celestial 

prowess, attained victories on this day iihujitlj) the tenth day of 

the dark fortnight of §ravana in the victorious thirteenth year augmenting his 
dominion for a thousand years, [being actuated] by religious faith awakened by die 
sword of righteousness, for the increase of welfare and prosperity, the eternal attainment 
of heaven {andk) the acquisition of religious merit and fame. 

(Line 4) Tliis excellent well containing clear water, [matchless in shape], which is 
always accessible to :ii, has an appearance pleasing to all living beings, and is a perennial 
store of water, has been caused to be excavated, for the acquisition of religicuis 
merit, by the meritorious Sridharavarman, having mentally paid obeisance to ... . 
{cind) spent {a large of) mone}'. 

(L. 6) {The year) 100 {aad) 2. May there be success ! 

^ Banerji and, following him, Majumdar read but the third ckshara appears more like 

hh than and the following one has no resemblance to /. Besides, dharmdmalah has a queer 

^ These nine aksharas^ read here for the first time, appear to be quite certain from the traces still- 

^ Metre: Sardfilavikridifa, 

^ For the reading of these symbols, see above, pp. 14 ff, 

5 Read 

VOL. ly. 




■t"late III. 


O'' Calc'dtta. 

B. Ch. Chhabra. 
Reg- No 3977 E’36 

actual size 

Bagh Cave Plate of Subandhu 

#4^^ P ,6:_^ ■?) ‘t' ^ 

i.T'> -^‘5-^ Tr-!'ii^/vnl w-“ 

''u'';'> ^ ■ '^. j ^'''3 tt ^ ’<' ■•' 

p: ‘J O:^0,n^, r ] ,^„'t^'‘ . 

■■;•- ■ ' -]■ V0 ^ Cs ? ' :t 

^ 'T^ n ‘f- - 

- rsj^5-,qS 

^ 4 :■ ';^ ^ b£,y ^ ^ 

, 'i - '- ^ V 


■ 'i: ',‘' ■■ 




No. 6; Plate III B 


This Copper-plate was found in the Barwani District in iMadhya Bharat. Its exact 
hndspot has not been recorded. The inscription on it was first noticed very briefly 
in the Annuo I ILeport of the Ihojputana hsluseiim for 1924-25, and was later on edited, 
without any facsimile or translation, by Mr. R. R. Haidar in the Epigrophia Indico, 
Vol. XIX, pp. 261 f. Its contents and date were discussed by me in an article entitled 
‘The Age of the Bagh Caves’ in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXI, pp. 79 f. 
The record is edited here from an excellent facsimile which I owe to the kindness 
of the Government Epigraphist for India. 

The record is incised on a single copper-plate and on one side of it, measuring 8" 
broad by 5 . 2" high. The plate has no ring-hole and there is no indication of a seal having 
ever been attached to it. The inscription consists of eight lines, of which the last, contain- 
ing the sign manual of Subandhu, is incised in the margin on the left. 

The characters resemble those of the so-called Indore plate of Svamidasa and have 
knobs or boxes at the top. The numerical symbols for 100, 60 and 7 occur in line 6. 
The language is Sanskrit. There is no admixture of Prakrit forms in the wording of the 
grant. The orthography shows the usual reduplication of the consonant preceding 
and following r, see garttd-pathakah, l.i and -paddrake, 1.2. 

The inscription refers itself to the reign of Maharaja Subandhu. Unlike Svamidasa 
and other princes of Khandesh, he gives no indication that he acknowledged the suzerainty 
of any other ruler, though, as shown below, his grant is probably dated in the same 
reckoning as theirs. The object of the present inscription is to record the grant, by 
Mahdreija Subandhu, of a field owned by a person named Sati in the village [padraka) Soha- 
jana which was included in the pathaka of Udumbaragarta. The donee was the Brah- 
mana Shashthisvamin of the Bharadvaja gotra. The order was issued from the city of 
Mahishmati. As no word like vdsaka is attached to the place-name, Mahishmati was pro- 
bably the royal capital at the time. The Dutakawas Guhadasa. The royal sign manual 
Sri-Suhandhoh occurs in the margin on the left as in the case of the Khandesh plates.^ 
The record is dated in the year 167 (expressed by numerical symbols) of an unspecified 
era, on the seventh tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada. The date does not 
admit of verification. 

Air. Haidar, who first edited the present inscription, referred its date to the Gupta 
era and took it as equivalent to 486 A.C.^ He thought that Mahdrdja Subandhu was a 
subordinate of the Gupta Emperor Budhagupta whose Eran Stone inscription is dated in 
the Gupta year 165 (484-85 A.C.), i.e., just two years before the date of the Barwani grant. 

This view, however, presents several difficulties. If Mahdrdja Subandhu was a 
feudatory of the Guptas, it looks strange that he does not name his liege-lord or even 
generally refer to the suzeraintv of the Guptas as in the grants of the so-called Parivrajaka 
Maharajas. As a matter of fact, Gupta suzerainty seems to have received a setback in 
Central India in the second half of the fifth century A.C.; for we have several records 
from Mandasor and the adjoining places in the ancient Dasarna countrry which are dated 
not in the Gupta era, but in the Millava sanivat. Further, we learn from the Balaghat 
plates of Prithivishena 11 {circa 470-90 A.C.) that the king of Alalava was one of the vassals 
of his father Narendrasena. IfDasilrnaand Alalava had broken away from the Gupta 

^ AbovCj Nos. 2 and 3. 

2 Rp. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 262. 




Empire, it is not likely that Anupa which lay further to the west continued to acknow- 
ledge Gupta supremacy^ The year 167 is not, therefore, likely to be of the Gupta era. 

The general resemblance that the present grant bears to the three preceding grants 
from Khandesh in respect of characters, phraseology, royal sign manual etc., indicates 
that it belongs to the same period as the latter. The era in which these four grants are 
dated must therefore be identical. As shown above, the three grants from Khandesh 
are dated in the so-called Kalachuii-Chedi era founded by the Abhira king Isvarasena 
in 249 A.C. The date of the present grant, if referred to the same era, would correspond 
to the 5 th August 417 A.C. As stated above, it does not admit of verification. 

Mahishmati, from which the plate was issued, is generally identified with the holy 
place Ohkara Mandhata on the Narmada, in the Nemad District of the Madhya Pradesh. 
The description of the city given by the Sanskrit poet Kalidasa in his Kaghuvamsa (VI, 
43), namely, that it was surrounded by the river Narmada like a girdle, suits Ohkar Man- 
dhata very well. Udumbaragarta, which was the chief town of a pathaka named after 
it, may be Umarbar, now a small village on the western border of the Barwani District. 
It lies on the Jharkhal, a small tributary of the Narmada. Sohajana may be Sejwanik, 
about 4 mil es south-east of Barwani. 


I [I*] [I*] 

6 ^ ?oo \o\3 [^]f^ 

^['^] ['*] 

7 [I*] 

(J« the margin) [|*] 


Success ! Hail ! From the city of Mahishmati — -Maharaja Subandhu, being in good 
health, issues the (Jollon’ing) order to his ipficers), Aynktakas and others, at the village 
ipadrakd) of Sohajana in the pathaka (district) of Udumbaragarta: — 

The field, which is at present enjoyed by Sati here {i.e., at the village Sohajana), has 
been granted by me as a brahmadeya gift to this Brahmana Shashthisvamin of the Bhara- 

^ For a detailed discussion of this matter, see my aforementioned article on the age of the Bagh 
Caves in Vol. XXI, pp. 79 f. 

2 From an excellent photograph of an Inked estampage of the plate supplied by the Government 
Epigraphist for India. 

^ Expressed by a symbol. 

5 Read 

6 Read 

7 Read 

8 Read I 



dva]2. go/ra who is a religious student of the Vajasaneya sdkJia^ {to he enjoyed bj hi/?/) as 
long as the moon, the sun and the ocean would endure, for the increase of religious merit 
of my parents and myself. 

(Line 5) — Having known {this)y you should not cause from this day, {nn)) obstruction 
while he is enjoying it according to the condition of enjoying hrahmadeya land. 

(L. 6) (//;) the year 100 {and) 60 {cind) 7, in {the ??/onth) Bhadrapada {and) the bright 
{fortnight)^ on the {lunar) day seven. The Dutaka is Guhadasa. 

{In the ///argin) Of the illustrious Subandhu. 

No. 7; Plate III C 


This copper-plate was found in the debris of Cave No. 11 at Bagh in Madhva 
Bharat. The inscription on it was first brought to notice in the Annual Report of the 
Archeological Depart/nent of the Giralior State for 1928-29, pp. 15 and 28. Its date 
was discussed by me in an article on the age of the Bagh Caves published in the 
Indian Historical Ouarterly^ Vol. XXI, pp. 79 f. It is edited here from an ink impression 
kindly supplied by the Director of the Archaeological Department of Madliwi 

The record is on a single copper -plate and, like the preceding inscription of Subandhu, 
it is incised on only one face of it, measuring 8.3" broad by 4.5" high. It has no ring- 
hole and there is no indication of a seal having ever been attached to it. The inscription 
consists of fourteen lines, of which the last containing the royal sign manual is incised in 
the margin on the left. The record is in a good state of preservation except in the lirst 
three lines where a few aksharas in the upper left corner have now become illegible. Again, 
the plate has lost a small triangular piece with its two arms measuring 1.5" each 
in the lower right corner which has resulted in the unfortunate loss ot an important 
portion of the grant mentioning its date. The size of letters varies from .15'' 
to .5". 

The characters are of the western variety of the South Indian alphabets rcseml:)ling 
those of Svamidasa’s plate^ except that most of the letters have nail-heads instead of kn(jb- 
heads. The only peculiarities that call for notice are that the length of the medial / is 
shown by a double curvx as in the Vakataka grants, see chivara, 1 , 8 , and that /, 
which is generally unlooped, shows a loop in dchchhetta I.12. The orthography 
shows the usual reduplication of the consonant following r, see chandrAirkkArnnara-^ 
IL 3-6. 

The inscription refers itself to the reign of Slahdrdja Subandhu. 'Hie object 
of it is to register the grant, by Subandhu, of a village situated in the pathaka of Dasilaka- 
palii.‘^ The grant was made for providing materials for the worship of the Buddha and 
maintaining an alms-house in the vihdra called Kalayana,^ for repairing the broken and 
dilapidated portions of the vihdra and for supplying clothing, food, medicine, beds and 

^ Above, No. 2. 

2 The name of this pathaka was read at fir^t as Dusithakapallh Sec A.R.yl.D.G.S. for 1928-29, p. 2^. 
^ Kaidjana ‘’the Abode of'Art is a htting name for the caves at Bagh which, like tho^^c at Ajanta, 
are well known for their beautiful paintings. See Rd;/}) Caves published by the Archieological Depart- 
ment of the Gwalior State. 



seats to the Community of Venerable Monks hailing from all the four directions. The 
order was issued by the king personally from Mahishmati which was evidently his capital 
at the time. His sign manual Maharaja-Suhandhoh occurs in the margin on the left as 
on the preceding Barwani plate. 

The plate bore a date at the end of lines 12 and 13, but owing to the breaking off 
of a piece of it, only the name of the month Sravana now remains. All other details are 
now lost. The date of the Barwani grant made by the same Maharaja Subandhu shows, 
however, that the inscription can be referred to the early decades of the fifth century A.C. 
Mahishmati, as stated before, is probably identical with Ohkar Mandhata in the Nemad 
District of the Madhya Pradesh. Dasilakapalli may be identical with Deswalia which 
hes about 14 miles almost due south of the Bagh Caves. 















fefT- (1*) ( I * ) J I 

[STT*] . . . 4d + f4 ffi =k1 + - 

?rRraTTqi% [i*] fTferfirr t; tjwI w eme - 

^ c\ 

=frTTfTJS''TTcF<?'/T4 M <:4 4 Ai Id 4 ‘T- 
f^?isiriiT4 HTil <1 

fT(Tt)rqFFrd^^ ^ fiT^ T [l*] . M 

(ty) =T TFTT II 

[RRB] [I*] .... 

[In the margin) [1*] 

^ From an ink impression kindly supplied by the Director of Archaeology, Madhya Bharat. 

“ Expressed by a symbol. 

^ About four aksharas are illegible here. They must have contained the name of the village 

^ The stroke denoting medial ci of Id is rather faintly seen in the impression, but it is there. 

^ Read 
® Read 
^ Read 
8 Read 
» Read 

This word is redundant. 


c. ' ^ 

Two aksharas are lost here. They may have beenT^^— 

Two aksharas are lost here also. Read ^fo^rP^T, 

Three or four aksharas appear to have been lost here. They must have been Sam followed by 
two or three numerical symbols denoting the year. 

About four or five have been lost here. They must have contained the name of the fort- 

night followed by symbols denoting the tithi. 




Om ! Hail ! From the city of Mahushmatl — Maharaja Subandhu, being in good 
health issues the {following) order to Sthdnalakas^ (?), Dltjodgrdhakasj Ajuktakas, Vini- 
yuktakas, Chdtas, Bhatas, Goshthikas^ , Ga?}idgamlkas^, D fitapreshanikas j and others as well as 
villagers at . . .in the pathaka of Dasilakapalli. 

(Line 4) Be it known to you that for the increase of the religious merit of my parents 
and myself, this village has been granted by me together with itdradga^ and uparik-araj as 
an agrahdra according to the maxim of waste land,® in order that it may be used for {defray- 
ing the expenses of) perfume, frankincense, flowers and offerings as well as for maintain- 
ing an alms-house, for repairing broken and rent portions (of the vihdra) and for provid- 
ing the Community of Venerable Monks coming from {all) the four quarters, with cloth- 
ing, food, nursing of the sick, beds, seats as well as medicine in the Monastery called 
Kaldyana (the Abode of Art) caused to be constructed by Dattataka, as long as the moon, 
the sun, the oceans, planets, constellations and the earth would endure. 

(L. 10) Having known this, our officers and rulers of other countries should not 
cause obstruction out of their love [for religion] and regard for us, while the monks {of 
this Vihdra) are enjoying {the village). 

{Here occurs a henedictive and imprecatory verse.) 

(L. 12) My own command in {the montli) Sravana 

(fn the margin) Of the Mahdrdja Subandhu. 

^ 1 have not come across the name of this officer elsewhere. His name appears like that of the 
officer Vurillaka mentioned in the recently discovered plates of the Rashtrakuta Nannaraja. 

^ Ditjodgrahaka was the collector of the royal cess called difya which is mentioned in the records of 
the Gariaras. ¥ot chdta hhata see below, p. 43, n. 12. 

^ Coshthikas were members of the Managing Committee. See Ep, Ind., VoL XXIV, pp. 532 f. 

^ Gamdgjmi kas vdtrc officers who issued passports for egress and ingress. See also No. 25, 1 . 19. 

^ Dfifapreshanikas were officers who despatched dutas, 

® The meaning of Edranga is still uncertain. Alonier Williams in his Sanskrit Dictionaiy gives inter alia 
the following meanings : — the place wffiere anything is kept, a store-room or receptacle. S-odranga In this 
sense would correspond to sa-siharam in 1 . 12 of No. 20, below; but it is noteworthy that it is mentioned 
there in addition to the latter. S-ddranga and s-oparikara are generally used together to qualify the village 
or the land granted. They correspond to sa-klipta and s-opaklipta which occur in a similar context in other 
records. In line 17 of the Hyderabad plates of the Western Chalukya king Pulakesin II {Jnd, Vol. 

VI, p. 73) the expression sa-kliptab s-dpankarah is used in place of s-odranga b s-oparikarab which shows 
that iidranga has the same meaning as klipta, Kautilya’s Artbasdstra (second ed. by Shama Sastr}^, p. 60) 
mentions klipta as one of the sources of royal income. Its derivation from klip to fix seems to point 
to the meaning of ffixed assessment’. Edranga which, as shown above, is a synonym of klipta^ has there- 
fore probably the meaning of a land-tax. 

^ Epariknra is the counterpart of antah-kara or antar-dya^ which is mentioned in some southern re- 
cords. ScG EpAnd., Vol. XXIII, p. 27. It seems therefore to denote an external or additional tax, pro- 
bably levied in kind such as is mentioned in the AISSI., adhydya VII, vv. 130-32. It corresponds to hhoga 
mentioned in some early records. Cf. Ep, Ind,^ Vol. XXII, p. 175, n. 8. 

® Bbumi-chcbbidra is explained in the lexicon 'Eai/ayantI 2.s krhhy-ayogjd hbilb i.e.y land unfit for cultiva- 
tion. The person, who brought such land under cultivation by cutting down trees etc., became the owner 
of it. Cf. sfbdm-cbchbedasya keddram in AISM.^ adb. IX, v. 44. BbilmHchchhidra-nyayena therefore means 
Svith full proprietary rights’. 


No. 8 ; Plate IVA 


P ARDI is the headquarters of a tdlukd of the same name, 50 miles south of Surat, 
in the Surat District of the Bombay State. The present plates, which were 
found in 1884 in the course of digging a tank at Pardi, were first brought to notice 
by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji who edited them with a translation, but without a lithograph, 
in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Rojal Asiatic Society, Vol. XVI, pp. 346 ff. They 
were subsequently published, with a translation and collotype plates, by Dr. E. Hultzsch in 
the Rpigraphia Indica, Vol. X, pp. 51 ff. I edit them here from the facsimiles accompanying 
Dr. Hultzsch’s article. 

‘The plates are two in number, each measuring about 9,^^" by 3". They are 
quite smooth, the edges of them being neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims; 
but, as may be seen from the facsimile, the inscription is in a state of perfect preservation 
almost throughout. They are somewhat thin, so that the letters, though not very deep, 
show through on the backs of them, to such an extent that some of them can be read there. 
The interiors of the letters show the marks of the working of the engraver’s tool. 

‘There is no ring of the ordinary kind, with a seal on it. But at each of the two ring- 
holes the plates were held together by a long copper wire, | " thick in the thickest 
part, which, after being passed through the ring-holes, had its ends twisted over and round 
and round so as to form a kind of complicated tie, v/ithout the ends being soldered 
together. As the ring-holes are not much larger than the wires, and as the plates appear 
to have been secured as soon as they were discovered, it would seem that these wires 
are the means by which the plates were fastened together ab initio. 

‘The weight of the two plates is 31 tolas, and of the two wires tolas; total, 
32J tolas=i2| 02.^’ 

The record consists of nine lines only, of which four are inscribed on the first and 
the remaining five on the second plate. The outer sides of the plates are blank. The 
engraver seems to have found the metal somewhat hard to work upon; his tool seems to 
have slipped occasionally (see e.g., kh of Vaisdkha I.9) and his strokes and curv>-es are not 
properly formed. The average size of letters is . 2". 

The characters are of the western variety of the southern alphabets. Most of 
the letters have knobs at the top. The jndtrds for the medial d, e and ai generally appear 
above the line (see e.g., skandhdvdrdd- 'm.B Rraikkutakdndm BoBsx inl.i), while those 
for the medial 0 appear as a horizontal stroke on either side, see karmmakard, 1 . 2, pitrdr-, 

1 . 4, jw/A, 1 . 5 etc. Medial^//, which occurs only once, is bipartite as in Vdkdtaka 
records, see pautr-, 1.6. No distinction is made between the short and the long medial /. 
The signs for medial short and long u are added to the right of the vertical stroke in some 
cases and to its left in others. As instances of the former, see suddha, 1 . 9 and bhilmidah, 
1.8 and for those of the latter, notice pdd-dnudJhyato, l.i and dutakam-,\.%. The 
curve for medial ri is curled in pitri l.i, but in other cases (as e.g. m-bhivriddhaye, I.5, 
samatisrishto and krishato in 1.6), it is exactly like that for r. The right hand hook of ii 
is added to its subscript ch which is open on the left, see uktan-cha, I.7. The subscript 

1 From Dr. Fleet’s description of the plates in Ep. hid., Vol. X, p. 51. 



« appears in two forms, see Nanna, 1 . 3 and -drnmva-, 1 . 5 . The superscript n is unlooped 
in -antarggata, I.4. The sign for b has a round top in brdhniana-, 1 . 3. Sh generally appears 
with a notch in its left limb, see shasbti-, 1 . 7, but notice its subscript form in kshiti, 1 . 5 . 
The sign for the jihvdmdllya occats in 11.6 and 7, and the numerical symbols for 200, 
10, 7 and 3 in I.9. 

The language is Sanskrit, and except for an imprecatory verse towards the close, 
the record is in prose throughout. Attention may be drawn to the word santaka in 
1.2 which is used here as in Vakataka records in the sense of an official, and bhojja, 
1.6 which, contrary to Panini VII, 3, 69, is employed in the sense of what is to be enjoyed.^ 
The expression Buddhagupta-dfitakam in 1 . 8 , which is evidently copied from an earlier 
record where it must have qualified some word like likhitaDi, is here wrongly connected 
with djnd. As regards orthography we may note that a consonant following r, 
with the exception of sh^ is doubled in several cases, see karmmakard , I.2, -dnjnava, I.5, 
etc. Similarly dh is doubled before y in anuddhjata, 1 . i . Rules of sandhi have either not 
been observed, or violated in a few cases, see svdmina atr-, \ ^ - hhivgiddhay e rf-, I.5, 
and krishato pravisata-, 11. 6-7. 

The plates were issued from the victorious camp at Amraka by Mahdrdja 
Dahrasena (of the dynasty) of the Traikutakas. The object of the inscription is 
to record the donation, by Dahrasena, of the village Kaniyas-Tadakasarika in 
the Antar-Mandali vishaya to the Brahmana Nannasvamin, a resident of Kapura. 
The grant was made for the increase of religious merit and glory of the king and his 
parents. The diitaka was Buddhagupta. 

The date of the grant is given in line 9 as the thirteenth tithi (expressed both in 
words and in numerical symbols) of the bright (fortnight) of Vaisakha in the year 207 
(expressed in numerical symbols only). The palaeography of the present inscription 
leaves no doubt that this date refers to the Kalachuri era. According to the epoch 
of 248-49 A.C., it would correspond, for the expired year^ 207, tO’ the 23rd April 457 
A.C. It does not admit of verification. 

Dahrasena calls himself ‘a servant of thefeetof Bhagavat’. 

He was, therefore, a worshipper of Vishnu. He is identical with Dahrasena, the son of 
Indradatta, ‘the most devout worshipper of Vishnu’, whose silver coins were discovered 
at Daman in the Surat District, Kazad in the Indapur tdlukd of the Poona District, 
Karad near Satara and some other places.^ He v.^as apparently an independent king, as 
he is said, in the present grant, to have performed an Asvamedha sacrifice. 

The localities mentioned here were identified by Dr. Fleet.^ According to him 
the Antar-Mandali vishaya denotes ‘the district of the territory between’ the rivers 
Mindhola on the north and the Purna on the south. I would rather take the expression to 
mean the district on both the banks of the Mandali (modern Mindhola) river on the 

1 Santaka and bhojya occur in the earlier records also. See e.g. Nos, 2 and 3,1. 2. 

" The date was first calculated by Dr. Fleet. It would correspond to the 4th April 456 A.C. if the year 
is taken to be current. In the case of the early records of the Kalachuri era. Nos. 1-54, the dates are cal- 
culated according to the epoch of 248-49 A.C. 

3 Rapson, C.A.D. Introd., p. clx, f. n. 2. On some coins the name appears as Dahragana, from which 
Rer. R. Scott conjectured that the king altered the terminatii'.n of his name from sena to gana at an early 
period of his reign. But even in the later Surat plates of his son Vyaghrasena his name appears as 
Dahrasena. As Rapson has pointed out, some letters of the coin legends have assumed conventional 
forms, which has caused the confusion. See Rapson, C.A.D. Introd., pp, clxii f. 

^Ep.Ind., Vol. X, p. 53 



analogy of An tar- Narmada vlshaja mentioned in the Sunao Kala plates of SangamasiriihaP 
Kapura^ is a village of the same name, three miles south-south-west from Vyara the 
head-quarters of the Vyara subdivision of the Surat District. Kaniyas-Tadakasarika 
means Smaller Tadakasarika and may be represented by ‘Tarsari, fifteen miles almost 
due west of Kapura and about half way between the JMindhola and the Purna’. Amtaka, 
where the king’s camp was fixed, cannot be definitely identified as there are several 
villages of the name Ambachh or Ambachh in the neighbourhood, but of them the 
nearest to Kapura is Ambachh, about 2 miles towards the south-west. 


First Plate 

I 11*1 TrTcTTfqWTT^^SVKfl 

L J o c >0 

3 5:i3Tj^^5f^A)=jTf^rHHrfTra I'TijfcT mj 

4 3T#q fqqi) Trd J *] d + I +T4 Tfyvrawt TrT[^r]fq'[^]'?;RF^ 5^- 

Semid Plate 

5 STH’-si ® 

6 T Fl-H td T WtVT ^'^^^-TxfnTFfr” 

^ NO d \3 

7 T 5rfAwxyn4 sjjjgvj (-|*j q-fe^r^r^iFr” 

8 [I*] sP^irTr ^FTWT V 

9 ^ qoo \3 ^ [II*] 


Hah! From the victorious camp fixed at Amraka, the illustrious Maharaja 
Dahrasena {pj the family) of the Traikutakas, who meditates on the feet of (Jiis) mother 
and father, who is a servant of the feet of Bhagavat and who has performed an Asramedha, 
issues the following order to all his^® officials residing in the vishaja (district) of Antar- 

1 Below, No. II. 

- As Pandit Bhagvanlal pointed out (/. B. B. 346), this is identical with Kapura mentioned 
as the chief town of an ahara in two Nasik cave inscriptions. 

3 From the facsimile facing p. 5 3 in Ep. Ind., Vol. X. 

^ Read F^+'i^rdt. 

SRead -q-F^rq-oig^-. 

« Read 
® Read 

9 Some expression like is omitted after =Tr<XT^T4F«:tr-. See text of No. 9, lines 

lo-ii, p. 27 below. 

10 Read’ I tTcfl-. 

11 Read : . 

12 Read FT %?ff= 5 Rr. 

« Read ^ 4 ^ I 

“Read q'pfrfw. 

Read I ^f% I Metre: Anushtubh. 

1 ’ Read 
L;V. our. 


VoL IV. Plate IV. 

A. — Pardi Plates of Dahkasena; (Kalachuri) Year 207 . 

B. Ch. Chhabra 
Reg. No 3977 E'36 


Survey of Irdia, Calcutta. 

B. — Surat Plates of Vvaohrasena; (Kalachuri) Year *241. 

^ H-vv ^ ■ c^»tF>’ V;..' ;t c. ■ ' lai 

• •■■if ^ I''"’, tjj- ■ V >*'’j --.£ ^YV 

'^. -g' V# ^ Yl, ^cS.^ 

i© *- 5 = ' 5 ’^S\Y 

fr cr H 3 

f 'S",' f ^(TQr ia 

to -ft 

Y' * iW (?>-’' c^^-.i v '-Mlik. 

S, '^•.° -Cl . • 

■ .^‘a rt'{, :^ ,' 

Y-,A -CY ^ .‘w.- « / ' 


- Oft- 

J :1 

^r r 

fc- '5 ^’ 0 ^ ]■ 

C .q ^ 'ft 

^.-jrv 4 



c^w6- ^,fa-^‘ ^(; ftrt 
^Jc<t ^ =, '-: . <-5! 


, ■ \j f *YO ' 

fi • (! ^'- 

^ rs 

I \9 


-*“’a» r-rp 'R-/ .- ■ / ' 

g.. C^; ^ ' " '■-■ ■• 

-‘T^ C^t.'^Y-j' ■' W t'v' 'li-f' 



actual size 



(Line 5) For increasing the religious merit and fame of ( 0 //r) mother and father 
and Ourself, the village Kaniyas-Tadakasarika (Smaller Tadakasarika), situated in this 
very vishaja, has been conferred (by Us) on the Brahmana Nannasvamin, a resident of 
Kapura, for as long as the moon, the sun, the oceans and the earth will endure, Qiot to 
he entered by chdtas and bhatas-) except (to punish) tliieves and rebels, to be exempt from 
all taxes (ditya) and forced labour (and) to be enjoyed by a succession of sons and 
sons’ sons. 

(L. 6) Wherefore, none shall cause obstruction while he enjoys, cultivates and 
assigns (this village). 

{Here p allows one bene diet ive and imprecatory verse). 

(L. 8) (This) order (is issued), Buddhagupta being the dfitaka, (in) the year 200 (and) 
7, on the thirteenth, (in figures) 10 (and) 3, (lunar day) of the bright (fortnight) ofVaisakha. 

No. 9 ; Plate IV B 


The plates were first brought to notice by Mr. A. iSI. T. Jackson, I. C. S., in a note 
which he added to Rev. H. R. Scott’s article entitled ‘Traikutaka coins from the 
Poona District’ published in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Koyal Asiatic Society, 
Vol. XXIII, pp. I If. They were subsequently edited with a translation and collotype 
plates, by Dr. E. Hultzsch in the Tpigraphia Indica, Vol. XI, pp. 219 ff. I edit the 
inscription here from the facsimiles accompanying Dr. Hultzsch’s article. 

The copper-plates were found at Surat. ‘They are two in number, each mea- 
suring between 9J and 9J inches in breadth and about inches in height, and bear 
writing only on their inner sides. They are comparatively thin and have no raised 
rims, but the writing on them is in a state of fairly good preservation. A number of 
letters are filled with verdigris and therefore have not come out on the impressions, though 
their outlines are quite visible on the original plates. As in the case of the Pardi plates 
there are two ring-holes at the bottom of the inscribed side of the first plate, and two cor- 
responding ones at the top of the second plate. A long copper wire is passed through the 
two holes on the right, and its ends are twisted round, but not soldered. A second 
copper wire may have held the plates together on the left, but is now missing. The total 
weight of the plates and wire is 50 tolas.-’ The record consists of eighteen lines, nine 
being inscribed on the inner side of each plate. The average size of letters is about . 2". 

The characters are of the western variety of the southern alphabets and resemble 
those of the Pardi plates^. Attention may be drawn here to the following additional 
peculiarities. The medial d which is generally denoted by a horizontal stroke to the right 
is brought down like a vertical stroke in -drdti-, 1. 5, while in the case of m and / it is 
shown by a curve attached to the bottom of the letter, see prarndnl-, 1 . 14, Hdldhala, 
1.18. Notice also the curve denoting the nidtrd for medial e and 0 in the case of sn and n 
\vi sarmmane,\.\o 'mde modati,\.\(i. The length of medial / is in some cases (e.g., in 
srl-Mahdrdja, I.7) indicated by a dot and in others (e.g., in palTikd-, I.14), it is 
indicated by two curves turned in opposite directions. The medial r/ is generally denoted 
by curled curve, but in one case (vi-:^. pramdnlkritya , 1. 14) the vowel is shown by a curve 

See above, p. 24, n. 9 Cbatas and bhatas were charged with the maintenance of peace and order in 
the kingdom. They correspond to modern policemen and soldiers. See below, p. 43, n. 12. 

2 Bp. Ind., Vol. XI, p. 219. 

2 Above, No. 8. 



turned downwards and added to the left of the vertical. The subscript fhis shown by a 
double curve open on the left, see sthira, 1.6 and sthiti, 1 . 12. The sign for the jihvdmtdJja 
occurs in l.i, and that for the upadhmdnlja occurs in 11 . 4, 5, 6 and 14. The numerical 
symbols for 200, 40, 10, 5 and i occur in I.18. 

The language is Sanskrit and except for two benedictive and imprecatory 
verses at the end, the record is in prose throughout. In copying the formal part of the 
grant from previous records, the official draftsman has forgotten to change the genders 
of some adjectival expressions to make them conform to the feminine name of the donated 
village. As regards orthography, it may be noted that the annsvdra is in most cases cor- 
rectly replaced by a class nasal, but in vansd, 1. 5 and vansja, I.12 it is wrongly changed 
to the guttural nasal. The consonant following r is doubled in such cases as karmma-, 
l.i, san'va,- I.3 dlrggha, I.13 and that preceding j is doubled in -mniddhjdtd , l.i 
and rdj-dpatthya , 

The plates were issued by the illustrious Mahdrdja Vyaghrasena (of the dynasty) 
of the Traikutakas from the victorious Animddhapura, The king is described as the 
serv^ant of the feet of Bhagavat {i.e., Vishnu) and the lord of the Aparanta and other 
countries. Aparanta is North Konkan, the strip of land between the sea and the Wes- 
tern Ghats. It is, therefore, interesting to read in line 6 that the king had stationed an 
army of many great warriors to guard the sea as well as forts and towns. 

The object of the inscription is to record the grant, by Vyaghrasena, of the village 
Purohitapallika in the Iksharaki dhdra to the Brahmana Nagasarman of the 
Bharadvaja^A/';;/. The grant was made for the increase of the religious merit of the donor 
and his parents. The writer of the grant was the Mahdsdndhivigrahika Karka and the 
diltaka, Halahala. 

The date is expressed in numerical symbols only in I.18 as the fifteenth tithi of 
the bright (fortnight) of Karttika of the year 241. Mahdrdja Vyaghrasena of the 
present plates who was a devotee of Vishnu is clearly identical with the 'ParaDiavaishmva 
Vyaghrasena whose silver coins have been found at Kazad in the Indapur Taluka 
of the Poona District^ and other places^ in Western India. From these coins which 
resemble those of Dahrasena, we learn that he was the son of Mahdrdja Dahrasena. The 
date of the present plates, therefore, must, like that of the Pardi plates, be referred to the 
Kalachuri era. According to the epoch of 248-249 A.C., it would correspond, for the 
expired^ year 249, to the 14th October 490 A.C. It does not admit of verification. 

As for the localities mentioned in the present plates, Aparanta, Ariake of 
Ptolemy and the Veriplns, is, as already remarked, identical with North Konkan. As the 
Traikutakas were ruling over Aparanta, Trikuta, their home land, must have been 
situated in the west. It is noteworthy in this connection that Kalidasa places Trikuta in 
Aparanta and the lexicographer Kesava gives Sahyadri as a synonyms for Trikuta.'* The 
victorious Aniruddhapura was probably the Traikutaka capital as no word like vdsaka 
(camp) is attached to it. As Dr. Hult2sch has pointed out, it is probably identical with 

^ ]. B. B. R.A.S.j Vol. XXIII, p. 2. For the latter part of the name which Rev. R. Scott read 
as gana, see above, p. 23, n. 4. 

- J.R.A.S. (1905), pp. 801 ff. 

^ If the year 249 is applied as current, the date would correspond to the 25th October 489 i\.C. 
As the Kalachuri year began on Karttika su. di. i, the date of the present plates (Karttika su. di. 15) 
cannot in any case fall in 491 A.C., as supposed by Hultzsch. 

* Cf. Sahjachalas-tu Murddhadris dlriktltasATrikakuch-cha sah. Kalpcidrnkosa (Gaekwad’s Oriental 
Series), Vol. I, p. 342. For the exact location of Trikuta, see below. No. 31, 1 . 38. 



the victorious Aniruddhapuri mentioned in the Bagumra plates^ of the Sendraka Allasakti. 
He identified it with Surparaka, Sopara in the Than a District, on the authority of the 
lexicon Vaijayantl!^ But the statement in the lexicon only places Surparaka in the Apa- 
ranta country. It does not state that it was the capital of Aparanta at any time, much 
less at the time of the Traikutakas. Besides, the mention of Aniruddhapuri as the place 
of residence of the Brahmana donee of the Bagumra grant indicates that it should be looked 
for not very far from the donated village which was near Bagumra. It was, therefore, 
probably situated in South Gujarat. I have not, however, been able to trace any place- 
name similar to it in that part of the country. Purohitapallika, the donated village, 
is probably identical with Pal, two miles to the west of Surat.® Iksharaki, the head- 
quarters of the dhdra in which it was situated, is probably represented by Achchharan, 
about 9 miles north of Surat. 

T'irst Plafe 

t [u] [JTjTfrrfq-ffqRT^^ufl •)Tq[^]cTixqn: 4 wiy- 

3 TrTwrsT^T g-fq<i7f5r?4Turd m T^ri q 04 31 i t [ v ^] - 

4 dU'-d Rd f-H ^ [fdfTTrd'-JrfcT]- 

5 ^d d Th 5^1 <1 Pd d fd if fd fd f^l tdthd d 

6 fqfcscTfrqdT ( q) 

7 d -d 'Jl't'Pl fd'hH 

\D O C ^ 

9 ^RETTfTT'Rf^ [I*] ^ 

Second Plate 

10 [VTTa'HTjdRNd r^’JTdPl^rWT’if® qf^qrr hid TM 

11 5 rr[q]^iTT d°d <R-^rd I'-dd'd'f'xii r 

12 %fdrfFlf^fe 7 T^^ [I*] fqWdRRhJdig:!- 



^ Below, No. 26, line 25. 

~ Cf. Apdirantas ztn paschdtjas^te cha ^nrparak-ddayah cited by Maliiniltha on Ru^b//i\////sa, Canto 

IV, V. 53. 

3 From the name P/irdhUtipall/kd of the donated village, Dr. Hnitzsch inferred that rhe donee 
Nagasarman was the king’s family priest (pint oLItii). But the conjecture appears improbable, as the village 
bore the name even before the grant, 

^ From the facsimiles facing page 221 of Fp. Ind,, Vol. XL 

“ Read =( ^11 — . 

® Dr. Hultzsch reads but the sign of the medial a is clean in his lithograph. 

7 Read 

® Read — .The length of / in pallikd is quite clear in the lithograph. 


Read — •. 

11 Read — . 

Read — . 

Read — . 








\D O 'O NO 

f^fd M d I 'jfl Rid) <ld 'Tc^ ( fe?' ) diTdldt- 

?np=d^x TT- 


<?iri|d<=d=^d [I*] d-irdl^dd^-^dWTr t^odTOd" sdTdd [I*] 'JstdTTTfe^Tfd'VTfr ir[^T]- 


[feT][l*] Hf^FRf|wf W dTdT^«dfdHI>id (^TR) ' [ll^ll*] 


[■^Idd:] [I*] STPs^riT ■dld-H'^dT d" dMd’ d <d> (ddd 1 1^1 1 lf%) 

W d^TdTP-qfw- 

[f^++'^]’Jr ^MT^':'i^d+ ?T ^oo Yo ^ 1 ?° \ [••*] 


Hail ! From the victorious Aniruddhapura, — the illustrious Maharaja Vyaghrasena 
{of the jamilj) of the Traikutakas — who meditates on the feet of {his) mother and father; 
who is a servant of the feet of Bhagavat ; who is the lord of the Aparanta and other 
prosperous countries acquired by his arms and {of those) inherited {bj him)-, whose 
lotus-like feet are bowed to by countless kings; whose bright fame, acquired by 
bestowing {in charity) abundant wealth obtained by the protection {of his subjects) with 
his arm {as mil asj) by his prowess, has pervaded all quarters; whose body is lovely like 
the autumnal moon; whose noble actions resemble those of distinguished men of 
bygone times; who has been created as if to show an example of good conduct; who 
has overcome neighbouring foes; who is more distinguished than, other kings; who 
is an ornament of his family; who, by his armies of many great warriors, has occupied forts, 
cities and seas; who by nature is as grave as the sea {is deep), and as firm as {Hi/udlaja,) the 
chief of mountains; who is naturally attractive to people; whose wealth is shared by learned 
men, refugees, elders, relatives and good persons; whose enviable fortune is allied with 
self-restraint worthy of his noble birth — issues this order to all residents of Purohita- 
pallika included in the Iksharaki dhdra. 

(Line 9) — -“Be it known to you, that for augmenting the religious merit of {Our) 
mother and father and Ourself, We have given this village, {which is) not to be entered 
by policemen and soldiers except for {arresting) thieves and rebels, which is exempt from 
all taxes and forced labour, {and is) to be enjoyed as an agrahdra by his descendants as 
long as the moon, the sun, the oceans and the earth will endure, to the Brahmana 
Nagasarman of the Bharadvaja gotra. 

(L. 12) “Therefore, considering that wealth is liable to be lost, that life is followed 
by separation, and that virtues {alone) endure for a long time, and believing that gifts made 
to meritorious persons are noble deeds, kings born in our fa mil y and others, (yrho are) 
desirous of accumulating, for a long time, fame as bright and splendid as moon-beams, 
should consent to and preserve this gift of the village.” 

(L. 15) For, the holy Vyasa, who arranged the Vedas, has said — 

{Here follow two bene die tive and imprecatory verses). 

iRead — T3T. 

2 Metre of this and the next verse : Anush tnhh. 



(L. 17) Having inquired again (about the details of the grant) I, the Mahasandhi- 
vigrahika Karka^ have written (this charter), Halahala being the diltaka. 

The year 200, 40 (and) i, (the month) Kaittika, the bright {fortnight), {the lunar day) 
10 {and) 5. 

No. TO ; Plate V A 


Kanhlri is situated on the island of Salsette, about twenty miles from Bombay. It is 
well-known for its numerous Buddhist caves. The place was visited by the Chinese 
pilgrim Fa Hian who has left us a description of a five-storeyed cave temple there. 
The present plate was discovered in 1839 by Dr. James Bird. He gives the following 
account of its discovery in his article entitled ‘the opening of the Topes at the caves of 
Kanari and the relics found in them’, which was published in the Journal of the Asiatic So- 
ciety of Bengal, Vol. X, pp. 94 ff. ‘Im.mediately in front of the large arched cave and on 
a ledge of the mountain, some thirty or forty feet below, there are several small Thopas 
or monumental receptacles for the bones of a Buddha or Rabat, built of cut stone at the 
base. They were once of a pyramidal shape, but are now much dilapidated, and appear 
like a heap of stones. Several years ago I thought of opening som.e of them, in expecta- 
tion of obtaining coins or other relics; but found no favourable opportunity until lately, 
when several lengthened visits in company with Dr. Heddle gave me the desired means 
of doing so. 

‘The largest of the topes selected for examination appeared to have been one time 
between twelve and sixteen feet in height. It was much dilapidated, and was penetrated 
from above to the base, which was built of cut stone. After digging to the level of the 
ground and clearing away the materials, the workmen came to a circular stone, hollow in 
the centre, and covered at the top by a piece of gypsum. This contained two small copper 
urns, in one of which were small ashes mjixed with a ruby, a pearl, small pieces of gold 
and a smaU gold box containing a piece of cloth; in the other a silver box and some ashes 
were found. Two copper-plates containing legible inscriptions in the Lath or cave charac- 
ter, accompanied the urns and these, as far as I have yet been able to decipher them, inform 
us that the persons buried here were of the Buddhist faith. The smaller of the copper- 
plates bears an inscription in two lines, the last part of which contains the Buddhist 

Dr. Bird kept the plates with himself and published a small lithograph in his His- 
torical 'Researches . He subsequently wrote the aforementioned article in the Journal of 
the Asiatic Society of 'Bengal which was accompanied by an eye-copy of the record with an 
interhnear transcription in Devanagari and an English translation. Later on Rev. J. 
Stevenson, D.D., attempted a transcript and a translation from the same eye-copy, as the 
plate could not be traced after Dr. Bird’s death. His article was published in July 1853 
in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. V, pp. 10 ff. The work 
of both Dr. Bird and Dr. Stevenson was very imperfect, though the former recognised 
that it was a Buddhist inscription and the latter gave a correct reading of its date. The 
record was first correctly read by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji with his wonted ingenuity, 
from the eye-copy pubhshed in the J.A.S.B. His transcript, which was accompanied by 
an English translation and an enlarged facsimile of Dr. Bird’s hthograph, was published 
in the Inscriptions from the Care-Temples of (Vestern India, pp. 56 ff. The plate is edited 
here from the same facsimile. It will be seen that the transcript given here differs from 
Pandit Bhagvanlal’s text in very few places. 



The record consists of nine lines written breadthwise on one side of the plated The 
latter does not seem to have been properly cleaned before Dr. Bird’s facsimile was prepar- 
ed; for several curves, wdtrds and anmvdras, which were probably filled with verdigris on 
the original plate, do not appear at all in the lithograph. In making the transcript given 
below I have, however, taken the lithograph to be an accurate copy of the original plate, 
as it is now impossible to say which of the mistakes in the lithograph are due to the fault 
of the copyist. 

The characters belong to the western variety of the southern alphabets and closely 
resemble those of the other Traikutaka plates. The only points worth noticing are that 
the length of the medial / is denoted by a curve curling to the right in kshJrodah, 1 . 7 and 
to the left in kshlra-tdjo in the same line; the medial u is shown in a peculiar way in 
ghilrnmt-, 1. 7; the sign for the upadhmdmja occurs in I.2 and that for the jihvdt?i illlja 
in 1. 7. The language is Sanskrit and except for a verse at the end, the record is in prose 
throughout. The only orthographical peculiarities that call for notice are that the 
consonant following r is reduplicated in many cases; see e.g., pravarddhamdm-, l.i, 
-antarggata- I.2, etc., and that v is cksubled seemingly after an anusvdra in sa\tii*\vvatsara, 

The inscription refers itself to the prosperous regime of the Traikutakas and 
records that in the year two hundred and forty-five (expressed in words only) 
Buddharuchi, the son of Buddhasri and Pushyavarman and a devoted servant 
of the holy Sakya Sage (Buddha) and the venerable monk who heard his law, 
who hailed from the village Kanaka included in the Sindhu vishaja, erected at 
Krishnagiri the Chaitya, in which the plate was found, and which he dedicated to 
the venerable Saradvatiputra, the foremost disciple of the great sage (Buddha). After 
invoking the blessings of gods, Yakshas, Siddhas, Vidyadharas, Manibhadras,Purnabhadra, 
Panchika, Vajrapani, etc., the record closes with the hope that the fame of Pushyamitra’s 
son {i.e., Buddharuchi) would last as long as the milky ocean, the Aleru mountain and 
rivers would endure. The last line contains only two letters which seem to read dddhd 
and perhaps refer to the tooth relic of Saradvatiputra on which the sttpa was 

Pandit Bhagvanlal, who first read correctly the dynastic name Traikutaka, connected 
it with the expression containing the date, and understood it to mean the two hundred and 
forty-fifth year of the sovereignty of the Traikutakas. He, therefore, thought that he had 
found in the present plate a clear statement that the era known as the Kalachuri or Chedi 
era was founded by the Traikutakas, who, in later times, assumed the dynastic name of 
Haihaya or Kalachuri’. This view was at first accepted by Fleet^, but later on^ he pointed 
out in his article on the era that the real meaning of the expression, in accordance with an 
early Hindu method of expressing dates, may just as well be ‘during the augmenting sover- 
eignty of the Traikutakas and in the year 245 (of an unspecified era).’ As a matter of fact, 
we find no dynastic or regional name associated with the era till the eleventh century A.C. 
The date of the present inscription would correspond to 493-94 A.C. or 494-95 A.C., accor- 
ding as the year 245 was current or expired. It does not contain any details for calcula- 

1 No details about the plate, e.g., its breadth, height and weight, have been recorded. 

2 See his article ‘Two new grants of the Traikutaka dynasty’ in the P.V.O.C., pp. 222 ff. 
^D.K.D. {Bomb.Gai., Vol. I, Part II), pp. 294-95. 

*See his article ‘Trikuta and the so-called Kalachuri or Chedi Era’, J.R.A.S. (1905), pp. 
566 fl. 



As for the localities mentioned in this inscription, Krishnagiri is evidently 
Kanheri, and Sindhu vishaja the district of Sindh in North India. 'I'hc village Kanaka, 
from which Buddharuchi hailed, I am unable to identify. 










Tfr^^[?r]PT II tT(T)-T?TRT(jTT) M444M7T^A| (^) 
f 7 (fT) 5 TfvIT 

f^[^]'*f^^'4T[’-c1^<l]<mEr4'th'J|'t'^ [A] ^^tnTBTT: 


^ ^TtT[N|]T44:T34''‘>T(ET) [^fr'J| ;*] 

[^^®]T44>T'J'J| 4 Pt ( %) frf^fd d <■! ( ^ ) SffiTrTrTfTT^Tfqrt)^^*!^ 

'n 3 T^ 7 f 3 :w 4 ^'Trr'iT^T^’JT[TT?]^TP‘' fel^^pT =^[l*] [tr]TlT]#t%- 

( ^ [T] RT 7 r- 

TiPt [l*] tp^g - 

(g:r) 2TTf% 

^fdbv'/flfV/vi (t7r)?^TFni ^TT^rtT; 'Tn4f44f%” ^ if ^ '¥!jpi -i')T4.'’r 

gT^p-'^(? )[!*] 

1 From the lithograph in the Inscriptions from the Cave 'I'tmples of \X\stern India, .1. S', \l'\ L 

2 Neither of the two matrds on itra can be seen, but there is no uncertainty about the tUnaMic 
name which occurs in the two other records (Nos. 8 and 9). Pandit Bhagvanlal read 

3 There was evidently an anusvdra on sa which is responsible ftjr the reduplication "(wron^^ (tf 
course,) of v. Pandit Bhagvanlal took the upper sign for m. Read 

^ The vertical stroke joining what now looks like an to the horizontal stroke of the super- 

script n has not come out in the lithograph. 

^ Perhaps was intended. Bhagvanlal read ^rT^T 

^ The superscript r has been wrongly written like the medial /. The sign for the nKchal / on hh 
has not come out in the lithograph. 

’The superscript k of ksh is cursive like that in kihiti^ in line 5 r>f the Pardi jilates of Dahra^^cna 
(No. 8). Pandit Bhagvanlal proposed to read but the al shuru is proliably bha. Sec W//'/,*- 


® The subscript letter appears like sa, but there is no uncertainty about the name. 

The subscript curve appears like that of medial ri, but it is clearly a mistake of the scribe. 

Pandit Bhagvanlal read , but the first akshara has clearly the sign of mLthal . 

V dnkanaka may be a follower of Vankana. The latter is, perhaps, the presiding diety oi the \ .Ujka 
mountain mentioned in some Jdta/ as. See, f^r instance, the Ves^antara Jafalia (lins:. Tr. bv rouel! and 
Rouse, Vol. VI, p. 266) The Ka/hasari/japara mentions the Vankapaka mountain. 

^^Ihc tisarga is dropped here by the Varttika on Panini, Mil, 3, 56. 

Aletre : Sragdhara, 

D is generally acute-angled in this record, but its rectangular form cjccurs in prui\irddJ amdn,:-, ]. i. 
The second akshara of this word has the same f(4rm as fj which occurs twice in 1 . 24 of the Sunao Kal.l 
plates of Sahgamasimha (No. ii). It can also be read as pLd (See sphJ in ]. 2 of the Siuat plate ^ of 
V}aghrasCna, No. 9, above), but diipha gives no sense. 




Obeisance to the Omniscient (Buddha) ! In the augmenting kingdom of the 
Traikutakas, in the year two hundred increased by forty-five, in the Great 
Monastery at Kiishnagiri, Buddharuchi, a resident of the village Kanaka included in 
the Sindhu vishaja (district), the son of the glorious Buddhasri and Pushyavarman, 
skilful in serving the feet of the holy Sakya sage who was mighty by the possession of 
the ten powers and attained complete enlightenment, {and) of the venerable monk who 
heard his law, has erected this Chaitja with dressed stones and bricks to last as long 
as the moon, the sun, the oceans and the earth will endure, (n'hich is) dedicated to the 
venerable Saradvatiputra the chief disciple of the same great sage {i.e., Buddha). 

(Line 5) Therefore, may gods, yakshas} siddhas^ vidjddharas^ dftnas, Manihhadras,^ 
Purnabhadra,® Panchika,® the venerable Vajrapani,^ Vahkanaka® and others bless it ! 

(L. 6) Moreover, as long as the milky ocean, the waters of the whirl-pools of which 
are whirled by the alligators tossed about by thousands of {its) waves, is an ocean of milk, 
as long as the rugged IMeru is piled with huge rocks, as long as rivers of very clear water 
flow with {their) water into the ocean ■ — even so long may this lasting and auspicious 
fame resort to the excellent son of him {n'ho is) named Pushya ! 

(L. 9). A canine tooth (?) 

1 A Yaksha is a semi-divine being who is described as an attendant of Kubera in Hindu mytho- 


' A Siddha is a person possessed of eight supernatural powers, anlmd and others. 

® A Vidjadhara is a supernatural being dwelling in the Himalayas. 

■* A Aldnibhadra is a follower of Alanibhadra, the brother of Kubera, the prince of jakshas. Per- 
haps the intended reading in the text is Aianibhadra. Cf. Purnahhadra. 

® Purnabhadra is the name of a jaksha, the father of Harikesa. 

® Panchika is the chief of the generals of Kubera or Vaisravana. For his form, see the Gods of 
Northern Buddhism, pp. 1561!. 

’ Vajrapani (Thunderbolt-bearer) is in Buddhist records sometimes identified with and 
sometimes differentiated from ^akra, the lord of gods. Ibid., pp. 50 ff. 

® He is perhaps a follower of Vankana (the deity of the Vanka mountain ?). 




B ( H. 1 HHABRA, 

Re.. Nu 3977 E 36 -77B ' 

A — Kaxkepj Plate of Traikutakas: (Kalachuri) Ye\r 245 


^ to 







. Cb ^ 

Co 5 

C' ^ 



C ^ ^Orsz X15 

( 3 ^ ^ 


^ (? *T^oc ^ ^ W 

A. M i 

Vo ^ ^ ^ j) ^ 

' ^ WLN LT\ \ -^ » * 


v- 5 : ^ 'j AS 

f <"53^ 

^ < -3 g^(X' '« 

SJ -p 

S Vj ^ '-H 

(9 ors^ .^*0 6^ -fT ^ 


I f ^ ^ 


►J’ »0 iQ »6 ff *<3U 

^ T'^ S: 

:a-»^ /i5 -i _ fc- 

^ r- K »«- K.' J^oo 

‘ 6 'C$ ^ .Kj (t 53 %s«^ ^ 


(From Photographs). 

> L' K \ F. Y O F Ln i > I A . C.^ LL U T T A. 

— >'rxAO IvALA Plates of Saxgamastmiia: (Kalachuki) Yeak 2‘.»-2 

i *0 p^-i S'I a'^ah^^ a’ ? 'f ^ !' 

1 ? ^ 


sjrTTA? p^' 

w lf?15 .^ 




ffe<5» gjfg; I 

W Ata RBiiMg^y-ig# !r> jn; 

1^ 4l? #3/ J-3 i/'5' f’S J <? ^i/X -'* 

? .. d. rfi« - . * ty.TNm O A^/ «r. y-^ S^ J 4ft# r>^ « V 0 I -L tI 



No. ii; Plate V B 


T hese plates were discovered in November 1898. They were first published, with a 
translation, but without a facsimile, by Mr. A.M.T. Jackson, I.C.S., in the Journal 
oj the Bombay Branch of the Kojal Asiatic Society, Vol. XX, pp. 21 1 ff., and subse- 
quently with a translation and photo-lithographs by Prof. Sten Konow in the Epigraphia 
Indica, Vol. X, pp. 72 ff. 1 edit the inscription here from the lithographs accompanying 
Prof. Sten Konow’s article. 

The copper-plates are two in number. ‘They were found buried about 
two feet below the surface of a cart track in the village of Sunev Kulla in the 
Hansot Mahal of the Broach District . . . The first plate is entire. The second has 
suffered damage (i) by the wrenching of the seal, which has destroyed a few aksharas 
in the first line and (2) by the breaking off of a piece of the left-hand edge, which has des- 
troyed one akshara in line 4, two in line 5 , two in line 6 and one in line 7 . . . The 
lower edge of the first plate was formerly attached to the upper edge of the second by two 
copper rings, one of which remains attached to each of the plates. The seal which was 
probably carried by the left-hand ring has been wrenched off and is lost. The letters are 
deeply cut and in many places show through on the back of the plates.’^ Each plate mea- 
sures 12^" broad and 6^" high. The record consists of twenty-five lines, of which twelve 
are inscribed on the first, and the remaining thirteen on the second plate. The average 
si2e of letters is 

The characters belong to the western variety of the southern alphabets and resemble 
those of the Traikutaka grants. There is a triangular wedge at the top of letters except 
in the case of b, n, n and sometimes of / and r. The initial e which occurs in 1 . 12 shows 
a closed hook on the left. The medial 0 and an are not clearly distinguished, compare 
e.g. 0 \nyasd-v 3 ptaye \.i\ and in Eaukdkshi 1 . 6 . L occurs in two forms: (i) with a 
short vertical as in kulaputraka and kusala-, 1 . 3 and (2) with the vertical bent to the left as 
in Gdlava, I.5 and phalam, I.21. Eh has the same form, whether it is independent or sub- 
script, see e.g.,yathd, 1 . 4 and sthiti-, 1 . 9. A final consonant is indicated by a short horbontal 
stroke which takes the place of the wxdge at the top; see vaset, I.20. The sign of the 
fihvdmfdiya occurs in I.15 and the symbols for 200, 90, 10, 5 and 2 in I.25. 

The language is Sanskrit and except for four benedictive and imprecatory verses 
in 11 . I9--23, the record is in prose throughout. As regards orthography, we may note 

that the consonant following r is doubled in many cases, see sarvvdn, 1 . 2, Antar-Nnar- 
mada, 1 . 4, etc.; so also dh preceding )', see pad-anuddhyato, 1 . i . Samga/nasiha for Samgamasimha 
and karishayatdffj for karshayatdm are evidently due to the influence of the Prakrits. 

The plates were issued by the Slahdsd/nanta, the illustrious JSlahdrdja, Sahgamasirhha 
from Bharukachcha. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village 
Sonavva in the Antar-Narmada vishaya to five Brahmanas, who were residents of 
Bharukachchha, on the occasion of the Mahakarttiki, i.e., the full-moon day of 
Karttika. The purpose of the grant was to provide for the performance of the five great 
sacrifices, vi^., hali, charu, vaisvadeva, agnihotra and havana. The grant was written by 

» J. B. B. R. A. T, Vol. XX, p. 211. 




Vishnushena according to the order conveyed by the Isiahapratttuira Gopadhyaka. 
The dutaka, was the Sandhivlgrahika Revadhyaka, 

The inscription is dated, in the last line, on the fifteenth tithi of the bright 
fortnight of Karttika of the year 292 of an unspecified era. The tithi and the year are 
expressed in numerical symbols only. As the characters of the present record resemble 
those of Traikutaka grants, its date must likewise be referred to the Kalachuri era. 
According to the epoch of 248-49 A.C., the date would correspond, for the expired year^ 
292, to the 20th October 541 A.C. It does not admit of verification. 

Sahgamasirhha calls himself Mahdsd manta, which indicates his feudatory rank. Prof 
Sten Konow called attention to the fact that ‘the w'ording of our grant sometimes recalls 
the phraseology of the Sarsavni plates; compare 11 . 18-19 11 . 26-27 latter, 

and, especially, the end of the two grants, where we have, in both cases, first an instrumen- 
tal {-prdpit-djnajd and -vijndpanajd , respectively), then a hahuvrlhi ending in -dtltakam, and 
followed by Ukhitam and finally the date expressed in the same way in numerical figures.-’ 
From this he conjectured that Sahgamasirhha was a feudatory of the Kalachuris, who, 
down to the time of Buddharaja (609 or 610 A.C.), retained the command of the country 
round Broach. He thought that either Krishnaraja, the grandfather of Buddharaja, or his 
predecessor, must have been the overlord of Sangamasimha. A comparison of the wording 
of the present record with the phraseology of the Surat plates of Vyaghrasena would, how- 
ever, show that the former inscription bears a closer resemblance to the latter than to any 
record of the Kalachuris; for, besides the peculiarities noticed by Prof. Sten Konow, all of 
which are also found in the Surat plates of Vyaghrasena, our inscription has copied lines 
16-19 verbatim itora earlier records of the Traikutakas (see, e.g., lines 12-15 of the Surat 
plates of Vyaghrasena), the only difference being the omission (evidently inadvertent) 
of apaddnam after avaddtam. Sahgamasirhha’s present inscription was, therefore, drafted 
by a clerk, who had before him the earher records of the Traikutakas. And this is not 
at all surprising, for Sonavva, the village granted by the present charter, is only two miles 
to the north of the Kim which probably formed the northern boundary of the Traikutaka 
kingdom. It is not, therefore, unlikely that Sangamasirhha had under his sway some 
territory which was previously ruled over by the Traikutakas. The similarity in the word- 
ing of the grants of Sahgamasirhha and Buddharaja is, therefore, due to the draftsmen of 
both having drawn upon earlier Traikutaka records. 

The successors of Sahgamasirhha do not seem to have retained their hold over the 
Broach District for a long time; for within fifty years from the date of the present plates 
we find that the neighbouring country came under the rule of another feudatory, Nirihul- 
laka, of the Kalachuri Emperor, Sahkaragana and soon after, we find Sahkaragana’s son 
Buddharaja himself, donating a village in the Bharukachchha vishaja. 

As for the localities named in the present grant Bharukachchha, which was pro- 
bably the capital of Sahgamasirhha, is modern Broach. The donees also were residents of this 
place. Sonavva, the village granted, is probably Sunao Kala, 1 8 m. west by south of Broach, 
where the plates were found. The Antar-Narmada vishaja, in which it was situated, was, 
as its name indicates,-"* a district comprising territory on both the sides of the Narmada. 

^ If the year is taken to be current, the date would correspond to the 31st October 540 A.C. 

2 Ep. Ind., Vol. X, p. 73. 

2 The name Antar-Narmada of the vtshaya must be taken, as Dr. Fleet has shown (Ind. Ant., XXXII, 
p. 56), to be a Bahuvrihi compound, though the correct form in that case should be Antar-Narmada. 
It may be noted that the Vajupurana (adhjaja 45, //. 130) speaks of Antara-Narmada vishajas. Cf, Ndsiky- 
ddyasu;ha je ch-.anye je ch-aiv-antara-Narmadclh 1 Bhdnukachchhah {Bbtlrakachchhah}) samahejdh sahasa 
Jdsvatair-:zapi 11. 




First Plate 

1 [11*] m 1 drft a m kh RgRrrR^q^jR^rrrsr- 

2 ^Jr 3 r^^ hI H r<++ ^ KTR kil q A| H P.r^ TJTP I !+■- 

O \3 O O O 

4 irf^ [I*] ^ fwfef ^ K4 1 F 4 Vd^Aq-^rT^’^AITrdJ’l^ftWS^TOTRt RR- 

6 y jfl 4 m <51 41 ^Tf ^^TT ^‘^TTfe®?riftTTW4?TWfr- 

7 ^^TT ^P 4 4 ^ ^> 4 1 9 l ® ^ 'A[ 4 ]'*^- 

9 iJI I s'A JTN -si I '^^^f’J'JI ^4 ^T^T'^1 : 

c\ c\ 


12 R^Tf% 4 ?tf^-nP%?R’^ srf^Trfeft ( ?r; 1) IRT Rqt ^T^RF 

Second Plate 

13 ^^RFr[T] ^[t2TT?rfT*]7f^^ Wt Mfeldt ^ ^ 

14 ^feRr 3 ir[fTrfcr 1 t^*]^[T] [R]f?RT%fRT^Rtqt ^r^f^- 

15 H ilf^<'JArTf<McAfTq>TH iTxTT^; [I*] ?rT- 

16 [ttT*]J= 3 T '»Tf 4 c{H 5 ,^ 4 4 J<ry»H '4 ^T 4 ' 4 1 4 1 ?lT^ro«:i^>TT- 

17 r^*lT ^TiTT^ ^TT^Wr’Jnf^RW^ ^ =^ ’T'JR^' 4 ^TcT^*fRf^ 

' L \0 -I O VD >0 VO 

18 [ 5 FrT*]wtf?q- f^TPT WF?-R^ IT>TW?^SJT ; 

19 ['TT*]<^f 4 ^'-=A|ii<% II ^ ^ 55 TWT II Tfe: ^^T^WifiT 

20 [iT]ft[^: [I*] srrs^wr ^ [?*ii] 

^ From the lithograph facing p. 74 in Ep, Ind,, Vol. X. 

2 Expressed by a symbol. 

3 Read Wrf^:* 

^ Read^^^^. 

5 Read — 

® Prof. Sten Konow proposes to read [£^. Ind,, X, p. 75], but the Gotrapravaranihandha- 

kadamha gives the Eaukakshi gotra under the Ahgi rasas. 

8 Read 

^ Mr. Jackson doubtfully read ^ftP^; and Prof. Konow but the aforementioned work 

on gotras and pravaras does not give any gotras of these names. Perhaps was intended for which 
see ibid., p. 51. 

Read Prof. Konow suggested— 


18 Read 

1^ Some word like STRR is omitted here. Compare 1 . 13 of the Surat Plates of Vyaghrasena 
(No, 9, above). 

1® Metre of this and the following three verses: Anusbfubb, 








[I*] WT JRT ^ ^ ’W(^) II [Rll*] 


[I*] Trf|rr^=!^ (t*?) II [^*ll] 

irro [^]'^'+'+teT'4T%''T: [I*] ^ot^PTF^rf^ t II ['^*] 

II ^ :^oo 

%o ^Frf%T ^ ?o 

K [l*j 


Success! Hail! From Bharukachchha — the Mahdsd?/wnta^ the illustrious Maharaja y 
Sahgamasimha, who meditates on the feet of his mother and father, having stated his 
good health/ informs all (his subordinates y such as) Kdjasthdnijas j- Uparikasj^ Kun/drdn/dtjas y^ 
heads of vishayasy ArakshikMS p DrdngikaSy^ Kulaputrakas j* chdiaSy hhatas and others, as well 
as those who execute their orders {as folloirs ):- — 

(Line 4). ‘‘Be it known to you that for obtaining religious merit and fame for Our 
mother and father and for Ourself, We, availing Ourself of the holiest Mahakarttiki^ tithi 
today, have granted with a libation of water, the village Sonavva situated in the Antar- 
Narmada vishaja together with the udratiga^ and the uparikoraA well as excise and 
octroi duties, {ivhich is) not to be entered by Old fas and hhatas, {and is) to be enjoyed by a 
succession of sons and sons’ sons, according to the maxim of uncultivated land — to the 
{following) residents of Bharukachchha, the Brahmiana Arantadatta of the Chhandogi 

gotra {ipho is) a student of the Oihandoga {i.e.^ Samaveda) {and) Praj apatisarman of the 
Galava {who is) a student of the Oihandoga y and Sivadeva of the Laukakshi gotra^ 

1 Prof. Sten Konow translates kusalaw -aniwarnja as ‘having greeted’. In the Rashtrakuta and 
other records, the word kusalJ occurs in the same context, which shows that here also the king refers 
to his own good health. 

2 KdjasthdnJjay lit., one who occupies the position of a king, probably in the administration of 
justice. Biihler calls attention to the definition of the term in Kshemendra’s L.dkaprakdsa^ prajd- 
pdlan-drtham uidvahati rakshajati cha sa KdjasthdrjJyah, ‘he who carries out the object of protecting 
subjects and shelters them is a Kdjasthdnija\ In line 17 of the Mandasor stone inscription of Yaso- 
varman (C.I.L, Vol. Ill, p. 154) Abhayadatta is said to have protected some territory after the manner of a 
Rdjasthdnlja. So the term seems to indicate also the governor of a province. Kalhana also mentions the 
office rdjasthdna or rdjasthdnddhikdra, Stein, and following him, Vogel hold that the KdjasthdnJja was 
an officer of justice. (See A.C.S, Part I, p. 122). Fleet was inclined to think that ‘Viceroy’ was too exalt- 
ed a title to be a suitable equivalent, because the Rajasthdmja is, in some records, mentioned ‘rather 
low down in the list of officials’. (CLL, Vol. Ill, p. 157). It is noteworthy that in the present record the 
Kajasthanlja heads the list of officials. 

3 Uparika is mentioned in some Gupta records as the head of a hhtiktl or Commissioner. The 

title Maharaja is sometimes added to the term. The Uparika Maharajas recommended the appointment 
of (heads of districts) who were subordinate to them. (Ep. hd,^ Vol. XV, p. 133). 

According to the definition given by Bnhaspati, Uparika appears to have been a Magistrate. Ibid, XXIV, 
p. 134. 

^ Kumdrdmdtya^ lit. the councillor of a prince, was a title borne by several grades of officials such 
as ministers, provincial governors and heads of districts. (See, e,g,, Ep, Ind.y Vol. X, p. 71) 

^ Arakshika, lit. a protector, was probably a police-officer. 

® Drddgika, derived from dranga a town, is probably identical with the Nagarika (the Mayor of a 
town) mentioned in Kautilya’s Arthasdstray pp. 143 ffi 

’ I. e. noblemen. 

^ I. e. the full-moon day in Karttika. 

9 See above p. 21, n. i. 

See above, p. 21, n. 2. 



(»'/ 5 ro is) a student of the Adhvarju {yeda i.e., Yajurvedd) and Bhanudeva of the Ldhayana 
gotra, {ii'ho is) a student of the Adhvarju (vMa), (and) Bhavaruchi of the Paurna gotra, (who 
is) a student of the Kigveda, for the performance of the five great sacrifices, (vi^-,) hali, 
charu, vaisvadeva, agnihotra (and) offerings to fire. 

(L. 12) “Wherefore, none should cause any obstruction while these Brahmanas are 
enjoying, cultivating, getting cultivated and directing (others to cultivate the land in the do- 
nated village) according to the customary rules of agrahdras granted to Brahmanas. The 
residents of this village also, submitting to these (Brah/nanas), should make over to them 
the customary (share) of measurable (things), gold and other taxes. And kings of the future 
whether born in our family or others, desiring to share in the reward of the religious merit 
of (this gift of) land and considering that wealth is hable to be lost, that life is followed 
by separation, and that virtues (alone) endure for a long time, and believing that gifts made 
to meritorious persons are excellent, and wishing to accumulate for a long time, fame as 
bright and splendid as moon-beams, should consent to and preserve this our gift.” 

(L. 19) Moreover, the holy Vyasa has said— 

(Here folloyv four benedictive and imprecatory verses). 

(L. 24) (This charter), the diltaka of which is the Sandhivigrahika Revadhyaka, 
has been written by Vishnushena according to the (royal) order communicated by the 
Mahdpratihdra Gopadhyaka. 

The year 200 (and) 30 (and) 2, (the month) Karttika, the bright (fortnight), (the lunar 
day) 10 (and) 5. 


No. 12; Plate VI 


T hese plates were found in the possession of a Rajput family of Abhona^ a village in 
Kalvan tdlukd of the Nasik District in the Bombay State. They were edited, 
with lithographs and a translation, by Prof. K. B. Pathak in the E.pigraphia Indica, 
Vol. IX, pp. 296 ff. I edit them here from the same lithographs. 

The copper-plates are two in number, and are inscribed on one side only, each one 
measuring 9 . 7" broad and 7" high. Except for a mistake here and there, the writing on 
them has been well executed and is in a state of good preservation. Each plate has two 
holes, about . 5 " in diameter, at the top for the rings which must have originally connect- 
ed it with the other plate of the set, but no ring or seal was apparently discovered. The 
weight of the plates is 132 tolas^. The record consists of thirty-four lines, seventeen being 
inscribed on the inner side of each plate. The average size of letters is . 25 ". 

The characters belong to the western variety of the southern alphabets.- The 
letters have, in most cases, a knob at the top, and show, as usual, some admixture of nor- 
thern peculiarities. The mdtrds, for instance, for the medial e, ai and au are placed 
above the hne, see -vipule, \.i, gunair-, 1 . 6 , Krishriardjo,\.^. The medial au is indicated 
by three mdtrds, only the middle one of which rises above the hne; see pautr-, 1 . 20 and 
Gautama-, \ .zi’, kh m likhitam-, 1 . 34 has a loop larger than its hook; n appears with a loop, 
while t is without it; see gagana-tala, 1. 1; « generally appears in its southern form, its upper 
portion being undivided, see e.g., guna-, I.2, but the northern form also occurs in a 
few places, see krij-otsarppandja, and punja, I.22; the vertical stroke of / is either 
shortened as in tala, l.i, or is sharply turned to the left as in vimala, l.i. Besides these 
northern characteristics, the following pecuharities of other individual letters may also 
be noticed:-the initial / is indicated by a curve with a notch in the centre over two dots, 
see iva, 1 . 5 ; the sign for initial e in eva, 1 . 4, is open on the left; the stroke for medial d is 
generally bent down, and in some cases it is brought down lower than in the Traikutaka 
inscriptions,® thus showing a later palaeographic stage, see vicharatd-, 1.8, par-dhhimdna, 
and vinajdja, 1 . 9; in a few cases {e.g., nd and jnd') it is turned upwards, see e.g., Katachchuri- 
ndm-, 1.3, -djndna-, I.26, while in the case of jd it encircles the letter on the left, see 
jdjante, I.29; in medial T, the length is denoted by a curve in the circle for short /, 
see 1. 1; the medial « is marked in three ways (i) by lengthening the vertical 

stroke to end in a small curve as in vipule l.i; (2) in the case of letters whose vertical 
stroke already ends in a curve {e.g. k, r, etc.) by adding another curve to the vertical 
and turning it downwards, see kumuda-, I.4; and (3) by turning the vertical stroke of 
the letter upwards to the right, see pdd-dnuddhydtah the medial u also appears 
in two ways as in bhiiri-, I.13, zndjfithapa, I.7; d is distinguished from d by its tail, see 
-dpjdita 1.12; the subscript n consists only of a loop cf. -drnnava I.20; th is shown 
either with a notch in the base as injuthapena, I.7, or with a ringlet as in -apratiratha-, 
1 . 10; in its subscript form, it is indicated by a curv^e curling to the right, see sthiti, 1 . 20 

1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 270. 
^ See J. P., pp. 62 fF. 

^ Nos. 8-10, above. 



and sthejasas-^ 11. 24-25;/? shows a notch on the left, see vibodhana-^ I.5, andj is tripartite, 
see Ujjayanl, i. i. A final consonant is shown by a horizontal stroke on the top in 11. 19 and 
30 and by its small size, in L28. Punctuation is indicated by double vertical strokes in 
11.29-31, 53 and 34. The sign of the jihvdmtllija occurs twice in I.4 and that of the 
upadhmdnija thrice, in 11.8, ii and 26. The numerical symbols for 300, 40, 10, 7 
and 5 occur in I.34. Of these the symbol for 7 deser\"es special notice, its upper curve 
being here separated from the vertical by a knob as in the Sirpur plate of the Mahdrdja 

The language is Sanskrit. Except for five benedictive and imprecatory verses at 
the end, the record is in prose throughout. Its eulogistic portion is composed in an or- 
nate style which recalls that of Valabhl grants.^ Again, as stated below, the present plates 
were issued from Ujjayani, which was for some time, a second capital of the Gupta Empire. 
The draftsman who composed the present record was probably well acquainted with Gupta 
inscriptions, from which he has evidently borrowed certain epithets which are employed 
here to eulogize the donor Sankaragana.^ It may, again, be noted that both in its eulogis- 
tic and formal parts, this record has several expressions which are either imitated or copied 
verbatim from the earlier Traikutaka grants.** This show^s that the Katachchuri empire com- 
prised some provinces which were previously under the rule of the Traiku takas. As re- 
gards orthography, the only pecuharities that call for notice are that the consonant fol- 
lowing r is doubled in many places, see, e,g.y durllanghe I.2, and dharmm-drttha-^ 1. 12, and 
that a class-nasal is often used instead of anusvdra, as in kalanka^ 1. 4. 

The plates were issued by the illustrious Sahkaragana of the Katachchuri (Early 
Kalachuri) dynasty from his camp at Ujjayani. He was a devout worshipper of Alahes- 
vara and was the son of the illustrious Krishnaraja Svho from his very birth was solely 
devoted to Pasupatik Sankaragana is described as the lord of the country extending from 
the eastern to the western ocean and of other lands. 

^ Line 9 of No. 4 above. Pandit Bhagvanlal read this symbol doubtfully as 8, but in view of 
the clear mention of the date in words in 1. 34 of the present record, it will have to be taken as a sign 
of 7. 

“ Compare, for instance, the utpreksha in jas ::sa/?jsrajci-vis esha-Iobhad -iva sakalair-abh'igamikair^ 
itarajs:zcha gumirzupetah in lines 5-6 with that in rupddhhaddv -dsritdh sarasam -dhhigdwiikalr-ggunaih 
which occurs in connection with the description of Dharasena I in many Valabhl grants. 

^ In his translation of the Sarsavni plates {Ep, Ind,, Vol. VI, p. 300), Dr. Kielhorn has drawn 
attention to the epithets prithlvjdm-aprat'irathah^ chafHr-udadhi-Suli-Idsvddiia-jtisdh and Dbanada-Varun- 
Endr-^ntaka~sama-prabhdvah which closely resemble (the last with a slightly different reading) those in 
Gupta records, see C. 7 . 7 ., Vol. Ill, Text, pp. 8 and 5 3). Again, the expressions pruriatknjdtra-suparitdsha-gam- 
hhtr-dnnata-hridajah chir-otsannaridm nnpati-vawsdtiam pratlshthdpagitdmxEi^ and other early Kalachuri 
grants recall hhakty-avanati-mdtra-grdhja-mndn-hridajasg^ a and aneka-bhreshta-raj y- dtsanna-rdja-va?hsa-pra- 
tishthdpana- in the Allahabad stone inscription of Samudragupta (Ib/d.^ p. 8.) 

^ Thus the epithet samjukprajdpdlalan-ddhigata-hhfirkdravina-visrdnan-dvdptU'dharma-krijah and pilrv- 
d-para-samudr-dnf-ddi-desa-svdm in lines 13 and 15 respectively of the present record are obviously sug- 
ges ted by sva-bhtija-paripdlana-prutdp'ddhigafa-prachura-drai i nu-i israrjun-dvapta-Si <rvi 'a-dig-vg^ api-snk la~yasdh~ and 
A.parant-ddi-desa~pati in the earlier Traikutaka records like the Surat grant of Vyaghrasena (See lines 
2-3 of No. 9 above). The expression sarva-ditju-vishti-panbinah in line 1 1 of the latter record was 
adopted by the official draftsman of the Early Kalachuris, who only inserted prdtihbidika in it. Again, 
the expressions d-cbandr-drk-drnmva~kshiti-sthitksama-kdlJnar/i (Lao), abhdv- dnugatdn^asdrdn-vibbavdnzdirggba- 
kdla-sthejasas-cka gundn ^dkalajja and sasi-kara-nichiram chirdja jaJas~chichir{chi)shHbhir -Mjam-asniad-ddjo^ 
numantavyah pdlayitavjas -cha in lines 24-6 of the present grant are plainly borrowed, with some changes 
like the inversion of the order of words, from Traikutaka records (See e. g.^ lines 11-14 of No. 9 above). 
The same can be said of the manner of inserting the name of the Dutaka in a BahmrJbi compound 
qualifying the word Ukhitam, 



The object of the present inscription is to record the grant, by Sahkaragana, of 
a hundred nivartanas of land, measuring forty nivartanas on either side, in the village 
Vallisika which was situated in the vishaja (district) of Bhogavardhana. The donee 
was a Brahmana^ of the Taittiriya sdkhd and Gautama gdtra residing at Kallivana. The 
purpose of the grant, which was made at the request of G6gga,“is stated to be to provide 
for the maintenance of ball, charuy vaisvadevdy agnihotra and other rites. 

The grant is dated, both in words and in numerical symbols, on the fifteenth 
tithi of the bright fortnight of Sravana of the year 347. Though no era is specified, 
the date must plainly be referred to the Kalachuri era. It does not admit of verification 
in the absence of the necessary details, but according to the epoch of 248-49 A. C. 
which suits other verifiable early dates of the era, the date of the present grant would 
correspond, for the expired year^ 347, to the 3rd August 597 A. C. 

As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Ujjayani is, of course, modern 
Ujjain in Central India. Kallivana, where the donee was residing is modern Kalvan, 
the chief town of the Kalvan tdlukd of the Nasik District. It maybe noted in this 
connection that the present plates were found at Abh 5 na which lies only seven miles 
west of Kalvan. Bhogavardhana, the headquarters of the district in which the donated 
village was situated, is probably Bh 5 kardhan izd' 16' N. and 75 46' 56" E.) in 
the Hyderabad State, where a large Brahmanical cave temple of about 8th century 
A.D. has been recently excavated.^ Vallisika is modern Vais a, 7 miles south of 

^ Prof. Pathak read the name of the Brahmana in line 21 as Ahmanasvdmin. The first akshara 
of this word is certainly not d^ the form of which may be seen in dchchhettd, 1.28. I read it as prd which, I 
think, is incorrectly written for hrd. The scribe has confused 7) and h in another place also, pratdb-dti- 
saja for pratdp-dtisaja in line ii. Strange as it may appear, the proper name of the donee, which ought to 
have been inserted between hrdhmana and svdmm, has been inadvertently omitted here. Compare the names 
of the donees Brdhfnam-Bddhasvojnin and Brahmam-Bappasvdmm in other Kalachuri grants Nos. 14 
and 16, below). Similar names of donees with the prefix Brahmana occur in the records of the Traikutakas 
and Maitrakas also. 

2 This lady may have been the queen of Sahkaragana. As for the absence of any title like Mahdrdjm in 
connection with her name, it may be pointed out that neither Krishnaraja, nor Sahkaragana is called Maha- 
raja in this or any other grant of the Early Kalachuris. 

^The usual practice is to cite expired years. Current years are cited only exceptionally. If the 
year 347 is applied as current, the date would correspond to the 15th July 596 A. C. Prof. Pathak 

gives the 27th July 595 A. C. as the corresponding Christian date, evidently taking the year 347 as 

current and applying the epoch A. D. 247-48 which Dr. Kielhorn finally fixed on the evidence of later 
Kalachuri dates. But this epoch does not suit early dates of the Kalachuri era as admitted by Kielhorn 
himself. See Up. Ind., Vol. V, Appendix, p. 57, n. 6 and 7. 

^ A. B. L H., (1935), pp. 31-32. Bhogavardhana is mentioned in several inscriptions at Sanchl. 
See e.g. Nos. 156, 162, 163, etc. M, Vol. I, pp, 315 ff. 

^Alr. Gupte has suggested the identihcation of Vallisika with Varasi, about 8 miles south of 
Kalvan (Ind. Ant., Yol. XJ . 11 , p. 270); but as the Vadner grant of Buddharaja (No. 14 below) shows, 
the country round Vadner, which is only about 16 miles south ot Kalvan, was included in the hho^a of 

Vatanagara. So the country round Kalvan is not likely to have been included in a different vishaja like 

Bhogavardhana. Mr. Gupte’s alternative identifications of Vallisika with Balhegaon near Ujjain and 
of Bhogavardhana with Bogte near Balhegaon are also unlikely; for, the plates were found in the Nasik 
District, and as shown above, better identifications of the localities with places not far from the eastern 
limit of that District can be proposed. Kallivana is also mentioned in the Mundkhede plates of the 
Sendraka king Jayasakti. Sce^. B. L S. My Vol. XVII, p. 52 if. 




Fh'sf FLite 

1 [II*] m 4 )‘ ^ 4 ’ 1 R 4 d Hi ^ 

2 f¥w?q'pq'7xHriTD|f4,-<'Ji f4 4i'TEf VTlf^ H c4 F ( tTT ) i| ’^S ^ f^Tcq"- 

3 1I44 I [T]^T 'Tfc4? 

4 WTWmrTWT M iiq fcT-HTT 

5 -St 4 1 ^ ^fTT^WTTsft ?TT^'=Tf^TTfB#- 

6 fert ^ <-q^^l tfcl 4 'Ts ?fT T«TTT?k 4 -4 T%f ^ 

7 5Rftfw f^nR7^^:^c1TF13T7R’iT 5|fq7T^7?TTfrwn ^JTTPTm«T^^Tf^- 

8 ^ fww fefr ^ fT5Ji-'T7T- 

9 fRinw^-TT fwTFT f^or3#r srTRFr ^Wfq' tr'; 

10 ' 7 T# [I*] ?TFT 5^: 'TRr^iirH fa'TST^ 4 <^^^?PTfe^THTf 4 d' 3 T 5 TT ?T 4 ?^WSF^T- 

11 ^TTSTTR: f ^en| ^-^^qrTffTf^A ^^-STTRT ( qj) fd i;! 4^19 4 ?I4| 47nRTflTiTr''^- 

12 W^; q <7H <T9l'fe^?7i^5TTFTfT7#t M uj ft 4 1 4 -H 


1 3 ^^T'Hi i^4T5nTr'?5^TETiicTwf^^inf4'^^ ^c^rwr- 

14 Tt 4qftc|'i(IErt Tft'^TqfTTFq'f^nRTiT^R^Tft^ (fr)q’n^fti^- 

c -oyocN ' 0 \/ 

15 ftrd 4 4I fftrrft'TTiT'^'^q ^ ; q'Sqft «H 4 S 1 *-d 1 ft q* 1 1 -Hidlftn- 


16 'TTTT^W: 'TWrif^; ^rt^^TTPiT: RcTT'ir^® TM'FI Fi ?TjftfiTTftiTT- 

17 qft <l^ql44^TTTrftl7FTf<4)'KT'ctlHl?tlH4':'Mtil ^ ftft'TB'^TftT:^ 

Second Plate 

19 ^RftR7ERTTR;(T) ^TkFETTT^ ^tft c^fft feTTftn^ftTFTftftW ^ftr- 

20 ft«Sr4ii)4|T^[^dqNi$4llN*-;JT4T'P™T^?Tftft^fttl4'tiT^T ^4Hl4K44"t[q*]RtiR 

21 4 T Fd =4 -I n TR^FftTTftrdiTtr^ ^ =Trf7TT^®^’ir?TrfBur 

22 riH^>4 1 ftfT-qlc^ i-q 11 1 4 RTcfTfq^^rr^^iT^ ^'jznr^RT^ TNrrfwFTw” 

23 ^3^Tft7rftrwTft^c3:(cH>j;) [I*] irTTFR^^Tr^sTf ^Tqftnfpiqftrftr: T^r^TfT- 

24 ftr (^) T^'tTR'^TNrH JId I flftsHTTF^^TT^^TR- 

25 ^ iT’iTM TT^'iil' ■jfri m T4 1 --4 ■JTSR'R'q^^^fR; srftlTFr^f^ f^TFT 

26 TTHT^^flRpTRi^TolT x qT?7fir75Zr7^ [l*] Tf TraTTfTftrTT^^TT^H ft 1 1 K I - 

^ From the lithographs facing pages 296-97 or hf>. hid,, Vol. IX. 

“ Expressed by a symbol. 

^ Prof. Pathak read but what looks like a dot after the vertical stroke of debu is not 

joined to it and appears to be due to a fault in the copper. 

^ The engraver seems to have first incised chandrikay -dva and then corrected it into chandrikay ^h'a. 

® Read ^TTR^ — . 


■ Read -ft4dfT^T^fHiTT5ri’Tirrfr[ I 
» Read - R^Rfft^'k. 

« Read RTR RlTR — . 

I® Read RlfTW-^RrfRR. The name of the Brahmana has been omitted inadvertendy. 

11 Read iWrRRifrRR^ — . 

'2 Read ftRrRfR — , 



27 Rpf ^ ittrctt t^sErw^r 5 ErTt^T[i*] 

28 iffe Tft^ '*Tf^[: I*] 3Tr^#^ -^HTp^T ^ II- 

[?ll*] ftFsqTcT- 

29 [I*] 1 i ^TFF# q II [^11*] 


30 WS[T TTRfRRTJRTf^R; [R] IRR ?TRT W ^RTRT RRT 1 1 [\ II*] 


3 1 %RTffrHft qfqfeT [I*] R^ qf^Md t ^ ^TRR^RtRRT^^ RfR R 1 1 Rpft^ 

32 ^tTr JR R7'5Rfr(^f)RTfR SFR^W ^^hT T fi l [l*]fR=RqRRTRiRfRRTfR RlfR^it RTR 


53 II [Hll*] RqRTRRfRR RRrqcRTft[R]5ri7^ RTRRR^'T^^RTt RfT- 



34 9l%9TRqR|RR fefeRfR^ R^TRf^RlRR^RR’-RTTfRT^RrSRfRRfR 1 1 R ^ o o Yo \3 
RTRW R ?o ^ [*l] 


Success ! Hail ! From the victorious camp pitched at Ujjayani — 

In the family of the Katachchuris, which, resembling the great ocean, is stainless 
and extensive like the firmament clear on the advent of autumn; which is made res- 
plendent by the multitude of the manifold excellences of the men {born in if) as the ocean is 
by the mass of the rays of its gems; which is difficult to overcome, being the resort of men 
of great courage, as the ocean is difficult to cross, being the asylum of large animals ; which 
is endowed with serenity {and) is intent on observing the rules of moral conduct as the 
ocean is deep and is determined to remain within its bounds ;■ — {there was) the illustrious 
Krishnaraja, who brightened the world with his fame which, like moonlight, attracted the 
minds of aU people ; who, from his very birth, was devoted to Pasupati (Siva), revived the 
prosperity of his family, {and therefore, though) free from {all) defects, resembled the moon, 
( which has spots), which rests on Siva and revives the beauty of clusters of night-lotuses. 
He^ was resorted to by all attractive royal qualities and other excellences as if out of a 
desire to find a choice resting place, %as possessed of all the constituents of royalty® {anh) 
had properly acquired royal powers® and attained successes. Shining with his illustrious 
lineage, with the flow of his charity always unchecked, and the greatness of his prowess well 
known, he conquered the regions marching about fearlessly, even as the leader of a herd of 

1 Read I 

“ Metre of this and the next three verses; Anushtubh. 

3 The sign for t is affixed to the right of the vertical of k, like that for medial a. 

<Read TIRTR II [<t|l*] RfifR- 

^ Metre, Indravajra, 

® Prof. Pathak reads — y but as pointed out by the Editor ItuL^ Vol. IX, Additions and 

Corrections, p. viii), the medial / is long. 

’ In the original, this and the succeeding sentences are relative clauses qualifying sri-Krishmrdjah 
in 1.5. 

® These are usually enumerated as seven, the king, ministers, allies, treasury, territory, fort- 
resses and army. See AK,^ II, 8, 18. 

® These are three, vi^. prabhusaktl (power derived from the control of treasury and army), ntsahascikti 
(power of personal energy) and njantrasakti (power of good counsel). 




Abhona Plate,? of Sankakagaxa; (Kalaciiuki) Year 347 

5 ; Sq -Set t S 

5 r7!r 

*5^ ^ 

•gif’ ?. 'j 

f- P J- S^V - 


B, Ch. Chhabra. 

Reg. No. 3977 E'36 -77a’51. 





Survey of India, Calcutta. 



wild elephants, who looks splendid with his excellent back-bone, has an ever unceasing flow 
of rut and well-known might of strength, brings down rows of forest-trees, moving about 
fearlessly. He wielded his weapon {pnl^ for the protection of the distressed, fought {pnly^ 
for humbling the arrogance of his enemies, was engaged in study {pnlj) for humility, 
acquired wealth {only) to spend it in charity, made gifts {pnly^ for the sake of religious 
merit, and accumulated religious merit {pnly^ to secure final liberation. 

(Line 10) His son, the illustrious §ankaragana — who meditates on the feet of [his) 
mother and father; who is a devout worshipper of Mahesvara; who is the lord of the coun- 
tries bounded by the eastern and wxstern oceans and of other lands; who has, on the earth, 
no adversary (ivorthy oj him) ; w^hose fame has tasted the waters of the four oceans ; whose 
prowess equals that of Dhanada [i.e.y Kubera), Varuna, Indra and Antaka {i.e., Yama)i; 
wEo, by the might of his arms, has acquired the fortune of powerful kings ; to whom the 
circle of neighbouring princes has submitted, {being subdued) by his great prowess ; \vho is 
engaged in the acquisition of religious merit, wealth and pleasure, which {in his case) never 
come into conflict with one another; whose serene and noble heart is highly pleased by 
mere submission; who has performed religious rites by spending, in charity, plenty of wealth 
which he h^d obtained by properly protecting his subjects ; who has reinstated royal 
families, wi.xh had long been dethroned ; who has exterminated such as had risen too 
high ; who bestows, on the distressed, blind and poor people, abundant gifts which 
exceed their desires — issues this order to kings, feudatories, Bhdgikas^^ heads of 
vishayas^, Mahattaras^ of rdshtras^ and villages, officials and others : — 

(L. 17) — Be it known to you! For the increase of religious merit and fame of Our 
mother and father and of Ourself, We have granted, with a libation of water, at the request 
of Gogga, land measuring a hundred nivartanas^ by a land measure {nivarfanin) of forty 
{dandas) on either side, in the village Vallisika, situated in the vishaya of Bhogavardhana 
— together with all receipts'^ and exempt from all gifts, forced labour and special rights,^ 
[tvhich is) not to be entered by chdtas and bhatas^ according to the maxim of waste land 

^ These are the guardians of the North, West, East and South. 

2 Bboglka is the head of a bhoga which was a sub-division of a vishaya, 

® Vishaya was a territorial division corresponding to the modern district. 

^ Mahattaray (a comparative form of mahaty great), occurs in Sanskrit literature in the sense of a 
chief person, see e.g, Uttarardmacharitay Act IV; NaishadhJyacharitay canto III, verse 19. It is perhaps 
used here and other similar passages in the sense of the head of a province or a village. 

® Bdshtra was a territorial division corresponding to the modern Commissioner’s Division. The 
Anjaneri plates (I. 26) of Bhogasakti (No. 31, below) mention the Gopa-rdshtra. 

® It seems that there were several nivartanas in vogue. The Li/dvati (I , 6) mentions nivartana as 
a measure of land equal to 400 square rods, i^.e.y 20 rods in length and in breadth. Kaudlya (II, 20) 
mentions a nivartana measuring 30 dandas (in length and in breadth) />., 900 square dandas, and 
Bffhaspati follows him. The measure [nivartanin') intended here seems to be 40 ‘'dandas) on either 
[side) [uhhaya-chdtvdrinisaka-nivartanin) i.e., equal to 1600 square dandas. 

^ ^ddna (lit., receiving) probably has here the meaning of a tax. 

® Kings had prerogatives in respect of these. They are waived in the case of agrahdra villages 
and lands. Compare sarva-vishti-parihdra-parihritah and other expressions which occur in Yak at aka grants. 

® Compare a-h ha da-pap esam in the Mayidavolu plates of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman [Ep. 
Ind.y Vol. VI, p. 87) and a-hhata-chchhdtra-prdvesyah in Vakataka grants. In the Surat plates of Vyagh- 
rasena (above. No. 9, 1 . 10) the qualifying expression chdra-rdj-dpatthya-kdri-varjja[m) is added to 
a-chdta-hhata-prdvesya. TB^hhatas 2x16. chdtas forbidden to enter the agrahdra villages except when 

they had to apprehend thieves and persons accused of high treason. They were evidently royal 
servants whose duty it was to maintain peace and order in the kingdom. They correspond to modern 
policemen and soldiers. 

i.e.^ with full proprietory rights. He who brought waste land under cultivation became the 
absolute owner of it. Cf. MSAL, adb. IX, v. 44. 



and (is) to be enjo3'ed by a succession of sons and son’s sons as long as the moon, the sun, 
the ocean and the earth will endure — to the Brahmana — svamin^ of the Gautama goira 
(v>ho is) a student of the Taittirlya (sakhd) and a resident of Kallivana, for the performance 
of bali, chant, vaisvadeva, agnihotra and other religious rites. 

(L. 23) — ''X’herefore, (jutiire) kings and heads of hhogas , whether born in our family 
or others, considering that (this) world of living beings is unsteady like the waves of the 
water of the ocean tossed by a strong wind, that wealth is liable to be lost (and, therefore^ 
worthless, and that virtues (alone) endure for a long time, and desiring to share in the re- 
ward of this donation of land which can be equally enjoyed {by then!) and to accumulate 
for a long time fame as lovely as moon-beams, should consent to this our gift and preserve 
it ! Whoever, with his mind shrouded by the veil of the darkness of ignorance confiscates 
it or allows it to be confiscated, shall incur the five great sins ! 

(L. 27) — And it has been said by the holy Vyasa, the redactor of the \"edas -. — 

(Here Jol low five bene die tire and im precatory verses.) 

(L. 33) — In the year three hundred increased by forty-seven, on the fifteenth 
{lunar, day) of the bright half of Sravana, this (charter), the dtltaka of which is the 
Mahdpllupatl Pasupata, was written by Vatyali, the Chief Oificer in charge of the 
Department of Peace and War. The year 30J (and) 40 (and) 7, (the month), Sravana, the 
bright ( fortnight), (the lunar day) 10 (and) 5 . 

No. 13; Plate VII 


This plate was apparently discovered at Sankheda, the chief town of the Sahkheda 
prdnt of the Baroda District in the Bombay State. It was edited, with a lithograph, 
but without any translation, by Mr. H.H. Dhruva in the Hpigraphia Indica, Vol. II, 
pp. 21 ff. It is edited here from the same lithograph. 

The plate measures 8.3" broad and 3.9" high, and is inscribed on one side only. 
It is the first plate of a set which originally consisted of two plates. They were 
held together by two rings passing through holes about .3" in diameter at the top of 
each plate; but neither the rings nor the seal, if there was any, was apparently found. The 
weight of the plate is not recorded. The plate has lost small pieces at the top and both 
the sides of the bottom. This has caused the partial or total loss of about twenty-two 
aksharas, which can, however, be restored conjecturally. The extant portion of the inscrip- 
tion, which consists of twelve lines, is in a good state of preseiwation. The "writing w’as 
very carelessly executed. As will be seen from the subjoined transcript, the record con- 
tains numerous mistakes due to careless writing or engraving, especially in 11. 9-12. The 
average size of letters is .2". 

The characters belong to the western variety of the southern alphabets, with the 
usual admixture of northern peculiarities. They resemble in a general way, the characters 
of the Abhdna plates of Sarikaragana. The only peculiarity that need be noticed here is the 
form of the medial ft in vadhu in I.3. The language is Sanskrit and the extant portion 
of the record is in prose throughout. The orthography does not call for any notice 
except that the consonant following r is doubled as in kirtti, I.4 and r/ is used for the 
medial vowel r/ in several places; see Krishnardjah I.2, Balddhikrita 1. 5, etc. 

^ See above p. 40, n. 1 . 



The plate was issued from the victorious camp fixed at Nirgundipadraka by 
Camilla, the Balddhlkrita (Military Officer) of Nirihullaka who bore the titles Bhogi- 
kapdlaka^ and Maklpllupatir Nirihullaka is described as meditating on the feet of the 
illustrious Sankaragana who had obtained victory in many battles and who was the son 
of the illustrious Krishnaraja. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a 
field, requiring one pitaka of paddy as seed, which was made by Santilla on the occasion 
of a solar eclipse, for the increase of religious merit and fame of the Paramabhattdraka, 
i.e. , probably Sankaragana. The field was situated on the western boundary of Sri-Parnaka 
which was included in (the territorial division of) Tandulapadraka. The donee was 
Bhattika Anantsvamin of the Kautsa gotra, who was a student of the Vajasaneya or White 
Yajurveda and a resident of Pashanihiada. The gift was intended to provide for the 
performance of the religious rites of the five great sacrifices. 

Dr. Biihler first suggested that Sankaragana, whose name has been wrongly written 
as Sahkarana in 1. 3, was identical with the Katachchuri (or Kalachuti) Sankaragana. 
S antilla, wffio issued the present plate, was only a military officer. He seems to have obtained 
a great victory, to commemorate which he made this grant on the occasion of a solar eclipse; 
for he did it not for his own religious merit and fame, but for those of his great lord {Parama- 
bhattdrakd) who was probably Sankaragana. He was obviously acting in anticipation of 
the latter’s sanction ; so he communicates his order not only to the officers serving under 
him, but to those directly appointed by the king. He mentions here his immediate su- 
perior, the Bhogikapdlaka and MahdpJlupati Nirihullaka, probably because he was governing 
the territory in which the donated village was situated. 

The plate does not contain any date, but the mention of Sankaragana as the 
reigning sovereign shows that the inscription must be referred to the last quarter of the 
sixth century A. C. 

As for the localities mentioned in the present inscription, Mr. Dhruva identified 
Pashanihrada with Saniadari, about 14 miles north by east of Sahkheda, for '‘hrada 
would be masculine dharo and feminine dJiarl in Gujerati and Pdshdni would drop its Pd, 
as Bagumra has done with its Bd in having Gumra, and give Sania and thus we get 
Saniadari.^’ His further suggestion that Tandulapadraka is Tandalja is also acceptable, 
as the latter is only two miles west of Saniadari. But his identifications of Nirgundipad- 
raka with Nagar\Ada, 6 kos from Dabhoi and Sri-Parnaka with Paniu, now desolate, 

^ kds from Dabhoi, are doubtful, as the places are not in the vicinity of Saniadari and 
Tandalja. I am, however, unable to suggest any other identifications. 


t ^ [ffcT] [ I *] fT [’f ] feq- [?] TTqff [^] [T^*] [%] 

^ The present grant shows that the BhogJkapalaka was not an altogether petty officer, for Niri- 
hullaka who bore that title had a military officer under him. The Bhogikapdlaka seems to have been 
the chief of the Bhogikas who were probably identical with or heads of subdivisions to whom 

royal orders are often addressed. 

“ Mahdpihipail^ the great commander of the elephant force, is a technical official title. 

^ hid., Vol. II., p. 23. 

From the lithograph facing p. 22 of Ep. Ind., Vol. II. 

^ Expressed by a symbol. 

® Read km — . 



5 ( 5 ) ^ [:*] ^<=41*1^ TTRTT^ 4 1 4 T<!-^ 1 a| fd [1*] 

6 [ir]sn 

7 'T^=^|m«r^^%JT>T(^)'4wFr T?7ni^- 

8 WTRRt ?PJ¥?Jcr5^^[5T]%®«ftTTOT^- 

9 pt] 'Tf^^TFRfWf^r anf^- 

10 [^>*] q- V TJ| 4, 1 1 fd ^ 4 jTnr 3 TT^=^Tq-i 2 

11 ... .^%[ fjf^TTiTTT^^r^’ 

12 ... .TTR^^Tp^ 



Success ! Hail ! From the victorious camp fixed at Nirgundipadraka — 

(There was) the illustrious Krishnaraja whose lotus-like feet were worshipped by all 
kings. His son (is) the illustrious Sankara[ga]na who has obtained glory by his vic- 
tories in many battles, who has made the lotuses, namely, the faces of the enemies’ wives, 
fade. Meditating on his feet (there is) the Bhogikapdlaka and Mahdpllupati Nirihullaka, 
whose fame is well known on the globe of the whole earth. His Balddhikrita (Military 
Officer) Mantilla informs (the officers) of the Great Lord (Sarikaragana) and his own 
as follows: — 

(Line 6) To Bhattika Anantasvamin of the Kautsa gotra, (who is) a student of the 
Vajasaneyi (sdkhd) and a resident of Pashanihrada, there has been granted, with 
(a libation of) water, on the occasion of a solar eclipse, for the performance of the religious 
rites, (w:^.) the five great sacrifices, for augmenting the religious merit and glory of the 
Great Lord, a field requiring one pitakxB^ of paddy as seed, situated on the western 
boundary of Sti-Parnaka which is included in (the sub-division of) Tandulapadraka, 
(which is) not to be entered by chdtas and bhatas, (and which is) to be enjoyed by a succes- 
sion of sons and sons’ sons, as long as [the moon, the sun, the ocean and the earth will 

1 Read 

2 Read 

3 Read . 

* Dhruva read but the lower curve is not curled. 
5 Read . 

* Dhruva read but the akshara resembles ^ at the end of this line, and about 

the reading of the latter there can be no doubt. Read '¥|i^qrHtcr?^TfrR. Fot which, like 
was prefixed to the names of Brahmanas, see the names of and other donees of the Navalakhi 

plates of ^Itaditya I — Dharmaditya, G. E. 286 {Ep. Ind., Vol.^ XI, p. 179]. 

’ The sign of repha on this ligature is indistinct. 

a Read trrproqtRIW-. 

® Read 

tt It would be better to read qrr^ . 

laRead ^q’Rrq'-sir+i'jidf^^rftqfddH+ldfiT. The text is very incorrectly written here and in the 
following two lines. 

la Read qffiqTfePT. The following akshara is redundant. 


‘® ^rS^frbT:. The second plate, which is lost, must have contained the concluding words of this 
sentence such as I (See Abhona plates. No. 12, above) 

Pi taka (lit., a basket) is a measure of capacity. 




Sankheda Plate of Sankaragana 





, i? 

Vt^>5,HcJyB *? V'Gpfr 

‘L 7i ^ <l,.f)5^‘6 

*7'cr«C V‘^v^V5aa\^\ v, 

.11)5 •?V 

^ - 

!>. C’H. UHH\1’.RA. 

R£3. No 3977 £’36 ''76 50 

actual size 

Survey of India Palcatta. 



(L. ii) Therefore [this gift should be consented to and preserved] by good kings 
[whether born in our family^ or others] — 

{J^he second plate of this ant is not jorthcomingl) 

No. 14 ; Plate VIII 


These copper-plates, two in number, were found in the possession of one Nana valad 
Ahilaji Tidke of Vadner in the Chandvad Tdlukd of the Nasik District in the Bombay 
State. They were brought to notice by Mr. Y.R. Gupte, who has edited them., with 
lithographs and a translation, in the Hpigraphia Indica, Vol. XII, pp. 30 ff. I edit them 
here from the same lithographs. 

Mr. Gupte has given the following description of the plates- — ‘The plates are sub- 
stantial. The first of them measures from loj" to lof" long by 8" broad including 

the rims The second measures about io|" long by from 8^" to broad 

including the rims .... The plates have two holes from f" to in diameter for the 
insertion of the two original rings, which have been lost. Whether there was any seal 
or not, I cannot confidently say. There are, however, no traces of one, just as is the case 
with Sarsavni plates. When the grant came under my notice, the Vadner plates were held 
together by two thin rings recently made. T he edges of the plates have been raised into 
rims so as to protect the inscription. Either of them bears writing on the inner side only. 
The second plate is a little broken at the right rim where line 28 ends. The weight of 
the plates is 129 tolas, without the rings. The letters are very deeply and well cut. They 
do not show through on the reverse side at all. Some are, however, damaged and some 
have been completely destroyed by verdigris.’ As the text of the inscription is for the 
most part identical with that of the Abhona and Sarsavni plates, the damaged letters 
can be easily supplied. There are thirty-four lines in all, seventeen being inscribed on 
either plate. The average size of letters is .2". 

The characters resemble those of the Abhona plates. The only points that call for 
notice are as follows: — There appear more wedges than knobs at the top of letters; the former 
are, again, in some cases, especially when the sign for medial d is added, replaced by short 
horizontal strokes. The superscript curve in the sign for initial / appears like that for n 
in iva and idam in 11. 17 and 34 respectively. See also the sign for the superscript n in 
chanchalam, I.24. The sign for initial e in esha, I.19, slightly differs from that used in 
the Abhona plates. The medial ^is generally shown by a slanting vertical stroke, curved 
at the top, see vasU, I.28; but see sarvvdn-h'a, I.17, where it appears as a curve encir- 
cling the letter n on the left. ever}"where appears in its northern form. L has in all 
places a short vertical stroke. The sign for the jihvdmtlllja occurs twice in I.4 and that 
for the upadhmdniya in 11.8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 17, 23, 25 and 31. Punctuation is indicated by 
a dot in 11.19, 3° ht and by two vertical strokes in 11. 27-30. The numerical 
symbols for 300, 60, 10 and 3 occur in I.34. 

The language is Sanskrit and except for five benedictive and imprecatory verses 
at the end, the inscription is in prose throughout. As regards orthography, we may 

^ As the grant was made by a military officer, this statement is inappropriate here. It seems to 
have been blindly copied from royal charters. 

2 Up. Ind, Vol. XII, p. 31. 



note that the consonant following r is generally reduplicated as in durllanghe, \.z, 
vibhav-drjjanam, 1.8 etc.; so also dh preceding j in -dnuddhjdta, I.14, -Mdddhyaridina-, I.21. 
The anusvdra is wrongly changed to « in pradhvansa-, I.16. In setu sthitlndm, I.16, the 
visarga is dropped in accordance with the vdrttika on Panini VIII, 3, 36. The rules 
of sandhi have not been observed in some cases, especially at the end of lines, see e.g., 
cl.a anumantd, 11. 2^-28 where ch=dnumantd is required by the metre. A case of wrong 
sandhi occurs m ydn -iha, I.30. 

The plates were issued by the illustrious Buddharaja of the Katachchuri (Early 
Kalachuri) dynasty, who was a devout worshipper of Jvlahesvara, from his victorious 
camp at Vidisa. He is described as the son of the illustrious Sankaragana who also 
was a devout worshipper of MaheA^ara. The latter was himself the son of the illustrious 
Krishnaraja who from his vet}" birth was solely devoted to Pasupati. The epithets of 
Krishnaraja and Sankaragana are here copied nrbutim from earlier charters of the dynasty 
{e.g., the Abhona plates of Sankaragana). The description of all the three princes is 
quite conventional and yields no historical information. 

The object of the inscription is to record the grant, by Buddharaja, of the village 
Koniyanam {vat aka ?) adjacent to Bhattaurika in the bhoga (subdivision) of Vatana- 
gara for augmenting the religious merit of himself and his parents. The donee was 
the Brahmana Bodhasvamin of the Kasyapa gdtra, who was a student of the Vajasaneya, 
Madhyandina {sdkhd) and a resident of Vatanagara. The gift was intended, as usual, 
to provide for the performance of the religious rites such as halt, charn, agnihotra and 
vaisvadeva. The record was written by Anaphita, the Great Officer in charge of the 
Department of Peace and War at the request of the queen Anantamahayi of the 
Pasupata faith. The dfitaka was the bslahdbaladhihita Prasahyavigraha, 

The inscription is dated in words in 1. 32 and in numerical symbols in 1. 34, on the 
thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada in the year 360. This date. Like 
that of the Abhona plates, must be referred to the Kalachuri era. According to the 
epoch of 248-249 A.C. it would correspond, for the expired year 360, d the 8th August 
610 A.C.’- It does not admit of verification for want of the necessary details. 

Of the localities mentioned in the present grant, Vidisa is modern Besnagar near 
Bhilsa in Central India. That the Kalachuri empire once comprised the province of 
Eastern Malwa is also shown by the discovery of some coins of Krishnaraja, the 
grandfather of Buddharaja, during excavations at Besnagar.- Vatanagara, the head- 
quarters of the bhoga (sub-division) in which the donated village was situated, and the 
place of the donee’s residence, is obviously identical with Vadner where the plates 
were discovered. It may be noted in this connection that the Vani-Dindori plates of 
the Rashtrakuta king Govinda IIP mention the Vatanagara vishaya (district) as situated 
in the Nasika desa. Vatanagara was thus the chief town of both the bhoga and the 

’ If the year 360 is applied as current, the date would correspond to Tuesday, the 19th August 
609 A. C. Diwan Bahadur S. K. Pillay gives two other equivalents, vi^. Friday, the nth August 
607 A. C. and Thursday, the 29th August 608 A. C. Of these the first is impossible as the Kalachuri 
year did not begin in Bhadrapada. Though Kielhorn held that view at first {Ind. Ant.,Yo\. XVII, 
p. 215), he gave it up later on. (See his article entitled 'Die Epoch dcs Cedi Acra’ in the an 

Koth, pp. 53fF.) The second date also is improbable because the epoch 247-248 A. C. on which it is 
based, does not suit other early dates of the era which admit of verification, 

^ A. R. A. S. I. (1913-14), p. 214. 

3 Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, pp. 156 ff. 



rishaja named after it. I identify Bhattaurika with Bhatora about ii miles north- 
west of Vadner and about 2 miles north of Vani.^ Koniyanam^ {vatdka ?) may be 
Kanhuvadi, about 5 miles north by east of Bhatora. 











1 1 







First Plate 



[f^]^ [R] ^FTRTRElWT^jFRT 


[qfTTRT] ?? JTTTX^^ [?tcr] 7%fxf T f ^ l^TRf p; ] 

[T^TTjfT^^^'tRTlTT (^) frPT'J^^ q-'4T[^] 

3| I ch rH 1 f^d'^l =T ^%T^Wrf^Tr fTWJT^^ferr^TTSf^'ir 

TT[’4T]q' fw^;=:'T7lf^tTTT)fTEr fTTTTT ST^RT^r T^R 

[£nR]^^^'t[Tr]Rt [1*] TR 5T>i’TfT-=JlRS)f^7R^=^^^fs|^f^’«T?TrfeR5^r 


[TR ] RRTT^^TTTf T^Tr^f^RRTIR^>< TTrTrfT^nTt'TRdTR^fTTR^TR'JR^ .' 
q-y;^cryiTfi-fg-^q-urfR^R RRfRRRRqf7^>q‘R^^fmR|^R5'R5}^RTTRRT[fT-] 

0 . 'Z A 

:j[R]RfRrrr ^RPR[fR]q'R^fR7rfhTRRl'WfTTfRTRT^RRx^l=TFRRRRR^ 



fcT^TRTRRTRfT [T] RRfRil ?i| RR RRTT%RT45ft4 [R] Rf [^] RTR [R RRf?R] d : 

5rT^rT2R^>?RRRRfTRR5rs^7|^;^^ fRrRtRRT[qcR %]tRfRt®[RRT:] 


1 Mr. Gupte identifies Bhattaiirika with Bhatgaon about nine miles from Vadner; but its name 
does not exactly correspond to BhaUaiinka, and we have, therefore, to suppose that urika, the second 
part of the name has been omitted. Bhatora, on the other hand, is clearly derived from Bhattaurika. 

3 ]Mr. Gupte says that Kdnlydna//J means a village of the Koniyas who correspond to the mc^dern 
Kdiis. He does not, however, state which village of the Koniyas is meant here. Perhaps a word like 
vdtaka has been omitted here. Konljdndm vdtaka may be identical with Kanhuvadi. 

3 From the photo-lithographs facing pp. 34 and 35 of £/>. Ind,^ Vol. XII. 

^ Expressed by a symbol. 

5 Read 

6 Read | a^q-. 

7 Read 

8 The lithograph shows a clear repha on ha* Read 




Second Plate 

19 VT |-5 r<+ Til W fj T^fWTFTt |- ri[T 

20 ^lTf=£«??JnTTTTTH:iT? 5 rt?T^ STT^T^STpTf]- 


22 [g-Jf^^TlT^or^lT^TTfiTT ^f^=T^t^TTfTT^>^kf^Ttc 5 T 4 wT^sf RTTTfq^'tTTcR- 

23 [5'JTTFR'T]^T ^^TfrTWrfr^T^'t Td1'!:^3s^<'^'^TqirHTTfT>rf'tNfdFiT><T«l«q^H- 

24 ^[TT]^=T3^^ ^4 <7^ + H ^TdTn 4 d TH 'H KT lkqTTn^^TTTi??F4 T'TTTTT^JT 


<= 4 ii^ [l*] 

26 [3Tt] 4T^TTfTfRTT2^^TRfTTrf^‘?^Rrf^lJ'TR TRRttT ^ 'T2:^^TRfr'TT^??f5T- 

27 [■ 4 ]qW Rm?T II Tfe RR RRfT ^fR^: [I'*'] 

3 TT= 5 #^T R 

28 3 TiTR[RT] ' R dTRR TTT TRT® 1 1 [ ^ 1 1*] fR^^TTSRlRTkTR R'^TTt^TTTfRR: [l*] froiTT- 
|TT RTTp^] 

29 RfiRTR ^ II [;^I1*] ^vrc%?qT RRT TMfRWITTkfR: [I*] IRT q^T RRT 



30 T[^](^) II [^ 11 *] TTRR^'’ qfqfeT I Rf^R^lRTT > 4 ^?; 

qRRiRkqRRR [IIYII*] qrf^^® 

31 ^[mjfT 3 TT RTR^krifT RRkqqR^TTTfw I fq^RqTRRqq%RTfR RTFr Tt RTR 

'O ND 

32 ^11 [im^ll*] 11 RRcR-RraRT TRRfqt RRqq^RTk^t qTTRRT^TT^^^- 

33 STd’-d+l^l'MVfdqN’iqr R■^14'7i|(qfR?^Ii^d^^d4^^dd' 

34 RfrafRiRRfrrRTRIlfqf dH I rTRRfTI I R ^00 ^.o [RTjSqq R ?o ^ [|l*] 

1 Read RRraT'TqPf I SIR^. 

2 The sign of punctuation is superfluous here. Read spfpTtTFTt. 

® The usual reading of this word is TTTR; . 

*Read ^T-. 


^ Mr. Gupte reads but that the superscript letter is fl, not is shown by the curve added 

to the subscript 

® Read ^^iP^Pd I 'd^d'=^. 

7 Read ^^FT^RTT. 


® Metre of this and the three following verses : Anushtiihh. 

» Read 

10 Read ^TPH^. 

Metre: Indravajm. 

This word is superfluous. 




Vadner Plates of Buddharaja: (Kalaciiuri) Year 360 









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3.- *s • 

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(iDL^ ^ 


n O *-) vf-i 

■ 3 ■ ■fea^ ? 


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kj ■ 


c CK a 

■ A . 



V.V- V-* 

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rr _ 


r -» J 

Ia-‘ b 




B. (;h. C’hhap.ra 

Rf-,. Nd 3977 E’35 778*51 


PURVEY OF India, Calcl'tt\. 





Success ! Hail ! From the victorious camp pitched at Vidisa — 

(For a translation of lines i — 13, see above, pp. 42 /.) 

(Line 14) His son, the illustrious Buddharaja — ^who meditates on his feet; who is 
a devout worshipper of Mahesvara; who is the sole ornament of the whole circle of the earth; 
who is the endowed with all the well-known excellences such as political wisdom, modesty, 
compassion, liberality, dexterity, courtesy, courage, bravery, fomness and others; who 
causes the destruction of the supreme arrogance, due to power, of mighty foes ; who is 
a dam to safeguard all established customs, {and) a resting place of success; who, with his 
unimpeded army, allays the sufferings of the people even as Vishnu does with his irre- 
sistible discus, — issues this order to all kings, feudatories, heads of bhogas^ and vishajas, the 
Mahattaras of rdshtras and villages, officials and others : — 

(L. 18) ‘Be it known to you ! For the increase of religious merit of (O///-) mother 
and father and Ourself, We have granted with a hbation of water the village (called 
the hamlet) of Koniyas adjacent to Bhattaurika (situated) in the Vatanagara bhoga, 
together with udrahga and uparikara, inclusive of all receipts and exempt from all gifts, 
forced labour and special rights, which is not to be entered by chdtas and bhatas, according 
to the maxim of waste land, {which is) to be enjoyed by a succession of sons and sons’ sons 
as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean and the earth will endure — to the Brahmana Bo- 
dhasvaminoftheK%apa gotra, who is a student of the Vajasaneya Madhyandina (sdkhd) 
and a resident of Vatanagara for the maintenance of bali, charu, vaisvadeva and other 
(religious) rites. 

(For a translation of lines lyz"], see above, p. 44.) 

(L. 27) And it has been said by the holy Vyasa, the redactor of the Vedas— 

(Here follow five benedictive and imprecatory verses.) 

(L. 32) In the year three hundred increased by sixty on the thirteenth (lunar 
day) of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada, this (order), the dutaka of which is the 
Mahd-balddhikrita, the illustrious Prasahyavigraha, has been written by Anaphita, the 
Chief Officer in charge of the Department of Peace and War, at the request of the 
queen Anantamahayi, a devotee of Pasupati. 

The year 300 (and) 60, (the month) Bhadrapada, the bright (fortnight), (the lunar day) 
10 (and) 3. 

No. 15; Plate IX 


These plates were found in the possession of Patel Karsan Daji of Sarsavni (Sarasavani), 
a village four and a half miles south of Padra in the Padra subdivision of the Baroda 
District in the Bombay State. They were edited, with photolithographs and a trans- 
lation, by Prof. Kielhorn in the Fpigraphia Indica, Vol. VI, pp. 294 ffi I edit them here 
from the same lithographs. 

‘These are two copper-plates, either of which measures io|" broad by -jl" 
high and is inscribed on one side only. Their margins are raised into rims. Through 
two holes at the bottom of the first and the top of the second plate are passed two unsol- 
dered plain rings, measuring z\" and 2I" in diameter. There is no seal and no in- 
dication of one having been attached to the plates. The writing is well-done and through- 
out in an excellent state of preservation. The size of letters is about The 

^ Fp. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 294. 



record consists of thirty-five lines, of which seventeen are inscribed on the first and 
eighteen on the second plate. 

The characters are of the western variety of the southern al